Discriminatory Actions Research Articles

The Black Musician and the White City: Race and Music in Chicago, 1900–1967 by Amy Absher

Reviewed by: The Black Musician and the White City: Race and Music in Chicago, 1900–1967 by Amy Absher Robert M. Marovich Amy Absher, The Black Musician and the White City: Race and Music in Chicago, 1900–1967. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2014. 202 pp. $55. Historians have examined twentieth-century African American music from many angles, from the social and cultural to the artistic and commercial. In The Black Musician and the White City: Race and Music in Chicago, 1900–1967, Amy Absher takes a somewhat different approach. In addition to offering social and cultural perspectives, she also examines Chicago's African American music community from the labor viewpoint. Absher crafts an academically rigorous but eminently readable book about how African American musicians strived to make a living from their art in one of the most segregated cities in America—Chicago—where an invisible but palpable color line determined where you lived, where you shopped, where you took your leisure and, in the case of popular and classical musicians, where you worked. Arguing that "musician radicalism was not born in the 1960s," Absher illustrates how Chicago's African American music community battled against segregation as early as the 1920s, when the only opportunities available for them were in Chicago's South Side club trade. Many of the city's first generation of jazz and blues musicians migrated from the South during the prewar period to escape Jim Crow laws, constant threats of racially motivated violence, and crushing poverty. What they found in Chicago were less explicit but equally insidious forms of discrimination. On top of that, the newcomers faced arrogance from some Old [End Page 68] Settlers, blacks who were born in Chicago or moved there prior to the Great Migration. The Old Settlers viewed the migrants' vernacular music as embarrassing reminders of vaudeville parodies of black folk music. For them, the best avenue for upward mobility was assimilation, not separation, and the musical soundtrack to assimilation was Western European classical music. Nevertheless, racism impacted old and new settlers alike, so Local 208 of the American Federation of Musicians (AFM) was created to counteract the discriminatory actions of the city's white Local 10. The assimilationist Old Settlers became 208's first and longstanding leaders. The true merit of Absher's book is its illustration of how the very actions designed to protect African American musicians from segregation sometimes worked against their ability to make a living wage; other times, the hand they were dealt by the majority turned into a winning hand. An example of the latter was when Local 208 members were denied opportunities to perform in the silk stocking nightclubs of the downtown area and relegated to the South Side. Before the Great Depression, the South Side had the most jumping nightlife for black and white patrons, and offered the most promising paydays for black musicians. Of the former, wages and benefits were not nearly as beneficial for Local 208 members as for their Local 10 brethren. Absher explains how, ultimately, the AFM ground game to secure greater exposure for black artists was no match for independently-owned record businesses, jukebox operators, and radio disc jockeys. The new vehicles for disseminating music disregarded color lines and opened up new opportunities for African American musicians, even if the musicians did not profit at the same financial level as did the record companies, jukebox operators, and radio stations. The book concludes with a page-turning narrative about how Local 208, long the defender of African American musicians, became such a liability by the 1960s that its younger members fought to reintegrate into Local 10. The internecine battle between Local 208 leaders and their members brought to a head the decades-long struggle for control of one's own artistic destiny, as well as the notion of what it meant to be race conscious. Although Absher discusses the challenges that black classical artists faced, her lens is focused on jazz, swing, blues, and rhythm and blues musicians. She barely mentions sacred artists, likely because for most of the time period she examines, the primary audience for sacred music was in the African American church and off the...

Politics, Indigenous Rights and Resource Ownership: Māori Customary Rights to the Foreshore, Seabed and Fresh Water in New Zealand

Māori customary rights to natural resources are a contentious issue between Māori and the New Zealand government and between Maori and non-Māori. The values and principles inherent in a treaty signed in 1840 between Māori and the British Crown have been undermined by the government’s refusal to allow Māori the right to go to the courts to determine proprietary rights to the foreshore, seabed and fresh water. Discriminatory Crown actions highlight the argument that when an injustice occurs then reparations should be made. The United Nations has chided the New Zealand government for its discriminatory behaviour and failure to provide guaranteed redress but it has had little effect.

