Obsidian Distribution Research Articles

Examining the distance-decay effect on obsidian lithic technological organization and its implications for raw material transportation: A case study from the Upper Paleolithic of Northeast Asia

This study conducts a comprehensive quantitative comparative analysis of the Upper Paleolithic obsidian industry in Northeast China and South Korea, examining the human adaptation, exploitation, and distribution of obsidian, juxtaposed with migration and interaction dynamics across the Mount Paektu (Paektusan) and Korean Peninsula. Integrating distance-decay theory with the hunter-gatherer social network model, and informed by new archaeological findings, our research addresses three vital domains: the supply zone of Paektusan obsidian, dispersal patterns, and lithic technological strategies correlated to obsidian availability.An obsidian raw material supply zone hypothesized to extend 100 km from Paektusan is established based on artifact frequency and size variations. Through a novel statistical approach, coupled with extensive database analysis of artifacts from three recent Northeast China excavations and existing Sino-Korean literature, our findings indicate a higher exploitation intensity of limited obsidian resources in South Korea, manifesting in specialized microlith use. The comparative analysis across five distance groups and Least Cost Path (LCP) models suggests the possibility of more geographically restricted southward material transport to South Korea. This research advances our understanding of the regional prehistoric exchange networks and offers fresh insights into the technological organization within the Upper Paleolithic obsidian industries of Northeast Asia. It underscores potential variations in raw material conveyance loss and foreshadows the investigative opportunities that may emerge from future data accessibility in North Korea.

A network of designs: studying Early Lapita exchange networks in the Bismarck Archipelago, Papua New Guinea through Social Network Analysis

ABSTRACTThe application of Social Network Analysis to the study of archaeological networks has become increasingly common around the world, with a proven track record of processing large, complex, spatial and temporal archaeological datasets. This study builds upon previous network‐based analyses of interaction between communities of the Lapita Cultural Complex, with a specific focus on the Early Period (c.3300/3200–3100 calBP) in the Bismarck Archipelago, Papua New Guinea. Employing motif inventories from 13 Early Lapita Period assemblages, motif similarity and Centrality Analysis are undertaken, with the results compared to data from portable material culture, particularly obsidian and pottery, to further define the networks of interaction that linked communities during this period. We conclude that motif similarities and Centrality Analysis scores show good agreement with patterns of interactions established from the analysis of other types of portable material culture, which together support the existence of northern west to east and southern obsidian distribution networks, comprised of communities that employed unique types of interaction tailored towards their own cultural and societal circumstances and needs. Finally, we further conclude that these two networks may have arisen during the initial formation of the Lapita Cultural Complex, as populations established new social connections with other settler communities and incumbent populations across the region to survive in a new and foreign environment.

FROM THE WEST TO THE EAST. ON THE TRANSCARPATHIAN CIRCULATION OF THE LITHIC RAW MATERIALS DURING THE LINEAR POTTERY CULTURE (LBK) DEVELOPMENT

The article is devoted to the issue of far-reaching, Transcarpathian distribution and exchange of various flint raw materials and obsidian during the development of Linear Pottery Culture (LBK). The currently-available source data suggest clear differences between the oldest (Pre Music-Note) and the younger (Music-Note and Želiezovce) developmental phases of this culture in terms of directions and range, as well as the form and degree of distribution intensity of particular raw materials. This applies in equal measure to the raw materials of high technological importance – distributed in large quantities in the forms of concretions, pre-cores, or prepared cores – and to blades, flakes or tools, constituting only a minor quantitative supplement to the mainstream Transcarpathian distribution of raw materials, much less important in this respect and represented within particular inventories by very few specimens. Particularly significant differences are visible at the younger developmental stage of the LBK. They are closely related to the much broader context of cultural phenomena and changes that took place in the areas on the northern side of the Carpathians at the turn of the 6th and 5th millennia BC as a direct reflection of the intensity of interregional contacts, both at the intra and intercultural level.

