Discriminatory Policies Research Articles

A Legal Perspective on the Socio-economic Status of the Domestic Workers in India

The number of female domestic workers in Indian cities has been significantly expanding. Domestic employees, on the other hand, are mostly ignored in today's economic growth debate. Domestic workers lack the necessary collectivities, groups, and popular spokespersons to express their grievances. This isn't to say that domestic workers are entirely overlooked in public debate. It is occasionally mentioned in academic circles as a developing category of female employment, and their inclusion in intervention programmes is mostly confined to their position as migratory workers. They are, however, generally missing from state policy, whether it be in the form of labour regulations or social policy. Domestic worker exploitation of women and children is a common and well-publicized problem. Domestic helpers, usually migrants from eastern states, have become modern slaves since they have no rights or norms to fall back on. Many women and children are also kidnapped and exploited by placement agencies, who operate openly without any constraints or rules, evading the tax net, requiring the need for regulation and control. Domestic employees are not covered by labour laws, and as a result, they are unable to exercise their rights. Domestic employment is not recognised as genuine work, and the clandestine nature of the workplace leads to exploitative living and working circumstances, as well as forced labour and human trafficking. Domestic workers' rights to just and favourable working conditions are further jeopardised by recruitment-related fees, deceptive recruitment practises, and discriminatory policies, which include extremely long working hours, absence of rest and leave periods, deprivation of food, delayed or non-payment of wages, and physical and sexual abuse. Recruitment-related fees, deceptive recruitment practises, and discriminatory policies further jeopardise domestic workers' right to just and favourable working conditions. Special provisions for women and children may be provided under Article 15 (3) of the Indian Constitution, as well as other considerations. The state government can also establish legislation to provide for the welfare of workers, such as working conditions, employer responsibility, social security, and social insurance, under entries 24 and 23 of list II of schedule VII of the constitution.

The Heart of a Woman: The Life and Music of Florence B. Price by Rae Linda Brown

Reviewed by: The Heart of a Woman: The Life and Music of Florence B. Price by Rae Linda Brown Elizabeth Durrant The Heart of a Woman: The Life and Music of Florence B. Price. By Rae Linda Brown. Edited and with a foreword by Guthrie P. Ramsey Jr. Afterword by Carlene J. Brown. Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 2020. [ix, 295 p. ISBN 9780252043239 (hardcover), $125; ISBN 9780252085109 (paperback), $29. 95; ISBN 9780252052118 (e-book), price varies.] Music examples, photos, notes, selected bibliography, discography, further reading, index. The recent revival of interest in composer Florence Price would have been impossible without the late Rae Linda Brown, the scholar who dedicated her career to advocating for Price’s music. As a musicologist, Brown spent years uncovering Price’s manuscripts, publishing her music, researching her life and career, and interviewing her surviving friends and family. Consequently, nearly all contemporary scholarship on Price is built on the foundation of Brown’s efforts. The Heart of a Woman is the culmination of Brown’s work. As the first—and currently only—book about Price, it is an important milestone that centers African American people and culture in US music history. Brown contextualizes Price and her music within historical events of the nineteenth and twentieth century to argue that the composer—and by extension African American women—played a significant role in developing the cultural and artistic movements that shaped the United States. As a result, this book is a valuable resource that not only informs readers about Price and the events of her time but also challenges and expands the narratives of music history in the process. In part 1, Brown establishes the socio-political environment that influenced Price’s family life, education, and early career. She begins by describing Price’s parents, James H. Smith and Florence Irene Smith, including their family history, careers, marriage, and decision to settle in Little Rock, Arkansas. By the late nineteenth century, the city’s thriving Black middle class earned Little Rock the nickname “the Negro Paradise” (p. 23). As a newly wealthy, upper-class family, the Smiths were poised to take advantage of these opportunities for Black citizens, and they quickly established themselves as prominent members of Little Rock’s community (p. 3). Although Brown highlights the benefits of this social structure for [End Page 402] Price’s family, she also acknowledges how its problematic elements, including classism and colorism, often excluded others from these advantages (p. 4). She further explains how positions of economic privilege carried specific expectations in Black society. Many people in upper-and middle-class Black families adopted the ideology of racial uplift—a theory that Black people could earn humane and equitable treatment by mirroring upper-class White values and demonstrating Black excellence. As a result, children from affluent Black families were expected to fulfill racial uplift by earning an education, serving their communities, and facilitating success for younger generations. As Brown demonstrates, this mission played a crucial role in shaping Price’s upbringing. Her parents nurtured their daughter’s musical talent and sent her to the New England Conservatory of Music to study organ, piano, and music education. Price also had a passion for composing, but after graduation she returned to Little Rock to teach. Brown suggests that Price “felt a sense of responsibility” to facilitate racial uplift by educating her hometown community, which likely seemed more feasible than pursuing her composing dreams (p. 56). Price further fulfilled social expectations by marrying a lawyer and having two children while balancing her career and social obligations. She dedicated her talent and energy to serving her family and community. Still, Brown relates that rising racial tensions disrupted Price’s environment and set events in motion that would transform her life. The rise of Jim Crow laws in the 1890s severely limited the rights of Black citizens (p. 25). By the 1920s, there was a substantial increase in discriminatory policies and violence against Little Rock’s Black community, which posed a direct threat to Price and her family (pp. 76–77). As a result, in 1928 the Price household left Little Rock to begin a new life in Chicago (p. 77). Brown contextualizes...