LGBT Homeless Youth and Policing

LGBT homeless youth are a particularly vulnerable population, accounting for 20–40% of all homeless youth. Literature demonstrates that these youth are disproportionately involved in the criminal justice system. Involvement in the justice system frequently begins with a police contact, about which relatively little is understood. Fear of the police among LGBT homeless youth is likely common, and police may be ill-equipped to interact with and assist these youth, even when programs specific to improving police-LGBT relations are present. The present exploratory study examines how LGBT homeless youth and police interact by presenting findings from 18 interviews with formerly homeless LGBT youths (now adults), LGBT advocates, and police officers. Findings reveal that fear of the police and reports of discriminatory actions by police are common, LGBT youth have difficulty accessing services, and police often report being limited in how they can help this population.

Perceptions of the Police by LGBT Communities

The purpose of this study is to explore how lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) communities perceive the police. Historically, relationships between LGBT communities and the police have been strained due to a legacy of discriminatory actions, although some police agencies have more recently taken steps to build relationships with LGBT communities. A survey was administered to a sample of LGBT and heterosexual respondents (n = 787) to measure perceptions regarding police fairness, policing qualities, policing outcomes, and police interactions with LGBT communities. Across a number of measures and scales, the perceptions of LGBT participants were significantly more negative than those of other participants, including when the variables of race, income, location type (e.g., rural, small town, suburban, urban), prior service as a police officer, and quality of prior interactions with the police, are controlled in multivariate modeling. Implications for police training and policy are discussed, as well as theoretical contexts that frame the results.

Deliberative freedoms and the asymmetric features of anti-discrimination law

In a series of papers, Sophia Moreau has offered an original and important account of the value underlying anti-discrimination law, which we call ‘the deliberative freedoms account.’ According to this account, anti-discrimination law exists to protect people’s ‘deliberative freedoms’ – that is, their freedom to make decisions about how to live their lives without having to take into account, as a cost, characteristics such as their gender, race, and age. Viewing anti-discrimination law in this way, Moreau suggests, helps explain why the law treats a discriminatory act as a personal wrong against the complainant. It also reveals an underlying unity between different areas of anti-discrimination law, such as direct discrimination, indirect discrimination, and special accommodation requirements. Despite its strengths, we argue that the deliberative freedoms account does not fit well with asymmetrical features of anti-discrimination law – that is, ways in which the law provides protection to one group (for example, people with a disability) but not to an associated group (for example, people without a disability). In particular, we contend that Moreau cannot account for the recognition by anti-discrimination law of legitimate affirmative action policies. This, we argue, provides a powerful reason to reject the deliberative freedoms account. We also consider more recent, largely unpublished work in which Moreau suggests that she may be moving towards offering a pluralist account of anti-discrimination law, according to which the protection of deliberative freedoms is only one of the aims, or values underlying, this area of law. We argue that the difficulties we have identified with the deliberative freedoms account are likely to apply also to a pluralist theory that accords significant weight to the protection of deliberative freedoms.

The More Things Change…: Exploring Solutions to Persisting Discrimination in Legal Academia

