Distribution Of Economic Resources Research Articles

The Politics of Economic Policy-Making in Zimbabwe

There are two remarkable features of post-independence economic policy-making in Zimbabwe: the very limited nature of the changes made by the new government in 1980, and the complete reversal of policy announced in 1990. It was surprising that a more radical transformation had not been introduced soon after independence, since this had been achieved by a civil war prompted not only by the denial of even basic rights to the majority of the population, but also by an extremely inequitable distribution of economic resources. The volte-face in 1990 was also unexpected, because it required a repudiation of governmental rhetoric at a time when the economy was by no means in a state of crisis, even though under stress. This article attempts to understand these policy shifts.

The Economics of Pharmacotherapy for Diabetes Mellitus

Diabetes mellitus is a chronic disease that has a major social impact. Proper planning for the management of patients with diabetes mellitus requires consideration of the important costs that diabetes imposes on the health system. Most of the indirect costs (lost productivity as a result of disability, absenteeism, loss of potential productive years of life), are related to diabetic complications, which greatly exceed the rest of the costs, and are also very difficult to classify in a standard manner. Direct costs (pharmacy, hospitalisation, consultations) mostly derive from healthcare strategies that aim to reduce late complications of the condition and maintain day-to-day quality of life. Therefore, it does not seem difficult to estimate pharmaceutical expenditures. The consumption of oral antihyperglycaemic agents, insulin, injection equipment and self-monitoring equipment indicates prescription tendencies and shows the influence on costs, and provides indirect information about the quality of healthcare or patients with diabetes mellitus. Over the last few years, some developed countries have shown a progressive increase in pharmaceutical expenditure on diabetic care, whereas economically depressed countries have experienced a dramatic shortage of basic medicines such as insulin. Considering the increase in consumers, and the international distribution of illnesses, both a hypothetical excess cost (related to consumerism; incurred by the health system and the diabetic population) and an irregular distribution of economic resources are evident. A co-ordinated health plan for patients with diabetes mellitus, involving the collaboration of diabetologists and epidemiologists with the pharmaceutical industry, and appropriate training measures for patients and professionals, would improve pharmacoeconomic efficiency in managing this disorder.

The Family, the Market, and the State in Ageing Societies

Using a mixture of economic and demographic analysis, this book studies the changing patterns of family formation over the last twenty years. A strength of the book is the data and analysis included on Japan and Western countries, which have previously been less researched than the developing world. The first part explores the effects of economic considerations on family formation. Topics covered include the correlation between levels of cohabitation and personal economic resources and modelling the changes in optimal timing of childbearing in Britain, using the earnings profile of the mothers. The second part deals explicitly with the impact of demographic patterns on economic behaviour, and especially with the distribution of economic resources as a smaller working population supports a growing population of the elderly. The data used is from Sweden, Japan, and France, and the economic models used find that lower consumption and greater inequality is the likely implication for the future.

Social Constructions and Cultural Contradictions: A Look at a Christian Perspective on Economics