Destined Failure of Interactions between Israeli-Arabs and Jews— An Analysis on Creative Works’ Presentation of Issues from the Jewish Side

Sociological research have investigated factors to account for the ethnographic conflicts between Jews and Arabs in Israel. Different from previous studies, this paper inquires the factors on the Jewish side that prevent successful interaction between the two ethnographic groups by looking at crucial scenes in creative works of books and films produced by Israeli authors/directors. The first scene is from the Jewish perspective in Amos Oz’s memoir A Tale of Love and Darkness, in which young Oz, a Jewish boy, attempts to interact with Aisha, a young Israeli-Arab girl, but eventually failed because of an accident. The second scene is from a short Israeli film Bus Station which, from an outsider perspective, depicted a brief encounter between an Arab woman and a Jewish woman in Jerusalem. The third scene is the initially successful yet eventually failed relationship between Eyad, a Palestinian boy, and Naomi, a Jewish girl, in an elite Israeli high school from the 2014 film A Borrowed Identity, which is depicted through Eyad’s Arab perspective. Through the analysis of these three narratives, this paper argues that the burden of national responsibility, family influences, and Israeli government’s discriminatory policies are the three main factors on the Jewish side, in ascender order of importance, that make Arab-Jewish interaction hard in Israel.

Foreign practice of positive discrimination

The article is devoted to the actual problem of modern society — positive discrimination. The introduction of preferential treatment is accompanied by intense controversy, the main disputes are centered around the issues of meeting such a policy with certain criteria of fairness and possible distortion of the incentives that it creates for beneficiaries. The author, based on a comprehensive analysis of doctrinal views and the experience of some countries, identifies common trends and differences in scientific views regarding the use of positive measures, offers his definition. It is worth noting that the lack of a unified opinion of specialists, the unformed practice of implementing the policy of positive discrimination actualize the chosen topic as the subject of research. As a result, the author comes to the conclusion that due to the fundamental nature of the real and potential problems of affirmative action, they appear in the center of state policy as a means of economic growth/efficiency or as a way to achieve equality and social justice. Positive discrimination is aimed at compensating for the consequences of difficult socio-economic conditions that have affected certain groups of the population. There is a risk of stigmatization as a real and destructive phenomenon, the elimination of which will only harm minorities without eradicating racist beliefs. Therefore, the author believes that the effectiveness of affirmative action should be aimed not only at redistributing the positions of groups and providing preferential benefits (preferences), but also at structural changes in modern society, perpetuating the marginalization of certain classes.

Free Papers Compiled

Background:Employability prospects for persons with mental illness (PMIs) in India remain limited. E.g, new job opportunities and accommodation in already existing frameworks are scarce, and public action to reduce stigma for these persons is scarce too. Although India ratified The United Nations Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (UNCRPD) on 01 Oct 2007, there are discriminatory and unlawful national policies which have provisions in contradiction to those of UNCRPD related to employability of PMIs.Aim:This study aims to assess employability prospects of PMIs in India as per current legislation and policies, using UNCRPD as a guideline.Materials and Methods:This paper is a review of national laws and policies in India, on employability prospects of PMIs, using UNCRPD as a guideline. This study looks mainly into Article 27 of UNCRPD (‘work and employment’ rights of persons with disabilities) in relation to the Rights of persons with Disability (RPWD) Act, 2016 in India.Findings:RPWD act 2016, has various loopholes utilizing which, Government as well as private sectors continue discriminatory practices with regards to PMIs. Provision of exemption from various sections on the matter of work and employment of disabled persons (including PMIs) in the Act is a potential area for discriminatory practices. This does not gel very well with ethos of UNCRPD on the matter of work and employment.Conclusion:Persons with psychosocial disability have to deal with various challenges such as critical and stigmatizing attitude at workplace. When top-down approach is non-discriminatory, it improves attitude of general public too, towards persons with mental illness and their capability to work.