In May 2014, a conversation about gender discrimination among law school faculties exploded on the email listserv for the American Association of Law Schools (AALS) Section of Women in Legal Education. This conversation drew in dozens of participants from schools all over the United States and included teachers who were just starting out and those nearing retirement, drawing in clinical faculty, legal writing faculty, library faculty, and podium faculty. The topics that were raised ranged from the discriminatory actions of colleagues and students, to the marginalization of particular subject areas in the curriculum, to structural hierarchies in the profession, to the role of class in exacerbating other inequalities. The conversation went on for several weeks, and many of the participants urged that we needed to harness the feelings of anger and frustration expressed by so many and work together to channel that energy into productive change. As one step, a group of faculty members from all over the country, inspired by a suggestion from Professor Meera Deo of Thomas Jefferson School of Law, banded together to propose a at the 2015 meeting of the AALS that would draw from empirical data, legal research, litigation strategy, and personal experience to both further conversations about the persistence of discrimination in the legal academy and activate strategies for addressing continuing problems. The program had a unique structure to permit the inclusion of as many voices as possible in the conversation. The program began with a three-person panel similar to more traditional AALS presentations. The second part of the program was made up of three-minute statements by speakers who were selected in response to a call for circulated by the program organizers. The Articles in this symposium issue represent some of the ideas that emerged from this crosscutting program. The Articles are presented here in the order that the speakers offered their remarks at the AALS program. Several themes run through the Articles included in this Symposium. First, long-standing, but not inherently necessary, law school structures and systems perpetuate race and gender discrimination. Several of the contributions discuss the ways that the skills-doctrine distinction on law school faculty magnifies inequality. Others consider how the tenure standards applied at most schools reinforce the effects of implicit and explicit bias. A second current running through many of the Articles here is the intersectional nature of discrimination. Whether it is because of race, class, or sexual orientation, the discrimination that women in the academy face is often exacerbated by other forms of bias. A third theme that many of the authors touch on is that legal academia is at a pivotal moment to address some of the structures that continue to perpetuate discrimination. Changes in the legal market and in legal education are pushing law schools to reexamine many of their calcified assumptions. We should seize this opportunity to challenge our institutions to make real change that will root out persistent discrimination. I. The Discriminatory Consequences of the Skills-Doctrine Divide Several Articles in this issue consider a topic that has increasingly become the subject of heated debate in the legal academy: the status divide between doctrinal, tenure-track professors and legal writing, clinical, and library faculty members. In Podia and Pens, Kristen Tiscione and Amy Vorenberg highlight the inequities created by the two-track system that exists in law schools, whereby those who teach lawyering skills occupy a second-class status compared with podium teachers. (1) Skills teachers tend to be paid less, have less job security, and have lower status within their institutions. Given that women are over-represented in skills teaching positions and under-represented among tenured and tenure-track faculty, this two-track system significantly exacerbates gender inequality in law schools. …

ReedvTown of Gilbert, Arizona, and the Rise of the Anticlassificatory First Amendment

The distinction between content-based and content-neutral regulations of speech is one of the most important in First Amendment law. Despite its importance, however, the Court has had trouble defining what it means for a law to be content-based. Instead, for over thirty years, the Court has vacillated between two definitions. In one line of cases, the Court has insisted that laws are content-based whenever they make content distinctions on their face. In another line of cases, the Court has instead insisted that laws are content-based only when they cannot be justified by a content-neutral purpose. The result has been the creation of a very complicated, often incoherent, body of law. Two terms ago, in Reed v. Town of Gilbert, Arizona, the Court attempted to bring some clarity to this messy area of First Amendment jurisprudence when it held that laws that employ content distinctions are always content-based, regardless of the purposes they serve. The decision gives lower courts what they have long been missing: clear guidance on what to do when faced with an allegedly discriminatory speech regulation. But it also makes it considerably harder to defend laws that make facial content distinctions against constitutional challenge than was true in the past. Reed thus represents a significant, deregulatory shift in First Amendment doctrine. This Article explores this shift and its normative implications. It does so by means of an analogy to the Court’s equal protection jurisprudence, and specifically its case law dealing with race discrimination. As the Article demonstrates, the shift that Reed enacts in First Amendment law resembles in many respects the shift that occurred several decades ago in equal protection law, when the Court squarely embraced what scholars have described as an anti-classificatory test of race discrimination and insisted that all laws that employ racial distinctions are presumptively invalid, no matter the purposes the government invokes to justify them. Reed similarly insists that all laws that employ content distinctions are presumptively invalid, no matter the purposes the government invokes to justify them. It announces what we might call an anti-classificatory test of content discrimination. The Article argues that, whatever the merits of an anti-classificatory approach in the equal protection context, such an approach is singularly inappropriate in First Amendment cases, at least those dealing with non-viewpoint based laws. This is because laws that make content distinctions play a pervasive, even important, role in the regulation of both public and private life. A rule that treats as presumptively unconstitutional all facially content-based laws therefore threatens to invalidate many entirely constitutional laws. It imposes significant costs on the regulatory power of the government—costs that can only be justified if there is no less costly means of protecting speakers against discriminatory state actions. As this Article shows, there are in fact less costly alternatives to the test of content-based lawmaking that Reed announced.