Obsidian in the Valley of Volcanoes, Peru

The Andagua Valley in the Department of Arequipa of southern Peru has only recently seen systematic archaeological investigations, revealing ancient agricultural communities that, despite apparent geographic isolation, were integrated economically with the wider Andean world. Portable x-ray fluorescence analysis of 137 obsidian artifacts recovered from sites in the lower Andagua Valley identifies the transfer of obsidian from Peru’s three largest sources, with > 90% of the analyzed artifacts coming from the Alca-1 source northwest of the valley. In addition to Alca-1 obsidian, small amounts of obsidian from the distant sources of Chivay and Quispisisa appeared in distinct contexts associated with local pre-Inka occupations, corresponding with the Middle Horizon and Late Intermediate Periods (600 – 1000 and 1000 – 1400 Common Era). Obsidian from the Alca-4 and Alca-5 sources, originating on the adjacent plateau, was also transported to Andagua during these periods, possibly continuing under Inka imperial expansion after 1400 CE.Because there is no archaeological evidence of either Wari or Tiwanaku states in the lower Andagua Valley, the probable mechanisms of obsidian transfer include direct or down-the-line exchange between plateau-based camelid pastoralists and valley farmers. Therefore, at least some long-distance obsidian transfers in southern Peru were carried out without direct oversight from Wari or Tiwanaku, though these transfers may have been facilitated by region-scale economic integration during the Middle Horizon and Late Intermediate Period. Tracing the distribution of obsidian in the Andagua Valley highlights both intra-valley and inter-zonal relationships between the Valley of the Volcanoes and specific areas of the high-elevation Andean plateau while illuminating dynamic economic and social connections along the central Andes in the pre-Hispanic past.

Identifying the origins of obsidian artifacts in the Deh Luran Plain (Southwestern Iran) highlights community connections in the Neolithic Zagros

Exchange networks created by Neolithic pastoral transhumance have been central to explaining the distant transport of obsidian since chemical analysis was first used to attribute Near Eastern artifacts to their volcanic origins in the 1960s. Since then, critical reassessments of floral, faunal, and chronological data have upended long-held interpretations regarding the emergence of food production and have demonstrated that far-traveled, nomadic pastoralists were more myth than reality, at least during the Neolithic. Despite debates regarding their proposed conveyance mechanisms, obsidian artifacts' transport has received relatively little attention compared with zooarchaeological and archaeobotanical lines of investigation. The rise of nondestructive and portable instruments permits entire obsidian assemblages to be traced to their sources, renewing their significance in elucidating connections among early pastoral and agricultural communities. Here we share our findings about the obsidian artifacts excavated from the sites of Ali Kosh and Chagha Sefid in the southern Zagros. In the 1960s and 1970s, 28 obsidian artifacts from the sites were destructively tested, and the remainder were sorted by color. Our results emphasize a dynamic, accelerating connectivity among the Early and Late Neolithic communities. Here we propose and support an alternative model for obsidian distribution among more settled communities. In brief, diversity in the obsidian assemblage accelerated diachronically, an invisible trend in the earlier studies. Our model of increasing population densities is supported by archaeological data and computational simulations, offering insights regarding the Neolithic Demographic Transition in the Zagros, an equivalent of which is commonly thought to have occurred around the world.

Analysis by pXRF of Prehistoric Obsidian Artifacts From Several Sites on Ustica (Italy): Long-Distance Open-Water Distribution From Multiple Island Sources During the Neolithic and Bronze Ages

AbstractThe small island of Ustica was a regular part of the obsidian distribution network in the central Mediterranean, despite its location more than 50 km north of western Sicily. More than 1000 obsidian artifacts from several different sites, ranging in age from the Neolithic through Bronze Age, were analyzed using a non-destructive, portable X-ray fluorescence spectrometer. Obsidian from Lipari-Gabellotto dominates the assemblages at all sites tested, yet Pantelleria obsidian from both Balata dei Turchi and Lago di Venere are of notable quantities. Obsidian was not likely a major part of the material transported across open waters to this seemingly remote location, while our data support the hypothesis that some direct travel occurred from the Aeolian Islands to Ustica.