LGBTQ+ peoples’ experiences of workplace leave and support following pregnancy loss

ABSTRACT Pregnancy loss is a distressing life event for many people. While the need for workplace leave following pregnancy loss is increasingly recognized, limited research exists to inform policy change and appropriate organizational supports for LGBTQ+ people experiencing pregnancy loss. Adopting an inductive approach, we interviewed 12 LGBTQ+ people aiming to explore their workplace leave and support experiences following pregnancy losses as gestational or non-gestational parents in the previous 6 months to 10 years. Reflexive thematic analysis generated three themes (1) Disclosure in the workplace: support, shame, and self-protection, (2) Navigating discriminatory workplace policies, leave, and entitlements and (3) Coping at work: Getting the balance right for each person. Heteronormative policies and entitlements can compound the distress of LGBTQ+ people experiencing pregnancy loss, including increasing difficulties in accessing leave, misgendering leave entitlements, failing to accommodate for high attachment to unborn babies in early gestation, and the impact of distance for parents who have engaged in surrogacy. Employers can assist by using inclusive language in leave policies and forms, providing people of all genders and sexualities access to parental and bereavement leave irrespective of family formation method and gestational age and allowing flexibility in hours, workload, and tasks after a pregnancy loss.

Русинский вопрос в общественно-политическом дискурсе Беларуси (1990-е гг.)

The article considers the rendition of the Rusin question in the socio-political discourse of Belarus in the 1990s. The author's attention to the Rusin question is closely connected with the analysis of the West-Polesian ethnopolitical movement in Belarus in the late 1980s - first half of the 1990s. The author has selected and analysed various materials (manifestos of political parties, journalism,analytical notes) to determine what motivated various public forces in Belarus (representatives of the academic community, activists of the West-Polesian and Ukrainian ethno-political movements in Belarus, proRussian political forces) to address the Rusin problem. He has also identified the main mechanisms used by those forces to represent the Rusin question. The main inrerest in the Rusin question came on part of the pro-Russian party Slavic Sobor Belaya Rus, since its activists wanted to use the Rusin factor to construct a negative image of the ruling elites of post-Soviet states by accusing them of discriminatory national-cultural policies. The author concludes that the Rusin question was poorly represented in the public and political discourse of Belarus. The peak interest to it was in 1991-1993. The attention to the problem decreased as the West-Polesian movement faded. Now, the Rusin question is discussed by Belarusian historians (K.V. Shevchenko, O.G. Kazak, A.P. Salkov, etc.) and is virtually absent in the Belarus media.

ПЕРШИЙ У КРИМУ ПАМ’ЯТНИЙ ЗНАК ЖЕРТВАМ ГОЛОДОМОРУ: ВІД ІДЕЇ ДО МІСЦЯ ПАМ'ЯТІ У СІМФЕРОПОЛІ

The article highlights the history of the first memorial sign in Crimea to the victims of the Holodomor, which was installed in the form of an Orthodox cross in 2000 on the facade of the Cathedral of the Holy Equal-to-the-Apostles Princes Volodymyr and Olga in Simferopol. The idea of its establishment belongs to the secretary of the Crimean Diocese of the UOC of the Kyiv Patriarchate Pavlо Kushch, who in 2000 was ordained a bishop under the name of Kliment. The nearly three-meter memorial sign in the form of a pedestal and a stele, on which an Orthodox cross entwined with vines and stones are carved, was made and presented to the bishop by Crimean Tatar sculptor and national movement activist Ilmi Ametov. The memorial cross has become a place of remembrance where, since 2000, members of the public have gathered every year to commemorate both the victims of the Holodomor and the people repressed and deported by the totalitarian communist regime. Before the occupation of Crimea by Russia in 2014, representatives of the Crimean Tatar people regularly participated in these events along with activists of the Ukrainian community of Crimea. In an abbreviated version, the ceremony honoring the victims of the genocide of the Ukrainian nation at the memorial in Simferopol continues to be held in the temporarily occupied Crimea, but its existence is threatened. As part of the general policy of discrimination against the Ukrainian community of Crimea, the Crimean Diocese of the UOC of the Kyiv Patriarchate, which since 2018 has become part of the autocephalous Ortodox Church of Ukraine is subject to systematic pressure. In particular, the occupiers have already taken part of the temples from it. In 2019, the illegitimate occupation "court" decided to vacate the premises of the OCU, where a memorial cross to the victims of the Holodomor was installed. As of 2022, the church continues to hold it, but if the church building is seized, the memorial will probably be dismantled, because Russia has declared itself the successor of the USSR and does not recognize the Holodomor as genocide of the Ukrainian nation.