Economics and the New RightThe economic perspective that I label Christian is predicated on two things. One is the inerrant Bible and the other is the neoclassical economic paradigm. The former is cited to support the latter, in particular the economic theory's assumptions and implications concerning a capitalistic free-market economy, individual freedom and limited government. The particular position I will address is promulgated by the Contemporary Economics and Business Association (CEBA), head-quartered at Liberty University in Lynchburg, Virginia. The CEBA may be seen as a branch of the political movement often known as the New Right. The following passage provides a succinct introduction to this position.The most potent justifications for the orientation to economic growth and material success within American culture have been those that imbue this orientation with broader religious meaning....American conservative ideology captures the libertarian emphasis on material progress and individual success, but envelopes these within an appeal to divine providence, transcendent values, and collective social bonds. In this way, contemporary American conservatism affirms both God and capitalism. (Himmelstein 22-23, emphasis added)The CEBA in fact seems to find God in capitalism and its supporting market theory, the neoclassical paradigm.The neoclassical economic paradigm presents an ideal image of market behavior where each economic actor has equal power and perfect knowledge, resulting in individual behavior that is rational and optimizing; actors in an economic market are always maximizing their utility or profit while minimizing their cost. Further, economic actors are assumed voluntarily and independently to enter the market about which they have full knowledge, each individual market transaction being viewed independently from any other. These assumptions combine to result not only in the maximization of individual satisfaction, whether profit or utility, but also in the best, most efficient solution to the economic problem (i.e., scarce resources combined with unlimited wants) for society--the great good for the greatest number. This is an economically optimal, allocatively efficient solution in which no one can be made any better off without anyone else being made worse off. In the competitive market economy of neoclassical economics, prices efficiently ration goods and services, and distributive justice is thereby achieved in the private sector with the resulting distribution of economic resources.One function the neoclassical economic paradigm performs for economists is that of a bridge between God and capitalism. Interestingly however, when economists cite Scripture to legitimize the tenets of neoclassical economics, they never mention the story of Judas. Judas is an example of an economic man enjoying independent freedom of choice, of self-interested behavior that these proponents of economics at least theoretically laud. The story goes: Then one of the twelve, called Judas Iscariot, went to the chief priests, and said to them, 'What will you give me, and I will deliver to you?' And they covenanted with for thirty pieces of silver. And from that time he sought opportunity to betray him (Matthew 26:14-16).The neoclassical economic paradigm celebrates this ever-optimizing individual whose behavior, by definition, insures the just distribution of economic resources. According to its assumptions, economic actors should follow their Internal subjective motivations concerning their own actions. Actions follow logically, rationally and consistently from values. But tautological problems plague the neoclassical paradigm because it cannot differentiate among behaviors. Behavior is accepted as evidence of values and results in utility maximization. So, since all behavior is maximizing, whatever the individual economic actor does will promote the most efficient solution to the economic problem. …

Infant mortality, public policy and inequality – a comparison of 18 industrialised countries 1950–85

AbstractUsing new comparative data bases this paper examines whether infant mortality rates in industrialised nations are affected by public policies and income inequality. Particular attention is given to the role of the level of economic development, public policy and the distribution of economic resources. The study shows that the level of economic development has a strong, but decreasing impact on the infant mortality rate. Income inequality and relative poverty rates appear to be of greater importance for the variation in infant mortality rates than the level of economic development between rich countries. Levels of unemployment and of social security benefits seems to affect the infant mortality rate; the combination of high unemployment and low unemployment benefits seems to be associated with particularly high mortality rates. A high level of family benefits is also associated with low infant mortality rates.

The Effects of Disaster Damage and Housing AID on Household Recovery Following the 1976 Guatemalan Earthquake

This paper examines the effects of housing programs, disaster damage, community type, and other social determinants on household recovery following a major natural disaster-the 1976 Guatemalan earthquake. The domestic assets index, a measure of household living conditions, and a refined measure of household recovery are introduced and employed. The domestic assets scale is an index of the economic value of household equipment and is an adaptation of level-of-living scales. While reconstruction aid was the single most important determinant of recovery, it was the type and not the value of aid that was critical. Strong support exists for the conclusion that temporary housing as a form of aid retarded the recovery process while permanent housing programs actually produced net improvement in living conditions. There is also evidence that the unequal effects of different types of housing programs produced significant changes in the distribution of economic resources, thus effecting the stratification system in affected communities. In addition, while other factors associated with the social characteristics of households were found to be important, this analysis consistently suggests that households residing in small, rural, and politically removed communities experienced greater difficulty in overcoming the debilitating effects of a natural disaster.

The economic status of the elderly.