Freedom of movement for all? Unpacking racialized travel experiences

In today’s world, more people have the means and opportunities to travel freely compared to the past. Yet, the freedom of movement and the right to travel are far from being globally recognized as human rights. For some, the freedom of movement is overshadowed by one’s race, gender, ethnicity, nationality, and so on. When travelling across or even within borders, members of some groups may encounter discriminatory actions in the form of xenophobia, racism, and more recently, islamophobia. Increasing regulations and heightened security inevitably affect international tourism and travel. Drawing on our own travel experiences as tourists and tourism scholars of different racial backgrounds, we use this paper to explore the intersections of racism and tourism. Implementing innovative and improvisational methodologies, we unpack and interrogate the discourses that underpin racialized travel experiences. Our collective debriefings have been re-storied to further illuminate the importance of race in shaping tourism experiences, contributing to the lived frustration and discrimination at the borders and beyond. The insights gleaned from our experiences will contribute to the existing literature of tourism politics, and the discourse of racialized identities in travel and tourism.

IMPLIKASI PEMBERITAAN LESBIAN GAY BISEKSUAL TRANSGENDER (LGBT) PADA AKTIVITAS LEMBAGA SWADAYA MASYARAKAT

This study aims to determine the implications of LGBT news on the activities of NGOs as follows: Arus Pelangi, Inter Medika Foundation and Yayasan Srikandi Sejati by using the case study method, with primary data collected through interview with key informants from the three NGOs and analyzed with the Theory of Cognitive Dissonance. Numerous coverage mainly those telling the negative treatment towards LGBT triggers various forms of defense and protection in the name of humanity and human rights. The results of this study indicate that LGBTs who are considered incompatible with the cultural and social norms prevailing in society have the rights to receive social support. Social support provided by Arus Pelangi covers program campaigning on the socialization of basic human rights and the eliminaton of discriminatory action on LGBT and advocacy which are the casuistic and the one on public policy. Casuistic advocacy is a legal Jurnal Avant Garde Volume 4 Nomor 2 Desember 2016 18 activity on cases of litigation and non-litigation affecting LGBT. Advocacy on public policy is a series of legal actions against all discriminatory government policies, for example is the rejection of the Bill on Anti-Pornography and Porn Actions (RUU-APP). Inter Medika Foundation and Yayasan Srikandi Sejati are NGOs that focus on health assistance or counseling, for examples are on issues of sexually transmitted diseases and prevention of the spread of HIV/AIDS among LGBTs, by having cooperation with the local government and several hospitals in Jakarta.

Awareness, Attitudes and Tendency Toward Providing Services to Patients With HIV/AIDS by Second- and Third-Year Nursing Students in Isfahan, Iran, 2014