The movement of obsidian in Subarctic Canada: Holocene social relationships and human responses to a large-scale volcanic eruption

Lithic provenance analyses offer means to reconstruct ancestral social relationships in Subarctic North America. We summarize sourced obsidian data from 462 archaeological sites in the Yukon and Northwest Territories, Canada, and interpret obsidian distribution through the Holocene with particular attention to the volcanic White River Ash East event of A.D. 846–848. We argue that social mechanisms explain overlapping occurrences of exotic and local obsidians and that the volcanic ash fall triggered changes to obsidian exchange patterns. Following the volcanic event, obsidian from British Columbia moved north into the Yukon with higher frequency. Instead of a population replacement, persistent patterns in the distribution of some obsidian source groups suggest that the ash temporarily pushed some Yukon First Nations south where they strengthened networks of exchange that were retained upon their return. The short-term displacement may also have facilitated the movement of bow and arrow technology into the Yukon, which appears concurrent with the volcanic event. The large-scale eruption had the potential to sever connections between a small group of ancestral Dene (Athapaskans) and their homeland, which culminated in a continent-wide migration in the Late Holocene.

Temporal Variation in Obsidian Procurement in the Northern Rio Grande and Its Implications for Obsidian Movement into the San Juan Area

Arakawa and colleagues (2011) use temporal changes in obsidian source patterns to link the late thirteenth-century abandonment of the Mesa Verde region to Ortman's (2010, 2012) model of Tewa migration to the northern Rio Grande. They employ Anthony's (1990) concept of reverse migration, inferring that an increase in Mesa Verde–region obsidian from a specific Jemez Mountain source reflects the scouting of an eventual migration path. Weaknesses of this inference are that only obsidian data from the Mesa Verde region were used in its development and that the model does not consider the complexities of previously documented patterns of settlement and stone raw material use in the northern Rio Grande. By examining source data from parts of northwestern and north-central New Mexico, we find that the patterning seen in the Mesa Verde obsidian data is widespread both geographically and temporally. The patterns are more indicative of a change in acquisition within a down-the-line exchange system than a reverse migration stream. Population trends on the southern Pajarito Plateau, the probable source of the acquisition change, suggest ancestral Keres rather than Tewa involvement in thirteenth-century obsidian distribution.

The first archaeometric characterization of obsidian artifacts from the archaeological site of Samshvilde (South Georgia, Caucasus)

This paper presents the first results about the provenance of obsidian fragments recovered in the archaeological site of Samshvilde (South Georgia, Caucasus) with the aim to obtain knowledge related to the network distribution and procurement of obsidian in Georgia. The geochemical characterization of thirty archaeological finds was obtained by the LA-ICP-MS method, an almost non-destructive technique capable of chemically characterizing the volcanic glass. A comparison of geochemical results obtained on both archaeological artefacts and geological samples collected from Chikiani outcrop in Georgia, together with literature data of southern Caucasus and eastern Turkey, allowed us to define the source of the archaeological obsidians of Samshvilde site. The majority of archaeological samples (28/30) shows a local provenance, precisely from Chikiani (Georgia) on the contrary the other two samples suggest a provenance from two different Armenian sources respectively Gegham and Akhurian volcanic system.

Obsidian from the Bronze Age Village of San Vincenzo, Stromboli, Aeolian Islands: A Preliminary Investigation

Abstract We present the preliminary results of the ongoing investigation of the obsidian from the Bronze Age village of San Vincenzo, Stromboli, Aeolian Islands, for the purpose of providing technological and typological characterization, and also provenance of the raw material, the latter with non-destructive p-XRF. Regarding provenance, the source of the raw material is likely to be neighbouring Lipari. It was transported to Stromboli and used mostly in a highly opportunistic manner and for the production of blade(let), non-bladelike tools (mainly scrapers) and micro bladelets. The obsidian distribution around the site shows concentration in both domestic and production areas.

Obsidian Distribution of the Northern Patagonian Forest Area and Neighboring Sectors during the Late Holocene (Neuquén Province, Argentina)

AbstractAnalysis of 519 obsidian artifacts (pebbles, debitage, cores and small bifaces) by nondestructive X-ray fluorescence from forests and steppes of southern Lanín National Park in the northern Patagonian Andean region, from Lácar (chemical group QU/AP), Lolog (CP-LL 1), Filo Hua-Hum (FHH), Paillakura (Pk, former unknown 1 group), Meliquina (MQ, former unknown group 2) and Yuco (YC) sources. Neutron activation analysis was applied to 29 of the artifacts. We identified for the first time the presence of obsidian from distant Covunco (PC1) in the center of Neuquén. This paper is the first English language publication of our ongoing, ten-year-long research. In accordance with previous work, but using other analytical techniques, the most frequently used sources during the late Holocene remain CP/LL 1 and Pk, here we add YC, mainly by the incorporation of new sites recently surveyed in the islands and the coast of Lake Lácar, next to its source. Another result consistent with previous work is the absence of obsidian from Mendoza and Chilean sources; therefore, we suggest these obsidians circulate just to the east and northeast, allowing us to discuss issues of human territoriality during the Late Holocene.

