Distribution Of Cut Marks Research Articles

Do human butchery patterns exist? A study of the interaction of randomness and channelling in the distribution of cut marks on long bones.

Bone surface modifications (BSMs) in faunal assemblages are frequently used to infer past agency and actions of hominins and carnivores, with implications for the emergence of key human behaviours. Patterning of BSMs has mostly been defined as a combination of the intensity of marks per bone portion and sometimes per element. Numerous variables involved in butchery can condition cut mark anatomical distribution, so much so that these variables are widely assumed to be stochastic. Here, we present a new methodological approach using a novel geospatial tool (Ikhnos) which combines the three-dimensional spatial documentation of cut mark patterns with spatial statistics based on wavelets, applied to three experimental and ethnoarchaeological faunal assemblages. We use wavelets to identify patterning of multiple longitudinal series of cut mark distributions on bones, and to establish similarities or differences in patterning within and across different assemblages. This method demonstrates the existence of general and behaviour-specific butchery patterns. It can also be used to effectively assess the proportion of mark clustering that is due to randomness, versus that which is conditioned by the butchery process.

Making skull cups: Butchering traces on cannibalised human skulls from five European archaeological sites

The presence of skull cups (bowls made from human calvaria) is considered evidence of the ritualistic treatment of human bodies. These artefacts are characterised by careful manufacturing which can be taphonomically observed in bone surface modifications (BSM) as cut marks and percussion marks. These BSM show morphological similarities across Upper Palaeolithic, Neolithic, and Bronze Age assemblages. This study is focused on the analysis of the frequency and spatial distribution of cut marks on skull cups from Gough's Cave (UK), Herxheim (Germany), and El Mirador Cave (Spain), as compared to the frequency and spatial distribution of modifications on human skulls (non-skull cups) from TD6.2 of Gran Dolina (Spain) and Fontbrégoua (France), with the aim of identifying a common pattern related to a symbolic background. Nearest neighbour analysis and Kernel analyses were used to identify the distribution pattern of anthropogenically induced modifications. The results indicate that the frequency and distribution of cut marks on human skulls modified into skull cups are unique and are most likely to be the result of meticulous cleaning of skulls. A similar frequency and distribution pattern of modifications was also observed on skulls from Fontbrégoua, possibly related to the collection of skulls as war trophies. No parallels with the treatment of skulls of Homo antecessor at TD6.2 of Gran Dolina were observed. We suggest that the treatment of human skulls for ritualistic purposes therefore results in a consistent pattern of modification.

Bioarchaeological evidence of decapitation from Pacopampa in the northern Peruvian highlands

Little is known about the precise date of the emergence of decapitation in a ritual context and the presence of systematic postmortem modification patterns in the ancient Central Andes. The ceremonial complex at Pacopampa in the northern Peruvian highlands provides early osteological evidence of decapitation in six individuals dating to the latter half of the Late–Final Formative Periods (500–50 BC) and to the Early Cajamarca Period (AD 200–450). Based on osteological evidence, and when taken together with archaeological settings and settlement patterns, researchers can be certain that those whose heads were disembodied were not likely to have been involved in organized battles. In addition, the similarities in the cut-mark distribution, direction, and cross-sectional morphology of each individual's remains, as well as the characteristics of selected individuals, imply that the decapitated individuals were carefully prepared using a standardized method and that those who modified the heads may have been professional decapitators. This study offers indisputable bioarchaeological evidence of ritualistic offerings of human skulls and systematic postmortem modification patterns, which is consistent with a contemporaneous iconographic motif of decapitation and extends the chronology of this practice back to the Formative Period in the northern Peruvian highlands.

Cannibalism versus funerary defleshing and disarticulation after a period of decay: comparisons of bone modifications from four prehistoric sites.