Immigrants’ Rights and Fear of Deportation During COVID-19 Pandemic: A Critical Study of The US Immigration Policies

In recent years, anti-immigrant sentiments are taking a toll in American society. The COVID- 19 pandemic have just proved to be the add on to the prevalent socio-political polarization. The news regarding the deaths of immigrants coming from the different nationalities and discriminatory behaviour of the federal agencies towards immigrant groups in providing them aid through the health care mechanism during the COVID-19 period are doing rounds in the world. People who do not have lawful status and proper documentation are left behind and have been ignored vehemently in providing COVID19 testing and other medical facilities. Such treatment could be seen as a testament to the policy-driven barrier which is part and parcel of the U.S. immigration policies for the vulnerable section of the society that leads to the more severe COVID situation in the country. The proposed research paper tries to investigate and analyse the situation of undocumented immigrants who have been living in the U.S. which is considered as the most developed country in the world but failed to treat equally the "others" who suffered miserably during the COVID-19 pandemic due to the discriminatory policies of the various federal departments of the United States. Whereas, other developing countries are doing good who did not impose those policy-driven impediments on such groups. The paper tries to investigate how this biased behaviour towards some particular immigrants group and racial identities affects the US tag of a multicultural society and hampering its diplomatic ties with other nations as well. Apart from this, the paper also examines how the immigrant's rights have been tossed away and how they were living under the constant fear of deportation during the severe pandemic situation as situations were so grim in their home country as well.

The Silencing and Ostracization of Rohingyas: A Study of Habiburahman’s Memoir First, They Erased Our Name: A Rohingya Speaks

A minority group refers to a racially, culturally, or ethnically distinct group that is secondary or subordinate to a dominant group. Nearly every state consists of various communities whose traditions, religion, language, and historical experiences differ from one another and through socio-political powerplay. People treat others based on what they perceive as essential characteristics of those individuals or groups, which are often based purely, on their position in the stratification hierarchy. Though in several states the ethnoculturally diverse communities co-exist in harmony, resulting in ‘Pluralism’, however, in others the minority groups are subjected to discrimination and violence. Establishing the cultural hegemony of the dominant group has been an effective tool in subjugating the minority communities. However, Repressive State Apparatuses are also employed by the state, in extreme conditions, which result in expulsion and genocide. One such instance of ethnic cleansing is the ostracisation of the Rohingya community. Rohingyas are a Muslim minority group in Myanmar, erstwhile Burma, which is predominantly, a Buddhist country. They have been the target of institutionalised discrimination. They were denied citizenship by the government and were rendered stateless. The discriminatory policies of the government of Myanmar have compelled a huge number of Rohingya Muslims to flee their homeland. Many took refuge in the neighbouring countries. The paper aims to examine the racial and ethnic discrimination of the Rohingya community and their systematic oppression and ostracisation which lead to the exodus of the Rohingyas, as documented in Habiburahman’s memoir First, They Erased Our Name: A Rohingya Speaks.

Queering Environmental Justice: Unequal Environmental Health Burden on the LGBTQ+ Community.

The LGBTQ+ (lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender/-sexual, queer or questioning, intersex, asexual, and all subsects) population has been the target of federal and state discriminatory policies leading to high levels of institutional discrimination in the housing, employment, and health sectors. Social determinants of health such as housing conditions, economic opportunities, and access to health care may negatively and disproportionately affect the LGBTQ+ population and reduce their capacity to respond to environmental harm (e.g., obtaining necessary medical care). Social determinants of health have been shown to be associated with unequal harmful environmental exposure, primarily along lines of race/ethnicity and socioeconomic status. However, chronic diseases, such as respiratory diseases, cardiovascular disease, and cancer, associated with environmental exposure have been shown to occur in higher rates in the LGBTQ+ population than in the cisgender, heterosexual population. We explore how environmental exposures may disproportionately affect the LGBTQ+ population through examples of environmental exposures, health risks that have been linked to environmental exposures, and social institutions that could affect resilience to environmental stressors for this population. We provide recommendations for policymakers, public health officials, and researchers. (Am J Public Health. 2022;112(1):79-87. https://doi.org/10.2105/AJPH.2021.306406).