Origins of obsidian at the “Pompeii of the Syrian Desert:” Sourcing lithic artifacts from the Yale-French excavations at Dura-Europos

The Hellenistic, Parthian, and Roman site of Dura–Europos (or simply “Dura”), dubbed the “Pompeii of the Syrian Desert” by Yale historian and archaeologist Michael Rostovtzeff, was jointly excavated by Yale University and the French Academy of Inscriptions and Letters from 1928 to 1937. Given the outstanding preservation of art and architecture at Dura, it is not surprising that four obsidian artifacts have escaped attention, despite evidence that stone tools – including obsidian ones – continued to be used into and after the Iron Age in the Eastern Mediterranean. After more than eight decades, the character of Dura's connections to the Classical world remains a matter of debate. Pottery includes not only local ceramic wares but also North African and Aegean ones. Our nondestructive pXRF testing establish that the Dura artifacts match the three most widely used Eastern Anatolian obsidian sources: Nemrut Dağ volcano as well as the Bingöl A and B sources. If indeed obsidian arrived at Dura via long-standing mechanisms of Mesopotamian exchange, these Eastern Anatolian obsidians would be expected. Unfortunately, the artifacts' precise locations at Dura are unclear, the excavations lacked stratigraphic constraints, and Near Eastern obsidian distribution patterns have been rarely studied beyond the Early Bronze Age. Keeping in mind these limitations, our findings are most consistent with past suggestions regarding the importance of local Mesopotamian influences and resources at the site.

ALTICA, COAPEXCO, AND THE ROLE OF MIDDLEMEN IN FORMATIVE OBSIDIAN EXCHANGE

AbstractAltica's location in the Patlachique Range, 10 km away from the Otumba obsidian source, suggests its potential role in the distribution of Otumba obsidian. Altica may have been an important Formative middleman and processing site for obsidian exchange within the Basin of Mexico. To the south, Coapexco's position along a natural, restricted inlet to the Basin of Mexico may have enabled it to function as a node for pooling and distributing material into the Basin. This paper combines geochemical sourcing and technological data drawn from several Early and Middle Formative obsidian assemblages to reconstruct the movement of obsidian in this period to identify obsidian sources and consumption sites. In doing so, the paper assesses the role that intermediary sites like Altica and Coapexco could have played in the processing and distribution of obsidian into more distant consumption sites.

Andesite and obsidian accessibility and distribution during the Holocene in north-west Santa Cruz province (south-central Patagonia), Argentina

This paper discusses different aspects related to the andesite and obsidian availability and circulation routes in different moments of the occupation sequence in the Pueyrredón-Posadas-Salitroso (PPS) Lake Basin in the north, and the Burmeister-Belgrano (BB) Lake Basin to the south (north-west Santa Cruz province, Argentinian Patagonia).
 The distribution of raw materials - both in space and time - allows us to assert that potential regional circulation routes would have been affected differentially by the palaeolakes present from the Pleistocene up until the mid-Holocene. We are taking into account three sites: Cueva Milodón Norte 1 (CMN1), located in the northeast coast of the Pueyrredón Lake, Cerro de los Indios 1 (CI1) (central portion of the PPS Basin), and Cerro Casa de Piedra 7 (CCP7) (near to the Burmeister Lake). This investigation considers six periods, based on the calibrated ranges from 73 radiocarbon dates: 17 from CI1, 14 from CMN1, and 42 radiocarbon dates from CCP7.
 As a result of this analysis we can conclude that, in sites with a higher density of occupation such as CI1 and CCP7, the use of obsidian (non-local rock) and andesite or basalt did not vary over time. In the case of CMN1, access to the sources of these raw materials varied according to the presence of large bodies of water, although it does not seem to have influenced the procurement of these rocks.