Humanly induced modifications on human and non-human bones from four archaeological sites of known funerary rituals (one interpreted as cannibalism and three interpreted as funerary defleshing and disarticulation after a period of decay) were analyzed to ascertain whether macromorphological and micromorphological characteristics of cut marks can be used to distinguish cannibalistic from secondary burial practices. Four collections were analyzed: the Magdalenian assemblage from Gough's Cave (UK) and the Mesolithic-Neolithic bone samples from Lepenski Vir, Padina and Vlasac (Serbia). A total of 647 cut marks (345 on human and 302 on non-human remains) were imaged and measured using an optical surface measurement system, the Alicona InfiniteFocus, housed at the Natural History Museum (London, UK). The frequency of cut marks at Gough's Cave exceeds 65%, while it is below 1% in the Serbian sites, and no human tooth marks and only one case of percussion damage have been observed on the three Serbian collections. The distribution of cut marks on human bones is comparable in the four assemblages. Cannibalized human remains, however, present a uniform cut mark distribution, which can be associated with disarticulation of persistent and labile articulations, and the scalping and filleting of muscles. For secondary burials where modification occurred after a period of decay, disarticulation marks are less common and the disarticulation of labile joints is rare. The micromorphometric analyses of cut marks on human and non-human remains suggest that cut marks produced when cleaning partially decayed bodies are significantly different from cut marks produced during butchery of fresh bodies. A distinction between cannibalism and secondary treatment of human bodies can be made based on frequency, distribution and micromorphometric characteristics of cut marks.

Characterising the exploitation of avian resources: An experimental combination of lithic use-wear, residue and taphonomic analyses

Pilot experiments involving the butchering of bird carcasses and the use of non-retouched flint flakes were performed. The executed actions comprised skinning and defeathering various avifaunal species (Circaetus gallicus and Gyps fulvus). The main aim of this experimental programme was to document the use-wear on flint implements employed in the treatment of the avifaunal carcasses in order to help researchers identify this activity in the archaeological record. An additional focus of this study concerned the experimental organic residues (soft tissue and feathers) associated with the bird species used in the experiments. For each residue type, a detailed chemical elemental analysis and morphological characterisation were performed, with the aim of creating an experimental database for comparison with the micro-residues that will potentially be found on archaeological stone tools. For microscopic observations, we employed both Scanning Electron Microscopy (SEM) and Optical Light Microscopy (OLM). A detailed description of the use-wear features and residue types was achieved through a systematic comparison of micrographs taken with both techniques. In addition, EDS (energy-dispersive x-ray spectroscopy) was applied to determine the elemental composition of the residues. Taphonomic analysis of the bones of the carcasses used in the experimental programme was performed with the principal aim of comparing the distribution of cut marks on bones with the use-wear pattern on the lithic implements employed. Future developments of our research will improve the methodology by expanding the experimental programme and by applying it to archaeological collections (at sites where the processing of these kinds of animals has already been identified).

Did Homo erectus kill a Pelorovis herd at BK (Olduvai Gorge)? A taphonomic study of BK5

New research and excavations at Bell Korongo (BK, Olduvai Gorge, Upper Bed II) have uncovered a dense concentration of megafauna that contributes to our understanding of Homo erectus subsistence strategies around 1.34 Ma. Recent work has yielded clear taphonomic evidence for the exploitation of large-sized animals. The frequency and distribution of cut marks, for example, indicates that hominins enjoyed early access to substantial amounts of meat. This degree of carcass processing, particularly megafauna, suggests that the human group(s) exploiting them were large and had significant nutritional needs. Here, we build upon this work by presenting the first comprehensive taphonomic analysis of the faunal material excavated by the Leakeys at BK between 1952 and 1957 corresponding to 24 Pelorovis oldowayensis. Leakey’s assemblage was biased due to selective collection of the most readily identifiable specimens, among which long bone shafts were not included. The recent assemblage reflects the relevance of using long bone shafts to overcome the equifinality of the alternative scenarios proposed to explain the accumulation of Pelorovis. The analysis of The Olduvai Paleoanthropology and Paleoecology Project’s (TOPPP) recent assemblage sheds light on the reconstruction of hominin strategies of carcass acquisition at BK.