Augmented by public programs such as Social Security and Medicare, incomes of the elderly in the United States have grown more rapidly during the last several decades than have the incomes of other groups, so that on average the elderly are at least as well off as the nonelderly. Not all elderly, however, have done as well: widows, in particular, have high poverty rates. The economic prospects of the elderly during the next few decades are good because of the large work force from the baby-boom cohort. In the distant future a large fraction of the population will be elderly, which will probably lead to a deterioration in their economic status. Today, the main problems center on the distribution of economic resources among the elderly and on uncertainties such as costs of medical care.

Liberal Democracy and Rural Development in Botswana

Students of government quite often argue that citizen participation leads to a more equal sharing of economic resources in society. Most empirical support for this proposition comes from analyses of western European societies.' In the third world literature, scholars advance this thesis mostly with regard to a village or community context. They assert that participation in key decisions of social change is a critical if not sufficient condition for insuring that the local populace's resources are mobilized and its needs served (Charlick, 1980; Huntington and Nelson, 1976; International Labour Office, 1977; and Nelson, 1979). At the nation-state level, particularly in Africa, there has been little opportunity because of the one-party states and military regimes to establish the character of the relationship between participation and the distribution of economic resources. One prominent study of elections in Kenya's one-party state (Bienen, 1978: 90) concludes that competition for elected office has created a government responsive to popular pressure and able to deliver goods and services which are highly valued. This study, however, did not attempt to establish that the poorer segments of the public actually benefited. For participation to result in any substantial equalization of wealth those who are most disadvantaged should receive some benefit. This paper seeks to explore this issue: Does a liberal democratic electoral system at the national level induce politicians of an African state to improve the economic existence of the poorer segments of the population? The empirical data for this analysis comes from Botswana. Since most of the poor in Botswana live in the rural areas, the paper will concentrate on rural development. Botswana has clearly functioned as a liberal democracy since 1965, when the first national elections took place under colonial rule. Subsequently, there have been three elections to select representatives to both the national parliament and local councils. In the four elections, all citizens (with a few exceptions, such as criminals) over twenty-one years of age could participate. Two or more viable political parties contested for most seats. Candidates campaigned in a climate of political freedom which allowed frank criticism of the ruling party. They presented points of view ranging from Marxist to traditionalist. About the only missing liberal democratic structure was an opposition newspaper, though this was not because of legal prohibitions.

Family Composition and Income Inequality

Modern economic growth contributes to changes in vital rates and social organization that modify the composition and size distribution of families. If these demographic features of the population account for patterns and trends in overall income inequality but do not equally reflect on the equity of the distribution of economic resources a decomposition of inequality according to these demographic features may clarify the origins and welfare implications of widely observed patterns and trends in inequality. This paper proposes an approach to decomposing income inequality by the composition and size of families. The framework is developed and implemented with data from Colombia and India. (EXCERPT)

Self‐determination as a challenge to United States foreign policy

Two fundamental human aspirations have stood out over the past 200 years. One is the quest of peoples for self‐determination; the other is the quest for physical survival and comfort. United States foreign policy has traditionally supported the notion of self‐determination, but has often, in the Cold War context, practiced policies which vitiated a people's quest for self‐determination. Particularly when that quest was perceived as pro‐Communist, U.S. support for self‐determination represented a commitment to the status quo: internally to the incumbant regime and externally to the system of sovereign states. Taken with the quest for physical security and comfort‐which today has led to greater economic interdependence‐the quest for self‐determination augers the arrival of a new world order. Thus, it is in the interest of the U.S. to abet the transition to a world order in which the political power of the state will be lessened and the distribution of economic resources made more equitable.

Foreign trade and the breakthrough of the engineering industry in Sweden 1890–1920

Abstract Foreign trade played an important, increasing and activating role in the development of the more industrialised countries after the middle of the nineteenth century. Because the geographical distribution of economic resources is generally uneven, conditions of production have evolved differently in different regions. The important factor of production which we term ‘technical know-how’ became more and more irregularly disseminated during the industrial revolution. Around the turn of the nineteenth century there developed a clearly discernible trend towards the concentration of industrial activity, primarily in the United States but also in several European countries, including Sweden. The role of the technical factor in this process of concentration was crucial. It was a matter of exploiting the opportunities for mechanisation, specialisation, and economies of scale created by technical innovations.