First technological and provenance analysis on obsidian artifacts from Tafí Valley (Tucumán Province, Argentine Republic)

The aim of this paper is to report the first analyses carried out on obsidian artifacts recovered from two archaeological sites of the Tafí valley (Tucumán, Argentina), dating to the first and second millennium C.E. The study addresses the sourcing and use of this raw material in their contexts, as well as the inclusion of the study area within the obsidian distribution circuits in the Northwest of Argentina. The methodology included techno-morphological and morphological-functional analyses as well as chemical provenance studies (XRF). The results enabled us to detect, so far, the use of the Ona-Las Cuevas source, located approximately 240 km far from the sites, and to suggest the implementation of indirect procurement practices within complex distribution circuits. We have also established that the obsidian artifacts would have been used intensively in daily activities which were part of household organization, such as long-distance relationships, hunting and processing food. Based on this information, we discuss the practical uses of obsidian, as well as other possible roles of this raw material in pre-Hispanic contexts which contribute to broaden knowledge about the cultural developments of Tafí valley.

Deconstructing a complex obsidian “source‐scape”: A geoarchaeological and geochemical approach in northwestern Patagonia

AbstractNorthwestern Patagonia is located in a tectonically active part of the southern Andes (Argentina), which has facilitated the formation of obsidian, including pyroclastic deposits that have been affected by geomorphic processes, resulting in a complex obsidian landscape. To date, the geomorphic relocation of obsidian in the landscape has not been a focus of systematic research, and this hampers our understanding of prehistoric human mobility. We present an updated assessment of the regional availability of different obsidian types based on results from our research program, which combines geoarchaeological survey and geochemical characterization to understand the properties and distribution of obsidian. This robust “source‐scape” provides the foundation for reconstructing patterns of lithic provisioning and discard. Our results suggest that interpretations of obsidian availability across the landscape should be more nuanced than is typically acknowledged. Based on our improved “source‐scape,” we discuss the patterns observed in an archaeological X‐ray fluorescence database. When compared with the geoarchaeological reconstruction of obsidian availability, the archaeological record conforms to a distance‐decay pattern. Contrary to previous interpretations, we suggest that the distribution of obsidian types is not isomorphic with human home ranges. This geoarchaeological research program provides a basis for integrating the archaeological record of different Andean regions.

Picking up The Pieces: Reconstructing Lithic Production Strategies at a Late Holocene Obsidian Quarry in Southern Kenya

ABSTRACTUse of particular lithic quarries by different cultural groups is a prominent feature of the Pastoral Neolithic period in southern Kenya (ca. 3200–1400 b.p.), when lifeways based on herding domesticated livestock spread through eastern Africa. Here, I present lithic attributes from the recently excavated Elmenteitan Obsidian Quarry assemblage to examine the site’s role in an obsidian distribution network spanning southwestern Kenya. Evidence from the quarry reflects intensive preparation of blade cores and blade reduction. Changes in platform size, flake scar orientation, curvature, and cortical rates through the reduction sequence permit a preliminary reconstruction of Elmenteitan core production strategies that can serve as a basis for regional comparative studies. Uniformity in blade core design and reduction strategy suggests highly organized use of the quarry and supports its role as a production center for regional exchange. Results inform regional debates and contribute to a growing literature on the potential of quarry archaeology.

INTERREGIONAL OBSIDIAN EXCHANGE DURING THE LATE INITIAL PERIOD AND EARLY HORIZON: NEW PERSPECTIVES FROM CAMPANAYUQ RUMI, PERU

Campanayuq Rumi is a large civic-ceremonial center located in the south-central highlands of Peru. Founded in the late Initial Period (1100–800 BC), Campanayuq Rumi became an important center within the Chavín Interaction Sphere in the Early Horizon (ca. 800–400 BC). In particular, Campanayuq Rumi is significant because of its geographical proximity to Quispisisa, the most important and widely circulated obsidian source during the Early Horizon. Portable X-ray florescence (pXRF) was used to geochemically source a sample of 370 obsidian artifacts from Campanayuq Rumi. Though obsidian from Quispisisa dominates the assemblage throughout the site's history, diachronic analysis indicates that the diversity of obsidian sources increases markedly in the Campanayuq II Phase (700–450 BC). The pXRF data lead us to conclude that Campanayuq Rumi was the locus of obsidian distribution to other locations in highland and coastal Peru within the Chavín Interaction Sphere, and functioned as a regional center of worship and interaction.