Wild cats and cut marks: Exploitation of Felis silvestris in the Mesolithic of Galgenbühel/Dos de la Forca (South Tyrol, Italy)

The present taphonomic study investigates the role of a small carnivore, Felis silvestris, in the subsistence strategies of Early Mesolithic hunter-gatherers who inhabited the Eastern Alps during the Early Holocene. A reasonable amount of wild cat remains, some bearing cut marks, were recovered during the archaeological excavations of the rock shelter site Galgenbühel/Dos de la Forca, located in South Tyrol (Adige Valley, Bolzano, Italy). The site was frequented from approximately 8500 to 7500 BC cal. by Sauveterrian groups whose economy was centered on the exploitation of nearby wetlands and the forested valley bottom and slopes. The fauna comprises abundant fish remains, molluscs, pond turtles as well as mammals, the latter dominated by the beaver, the wild boar and the red deer. In the reconstruction of hunter-gatherer subsistence strategies, it often thought that carnivores were exploited primarily for their fur. The present taphonomic study was carried out to verify if the exploitation of wild cat by Mesolithic groups was related to the procurement of additional resources. The analysis of the archaeological sample regarding skeletal frequencies and cut-mark distribution was integrated by an experimental work conducted on modern cats in order to reconstruct the chaîne opératoire adopted by man for the treatment of the carcasses. The 3D digital microscope analysis provided for each stria morphometrical parameters in order to identify the origin of cut marks. The anthropic traces found in the wild cat assemblage of Galgenbühel/Dos de la Forca are only partly related to skinning. The localisation and the features of some marks attest disarticulation and therefore support the use of F. silvestris as food.

An ecological neo-taphonomic study of carcass consumption by lions in Tarangire National Park (Tanzania) and its relevance for human evolutionary biology

Actualistic observations on modern lions (Panthera leo) from Tarangire National Park (Tanzania) have expanded the reported range of carcass consumption behaviors by these felids. The present study confirms that lions efficiently deflesh small and medium-sized carcasses and they can even thoroughly deflesh carcasses heavier than 500 kg, such as those of buffaloes. Ecology plays a major role in the intensity with which lions deflesh their prey. The most intensive carcass consumption episodes in Tarangire were documented in alluvial environments near water. Bone damage is proportional to the intensity of carcass consumption and upper limb bones, usually the most defleshed elements, are also the most heavily damaged. Butchery experiments with stone tools modelling secondary access to lion kills yielded a low cut mark frequency with an anatomical distribution of cut marks occurring more frequently on intermediate than on upper limb bones and on ends and metadiaphyses than on mid-shafts. The combination of the damage inflicted by lions on bones and the occurrence of cut marks as the result of secondary-access butchery by humans provides a heuristic framework with which to understand similar patterns in the archaeological record.

An Experimental Study of the Anatomical Distribution of Cut Marks Created by Filleting and Disarticulation on Long Bone Ends

Analogical frameworks created through experimentation are a vital part of taphonomic studies for interpreting the archaeological record. Understanding the anatomical location of cut marks is crucial for interpreting the butchery behaviour of humans in the past, as well as for indirectly inferring the subsistence and economic function of archaeological sites. Two experimental/ethnoarchaeological studies have provided taphonomists with analogues to interpret filleting and disarticulation butchery behaviours from archaeofaunal assemblages. However, these analogues were made with limited control and both involved the use of metal knives. The present work provides the first systematic and controlled study of cut mark distribution on long bones made with stone tools, aimed at differentiating cut marks created by filleting or defleshing from those inflicted during disarticulation. It also studies the variability of cut mark distribution according to stone tool type (simple flakes, retouched flakes and handaxes). The results show some differences with previous studies made with metal tools and offer an updated analogue to interpret butchery (filleting, dismembering and skinning) from prehistoric contexts.