Background: Nurses are one of the most significant group exposed to the risk of acquired immune deficiency syndrome (AIDS). Therefore, to determine the disease level in patients and train them in the field are among the most essential subjects of nursing education. The study investigated the nursing students’ awareness, attitudes and tendency toward providing services to patients with HIV/AIDS. Methods: This cross-sectional study, conducted in 2014, covered 110 second- and third-year nursing students from Isfahan University of Medical Sciences, Isfahan, Iran. The research tools were demographics and AIDS knowledge questionnaires, an attitude towards AIDS scale and a discrimination against patients questionnaire. The information was analyzed by SPSS using descriptive statistics, t-test and the Pearson correlation coefficient. Results: Males comprised 38.2% of the subjects, and females 61.8%. About 80% of the participants were single and 20% married. Almost two-thirds (60.9%) had a professional background. Regarding the awareness of AIDS and its transmission methods, 52.7% of the students were “a little” aware. Furthermore, 84.5% of students were at the moderate level of discrimination on giving services and taking care of patients with HIV; 52.2% of the subjects were also at a moderate level. A significant direct relationship was observed between the discrimination and attitude scores, P = 0.04 and r = 0.19. Conclusions: The students’ levels of awareness of HIV and its transition methods were low, and this should be promoted thorough training. Discriminatory actions do occur, and it is necessary and possible to decrease their incidence by promoting students’ awareness of patients’ rights and ethical principles.

Questões curriculares e a possibilidade de sua discussão em cineclubes com professores: a questão religiosa na escola pública

Dentro da pesquisa “Redes educativas, fluxos culturais e trabalho docente – o caso do cinema, suas imagens e sons”, com financiamento do Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e tecnológico (CNPq), da Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado do Rio de Janeiro (FAPERJ) e da Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro (UERJ), temos buscado compreender, através do uso de filmes, em cineclubes com professores em formação e em serviço, os ‘mundos culturais’ pelos quais esses praticantespensantes circulam, nas redes educativas que formam e nas quais se formam. A ideia é que esses processos de contatos múltiplos com imagens e sons trazem contribuições importantes aos currículos desenvolvidos nos cotidianos escolares. Neste artigo, detectamos e expomos os modos como adesões religiosas estão nesses ‘mundos culturais’ de formas variadas, muitas delas discriminadoras de alguns, e os modos como alguns desses praticantespensantes buscam contatos respeitosos com outros, nesses espaçostempos. Defendemos a importância dessas ‘conversas’, no ambiente escolar e no momento presente, na tentativa de superar ações discriminatórias diversas que vêm se tornando frequentes.Palavras-chave: Redes educativas, mundos culturais, imagens e sons

Did student‐athletes' discrimination claims survive university's motion to dismiss?

Haley Videckis and Layana White were members of the Pepperdine University women's basketball team, and Ryan Weisenberg was the team's head coach. Videckis and White were in a dating relationship while they were on the basketball team. They sued Pepperdine, alleging they were subjected to intrusive and discriminatory actions, and that Weisenberg and his staff harassed them in an effort to force them to quit the team because of their lesbian relationship.

Did student‐athletes' discrimination claims survive university's motion to dismiss?

Haley Videckis and Layana White were members of the Pepperdine University women's basketball team, and Ryan Weisenberg was the team's head coach. Videckis and White were in a dating relationship while they were on the basketball team. They sued Pepperdine, alleging they were subjected to intrusive and discriminatory actions, and that Weisenberg and his staff harassed them in an effort to force them to quit the team because of their lesbian relationship.

I am just a 'maae' (mother): experiences of mothers injecting drugs in Thailand.

Mothers who use drugs face much discriminatory action as society in general finds female drug users' modes of caring for their children unacceptable. In this article, I explore the ways in which Thai women's injecting practices revolve around the role of mother 'maae' and the ways they employ tactics to challenge the motherhood discourse. This article draws on in-depth interviews with 30 Thai mothers injecting drugs. Thai mothers injecting drugs struggled with stigma and self-blame. They internalise the values of the mother 'maae', that is, what the mother is supposed to be; attempting to combine their drug use with their parental responsibilities. Having a child is treated as a means for many women to manage the hostile social impacts of being an addict mother as well as anxieties about the future of their children. To maintain identity as a mother, as gender norms dictates, the mothers employ several tactics to defend that identity from the threats. In conclusion, the findings have implications for harm reduction and reproductive services for women using drugs in Thailand; health care providers need to appreciate the ramifications of the lived experiences of the women who take drugs.

Did student‐athletes' discrimination claims survive university's motion to dismiss?