Chapter 6. Demography

As brought out in the discussion of Birhor social organization, the band can be viewed as a loose union of families bound together by ties of kinship. This union easily splits or coalesces into smaller or larger units during the course of the year. These changes in composition of the residential unit are facilitated by fairly regular migratory movements of the yearly round.This yearly round of the Birhor is not nearly so patterned as is found in agricultural populations, as there are a number of factors influencing their movement other than seasonal climatic changes. So far as economic activities are concerned, the three seasons for the Birhor are the wet season, June to October; the cold season, October to February; and the dry season, February to June. The relation of hunting, gathering, and ropemaking to these seasonal changes is described in the chapter on subsistence activities. This pattern of response to the distribution of economic resources leads to a general pattern of movement in which bands reach a maximum average size during the dry season. They may or may not remain in the same size unit during the wet season; however, they split into the smallest average size units at the end of the wet season.

Some Considerations Relating to Property Rights in Man

The existence of property rights affects the allocation and distribution of economic resources. The exclusive rights to ownership and control over assets leads to a different level and pattern of economic activity than would occur if these assets remained unowned or “common property.” While property rights are frequently subject to various constraints imposed by law or custom, within these bounds owners are free to use their resources to achieve their desired ends. Resources may be sold in an exchange of property rights, rented for a specified time period in exchange for some quid pro quo, or employed (or kept idle) by the owner himself. The owner's welfare function will include the income (or other utility) derived from use of the resource, while, for purposes of measuring national income, the final consumption of the entire population would be included.

Interpersonal and Economic Resources

High population density and increased institutional specialization, which are relatively novel features of human society. have provided conditions for a more efficient exchange of universalistic resources, while decreasing the opportunity for exchanging particularistic ones. The parallel with physical environment is striking: in both cases technology has created new problems in the process of solving old ones. Whether it is natural resources or interpersonal resources, physical ecology or social ecology, recognizing and defining the new problem is the first step toward its solution. The importance of particularistic resources in solving problems of modern society has scarcely been recognized. Welfare institutions, for example, often require clients to lose status for the money they receive. This form of exchange deprives the client of a resource which is already scarce for him, thus further reducing his chances of autonomous performance as a resource exchanger in society. By ignoring the significance of particularistic resources for social functioning, we tend to see the solution of social problems exclusively in terms of a better distribution of economic resources. Improvement of education, for instance, is considered almost equivalent to allocating more money for schools. Truly money is one of the neighbors of information in the order, but the other one is status. Evidence to suggest that higher status improves educational achievement has, indeed, been repeatedly reported (26). The very mention of particularistic resources in social planning causes uneasiness and bafflement. The economist Levitan (27), for example, in reviewing the activities of VISTA (a program of the Office of Economic Opportunity), wonders how to evaluate goals such as dedication, involvement, and good feeling. The reluctance to include particularistic resources in social engineering will hopefully decrease as we improve techniques for their observation and measurement and as we begin to understand their rules of exchange and their relationship to other resources. The work described here may constitute a step in such a direction. The opportunity to progress more decisively toward a comprehensive picture of the state of resources in society is provided by the proposal to institute social indicators (28). Properly constructed they could supply much needed information about resource deficiencies that affect the health of society and could suggest. measures to overcome them. The purpose of this article has been to summarize some of the knowledge we already possess about interpersonal resources and to outline its application to certain problems of modern society. It has been shown that when resources are classified into six categories and plotted on a two-coordinate space a definite structural pattern emerges. The position of each resource class in the structure appears related to certain properties which in turn affect differentially the exchange of resources in an urban environment. The structural charateristics of resources provide a theoretical basis for the understanding and solution of social problems in modern culture.