The Taphonomy of Resource Intensification: Zooarchaeological Implications of Resource Scarcity Among Bofi and Aka Forest Foragers

Zooarchaeological analyses often rely on bone fragmentation, cut marks, and other taphonomic indicators to bolster interpretations of resource intensification that are based on observed changes in prey types and frequencies. While these taphonomic indicators are assumed to be good proxy measures of processing effort, this assumption is based on inadequate actualistic data and analysts often conflate one or more taphonomic indicators as manifestations of the same process. In this paper, we present zooarchaeological data from two villages occupied by Central African forest foragers with very different foraging efficiencies. These data provide the first case where known disparities in diet breadth and foraging efficiency are matched with prey assemblages and taphonomic attributes. Observational and quantitative data show differences between the villages in diet breadth and access to high-ranked prey, but specific taphonomic indicators such as cut mark distribution and intensity do not match predictions generated from models of resource intensification. We propose that linking different taphonomic processes to resource scarcity and intensification can provide powerful adjunctive information. However, because different processing outcomes may be associated with different kinds of resource intensification in response to different kinds of scarcity, we need to strengthen the validity of purported taphonomic indicators with more rigorous independent studies.

Earliest Directly-Dated Human Skull-Cups

BackgroundThe use of human braincases as drinking cups and containers has extensive historic and ethnographic documentation, but archaeological examples are extremely rare. In the Upper Palaeolithic of western Europe, cut-marked and broken human bones are widespread in the Magdalenian (∼15 to 12,000 years BP) and skull-cup preparation is an element of this tradition.Principal FindingsHere we describe the post-mortem processing of human heads at the Upper Palaeolithic site of Gough's Cave (Somerset, England) and identify a range of modifications associated with the production of skull-cups. New analyses of human remains from Gough's Cave demonstrate the skilled post-mortem manipulation of human bodies. Results of the research suggest the processing of cadavers for the consumption of body tissues (bone marrow), accompanied by meticulous shaping of cranial vaults. The distribution of cut-marks and percussion features indicates that the skulls were scrupulously 'cleaned' of any soft tissues, and subsequently modified by controlled removal of the facial region and breakage of the cranial base along a sub-horizontal plane. The vaults were also ‘retouched’, possibly to make the broken edges more regular. This manipulation suggests the shaping of skulls to produce skull-cups.ConclusionsThree skull-cups have been identified amongst the human bones from Gough's Cave. New ultrafiltered radiocarbon determinations provide direct dates of about 14,700 cal BP, making these the oldest directly dated skull-cups and the only examples known from the British Isles.

Flesh availability and bone modifications in carcasses consumed by lions: palaeoecological relevance in hominid foraging patterns

Competing explanations of early human behavior concerning animal carcass acquisition and exploitation are currently some of the most debated topics in the study of human evolution. Various hypotheses depict hominids as either hunters and flesh-eaters, or as scavengers who mainly consumed marrow and brains. One of the main arguments advanced to support the scavenging hypothesis is that flesh-bearing medium-sized carcasses (weighing between 150 kg and 350 kg) at early sites could have been obtained from large felid kills. This paper presents the results of a preliminary study, in which I have analyzed lion-killed carcasses with respect to the availability and disposal of flesh and conspicuous carnivore-inflicted bone damage patterns, so as to have a reference that can be applied both to archaeofaunas and to actualistic experiments that try to model early human behavior. Bone damage made by lions overlaps the damage patterns caused by other carnivores, such as canids and hyenids, although it is not as intense. Scraps of flesh available after consumption are rare and show a typical anatomical distribution. The scavenging hypothesis is thus testable by comparing the distribution of cut marks on fossil archaeofaunas to the location of flesh in lions' kills. Comparisons between carcasses in different environments show that scraps of flesh can be obtained in open habitats. Carcasses consumed by lions in closed habitats are flesh depleted. The application of this referential framework to archaeological bone assemblages can help to identify hominid foraging strategies, and indirectly, trophic dynamics on savannas: scavenging in open habitats is only feasible in wet savannas with a slightly marked seasonality and lack of migratory biomass [M. Tappen (1992) Ph.D. Thesis, Dept. Anthropology, Harvard Univ., Cambridge, MA]; scavenging in closed habitats can only be made in semi-arid seasonal savannas whose biomass is subjected to migratory processes [R.J. Blumenschine (1986) B.A.R. Int. Ser. 283, Oxford].