Obsidian Studies in the Prehistoric Central Mediterranean: After 50 Years, What Have We Learned and What Still Needs to Be Done?

AbstractObsidian sourcing studies have been conducted in the central Mediterranean for more than 50 years. Detailed studies have been done on the geological sources on four Italian islands, and many analytical methods have been used to successfully distinguish between them. The ability to conduct analyses using those minimally (LA-ICP-MS) or totally (XRF, pXRF) non-destructive to artifacts has led to >10,000 analyses just in the last decade. Along with the ability to assign artifacts to specific geological subsources, and an increased number of studies of techno-typology, this has allowed interpretations to be made about source access and territorial control, craft specialization and the chaîne opératoire, as well as the modes, frequency, and directions of movement and how that varied spacially and temporally. Obsidian especially from Lipari and from Monte Arci in Sardinia traveled hundreds of kilometers on a regular basis starting in the Early Neolithic. By the Late Neolithic, in some areas there was selection of specific obsidian sources and subsources, and differences in production methods and tool typology. Obsidian distribution and usage in the central Mediterranean continued over four-and-one-half millennia, in many areas well into the Bronze Age. There is much more still to do integrating these different studies, especially use-wear studies, along with those of lithic and other materials that also played a role in prehistoric transport and trade systems.

Obsidian sources and distribution in Patagonia, southernmost South America

Obsidian artifacts occur in some of the earliest occupied late Pleistocene archaeological sites in Patagonia, such as Pilauco (∼15,500 cal BP) in south-central Chile, and Cerro Tres Tetas (∼12,100 cal BP) in Santa Cruz, Argentina, and they are very common in numerous early Holocene sites. Trace-element analysis of artifacts from these sites indicate long-distance (>300 to >1000 km) transport of obsidian from nine different sources. Two of these sources, Chaitén (CH) and Nevados de Sollipulli (NS), are associated with active Andean volcanoes in southern Chile. One, around Seno Otway (SO), occurs in the Miocene volcanic belt in the southernmost Andes. The six others, Portada Covunco (PC), Cerro de la Planicies/Lago Lolog (CP/LL), Sacanana (S), Telsen/Sierra Negra (T/SN), Pampa del Asador (PDA) and Cordillera Baguales (CB), occur east of the Andes in Argentina. Geologic ages of these obsidians range from 17.8 Ma (Sacanana) to recent (Chaitén). Obsidian from each of these sources is generally homogeneous and chemically distinct from all the other sources. Those from the Chilean Andes are subalkaline in composition, while those from the pampas of Argentina east of the Andes are alkaline and peralkaline. Chaitén obsidian occurs in marine culture sites along the Pacific coast as far as >400 km to the north and south of this volcano, and a few samples has been found >900 km to the southeast along the Atlantic coast, presumably transported there in a canoe. Green obsidian from Seno Otway was also exploited dominantly by marine cultures, but occurs as well in terrestrial hunter-gatherer sites such as Pali-Aike and Fell's caves, from which Junius Bird first reported, in 1938, prehistoric obsidian artifacts in Patagonia. Distinctive black and red-banded “tiger-striped” obsidian from Portada Covunco has also been transported >500 km east to the Atlantic coast, as well as west into Chile and to Mocha Island off the Pacific coast, perhaps because of its aesthetic appeal. Black alkaline obsidian from Pampa del Asador, which includes at least four chemically distinct types, has been distributed by terrestrial hunter-gatherers >800 km northeast to the Atlantic coast and south to Tierra del Fuego, as well as west into Chile. The wide distribution (>300 km) of obsidian from each of these nine sources, well beyond the range considered probable for direct procurement by Patagonian terrestrial hunter-gatherers (≤200 km), implies the possibility of a considerable amount of cultural interaction among the prehistoric peoples of Patagonia throughout the Holocene.