Interventionism, Decoupling, and Reshuffle: New Developments in Global Supply Chain Management

Developed countries, led by the United States and the European Union, have stepped up security review of supply chains and adopted a series of restrictive policies and protectionist measures to reshape a more secure, sustainable, and risk-controllable supply chain. A key objective of the West’s supply chain strategy is to wean their economies off Chinese influence by resorting to discriminatory policies. Supply chain interventionism on national security grounds violates market rules on which the global supply chain is based, and also runs counter to the principles of nondiscrimination and liberalization embedded in the multilateral trade governance architecture. Global supply chain reshuffles will take time and incur huge costs, leaving ample room for Beijing to make necessary adjustments and bolster its position in global supply networks.

A pilot evaluation of sexual and gender minority identity measures in a treatment-engaged military veteran sample.

Sexual and gender minority (SGM) military veterans have endured a history of discriminatory policies and hetero- and cis-sexist-related military culture that can negatively impact identity and mental health. The present pilot evaluation examined measure characteristics of the Lesbian, Gay, and Bisexual Identity Scale (LGBIS) and lesbian, gay, and bisexual positive identity measure (LGB-PIM) in a clinical sample of SGM military veterans in order to assess the potential use of these instruments in understanding identity and mental health in the context of program implementation. A cross-sectional pilot survey of 83 SGM veterans was conducted in 10 veterans affairs sites. Self-report data were collected as part of a quality improvement project across 2018 and 2019. Results showed that the sample was characterized by low internalized prejudice and identity uncertainty, as well as generally high positive aspects of identity (e.g., identity affirmation, authenticity, social justice beliefs). LGB-PIM subscale internal consistency values were acceptable (α range = .89-.92), whereas LGBIS subscale values varied (α range = .51-.87). Acceptance concerns, identity uncertainty, and social justice beliefs distinguished mental health symptom severity levels. Higher identity uncertainty and social justice beliefs were associated with worse symptoms of depression, anxiety, and suicide risk. Preliminary results support further application and study of the LGB-PIM and some LGBIS subscales as possible tools in program development and improvement within military veteran samples. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2022 APA, all rights reserved).

Protection or Restriction: An Analysis of the Blind Massage Policy for Employment Rights of Persons With Visual Impairments in China

Introduction The United Nations Committee on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities identified the Chinese blind massage policy as “reserved employment” in its Concluding Observations in 2012. In response, this paper reviewed the policy on blind massage in China and discussed its effectiveness and social impact. Methods: Adopting a historical perspective, this paper describes the development stages of the blind massage policy in China. It reveals the social construction process of the blind massage policy. Government data were provided to help analyze the positive and negative effects of the policy according to the United Nations’ Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities. Results: The blind massage policy is a national strategy involving semi-reserved employment to improve the low employment rate of people with visual impairments in China. It promoted employment of people with visual impairments at the start, but, as the system of the blind massage gradually took shape, it restricted these individuals from choosing a career freely. The blind massage policy has resulted in deep-rooted social prejudices, and it demonstrates disability-based discrimination and charity-oriented practices. Discussion: The Chinese blind massage policy is discriminatory and does not reflect the modern concept of disability rights advocated in the United Nations’ Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities. Implications for Practitioners: The Chinese government needs to promote institutional reforms to provide better education and employment for people with visual impairments to change the limited content of vocational training and eliminate discriminatory policies.

How Can Lower-Income Countries Access COVID-19 Medicines Without Destroying the Patent System? The National Exhaustion Solution10.56042/jipr.v27i3.57951

Many scholars argued that improving access to medicine requires major amendments to the patent system, which is structured according to the Agreement on Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights. This article argues that the argument is not necessarily true. Amending Article 6 of the TRIPS Agreement to adopt a national exhaustion rule for pharmaceutical patents would be sufficient to achieve a considerable improvement in access to medicine while simultaneously strengthening patent protection. This proposal encourages the pharmaceutical industry to adopt a price discrimination policy whereby Pharma would lower medicine prices in the lower-income countries. Accordingly, global access to new medicines such as COVID-19 medicines could be increased as these countries have the majority of poor people. At the same time, Pharma can continue to sell the same medicine in higher-income countries at higher prices, generating sufficient profits to incentivize research and development.

The Political Dynamics of Islamophobia in Jokowi’s Era: A Discourse Analysis of Online Media Reporting

This article investigates the online media reporting of Islamophobic policies during the presidency of Joko Widodo, Indonesia’s current president. The study comprises a critical discourse analysis, which identifies three reporting dimensions, namely micro, mezzo, and macro. The article finds that discriminatory policies against Indonesian Muslims have triggered the emergence of news of Islamophobia in government policies. Politically, this causes Islamophobic propaganda, which, for the government, is a form of discourse struggle, the aim of which is to secure public support. Reports of government-backed Islamophobic propaganda moved the government to amend some of its policies, and facilitated the emergence of counter-narrative news, which refuted these accusations of Islamophobia. This study also shows that accusations of Islamophobia against the government are a result of the trauma many Muslims experienced, historically, long before the Jokowi presidency.

Religion, Constitution, and Human Rights: An Overview of Muslim Life and Religious Freedom in the United States

<p class="abstrak">The United States Constitution affirms that religious freedom is a fundamental human right regardless of religion. It is upheld by every citizen and the country. However, the political policies in a particular country are often considered to paralyze fundamental rights in religion, causing various problems in Muslim life at the social and political levels. This research aims to analyze the intersectional dynamic of religion, constitution, and Muslim human rights towards life and religious freedom in the United States. This qualitative research uses the lens of political approach. Primary data are taken from the United States Constitution and policies, and supported by secondary data from various books, scientific articles, and news. The results suggest that religious sentiment (Islam) is found in the political policies of the United States. Currently, unconstitutional and discriminative policies are gradually removed because it triggers the social and political chaos. The United States constitution strives towards a pluralist and multi-religious country rebuilding that is safe and peaceful for religion as guaranteed by the constitution. In fact, the public and political spaces have been occupied by many Muslims in an effort to resolve the problems of state and human rights, including the religious sentiment issues.</p>

A SOCIAL HISTORY OF EIGHTEENTH CENTURY ORISSA

Eighteenth century Orissa witnessed the changes in social life. The establishment of the Mughal administration in Orissa, which ruled for nearly two hundred years, affected the social-cultural life of the Oriya people. Though the Mughal-Maratha conflict for supremacy over Orissa ended in 1751 AD with the Maratha' victory, Islamic traditions had a significant impact on its society, culture, and economy. However, the people of Orissa strongly believed in the ancient traditions and religion of the land. Varna system was the primary base of the whole Oriya society. During the eighteenth century, a small group of the Muslim population also settled down in Orissa. Europeans who established trade centres in India's coastal region raised their businesses in Orissa and settled in cities and coastal regions. Women during this time were victims of the gender-based society and discriminatory social policies and regulations which were enacted to limit women’s movements and freedom during medieval period. Education had not given much important at this time. Women's education was discouraged in general, but elite people were able to obtain it through private tutors. Marriage was a sacred and important institution of the period, but all its rituals and principles were made to treat women as inferior to men. Oriya literature achieved a milestone in this period, and literature has provided most of the information regarding eighteenth century Orissa. However, this article has investigated the various traditions and rituals in order to comprehend the social context of eighteenth-century Orissa.

LGBTQ youth mental health during COVID-19: unmet needs in public health and policy

LGBTQ youth mental health during COVID-19: unmet needs in public health and policy

Impact of Structural Ageism on Greater Violence Against Older Persons: A Cross-National Study of 56 Countries

Violence directed against older persons is recognized as a global health problem. However, structural drivers for violence remain under-studied. This country-level ecological study aimed to examine a previously unexplored link between structural ageism and violence against older persons. Following extensive structural stigma literature, structural ageism consisted of two components: (1) discriminatory national policies related to older persons’ economic, social, civil, and political rights, gathered from global databases including UN, WHO, and others; and (2) societal-level prejudicial social norms against older persons, measured by negative attitudes toward older persons by the World Values Survey. Two components were z scored and combined such that higher score indicated greater structural ageism. Prevalence rates of violence per 100,000 persons aged 70 and over in each country were drawn from the Global Burden of Diseases Study. Final analysis included 56 countries, representing 63% of the world’s aging population aged 60 and over across all six WHO regions. As predicted, structural ageism was significantly associated with the prevalence rates of violence in multivariate models (β =205.7, SE=96.3, P=.03), after adjusting for country-level sociodemographic and health covariates. Three sets of sensitivity analyses supported the robustness of our findings. That is, structural ageism did not predict other types of violence and other types of prejudice did not predict violence against older persons. Public health and population-based violence prevention policies may benefit from a targeted approach that tackles the harmful effects of structural ageism.