Haley Videckis and Layana White were members of the Pepperdine University women's basketball team, and Ryan Weisenberg was the team's head coach. Videckis and White were in a dating relationship while they were on the basketball team. They sued Pepperdine, alleging they were subjected to intrusive and discriminatory actions, and that Weisenberg and his staff harassed them in an effort to force them to quit the team because of their lesbian relationship.

Different Service, Same Experience: Documenting the Subtlety of Modern Racial Discrimination in U.S. Restaurants

Restaurant servers’ negative sentiments toward Black customers have been well documented. Further, existing research has shown that a large proportion of waiters/waitresses confess that they sometimes discriminate against Black Americans by giving them less than their optimal service effort. However, research assessing the generalized consequences of servers’ discriminatory practices on consumers’ experiences is lacking. In response, this study analyzes survey data from a demographically diverse sample of Black and White consumers ( N = 415) to test for interracial differences in nine distinct self-reported outcomes assessing typical and recent dining experiences in full-service restaurants. Given widespread anti-Black sentiments and discriminatory actions among servers, we posit that Black Americans will on average report diminished dining experiences relative to their White counterparts. In contrast to our predictions, results indicate that Black and White respondents report similar dining experiences when visiting full-service restaurants and, where differences exist, Black respondents appear to report slightly more positive and less negative experiences compared with their White counterparts. We identify a number of interconnected factors that may account for this observed pattern and conclude by encouraging additional scholarship on the nature and downstream effects of race-based restaurant service.

The Right to Restitution of Tenancy Rights in Croatia: In Search of Redress for Violations of Individual and Minority Rights of Ethnic Serbs

Cancellation and abolition of specially protected tenancy rights by Croatia in the 1991–1996 period severely affected the country’s ethnic Serbs, even to the point of their disappearance. Croatia’s discriminatory laws and actions during and after the war, combined with certain other factors, resulted in the vast majority of ethnic Serbs losing their tenancy rights. This has prevented many ethnic Serbs, who left Croatia during the war, from returning to their homes. Since 80% of all urban housing in prewar Croatia was under specially protected tenancy agreements, the loss of tenancy rights by ethnic Serbs has led to most dramatic demographic changes in the urban areas, with virtually all of Croatia’s towns that were majority Serbian before the war becoming majority Croatian. This has adversely impacted the exercise of a number of minority rights of ethnic Serbs. The loss of tenancy rights has thus negatively affected ethnic Serbs both individually and collectively. As such, the chapter explores the legal basis, under international human rights law, of the right to restitution of specially protected tenancy rights in Croatia as an adequate form of redress. It argues that this is a specific right derived from other rights, notably (i) the right to respect for home and the right to peaceful enjoyment of possessions; (ii) the right to non-discrimination; (iii) the right to housing and property restitution and the right to return home; and (iv) the right to preservation and development of a minority’s identity. The chapter also considers how the right to restitution of tenancy rights in Croatia could be implemented. It suggests that the current housing programme does not provide an effective redress and that several international legal and political mechanisms, along with the European Union in particular, have failed to implement this right thus far, although there may be a recently opened possibility to bring the matter before the Court of Justice of the European Union.

Self-regulatory information sharing in participatory social sensing

Participation in social sensing applications is challenged by privacy threats. Large-scale access to citizens’ data allow surveillance and discriminatory actions that may result in segregation phenomena in society. On the contrary are the benefits of accurate computing analytics required for more informed decision-making, more effective policies and regulation of techno-socio-economic systems supported by ‘Internet-of Things’ technologies. In contrast to earlier work that either focuses on privacy protection or Big Data analytics, this paper proposes a self-regulatory information sharing system that bridges this gap. This is achieved by modeling information sharing as a supply-demand system run by computational markets. On the supply side lie the citizens that make incentivized but self-determined decisions about the level of information they share. On the demand side stand data aggregators that provide rewards to citizens to receive the required data for accurate analytics. The system is empirically evaluated with two real-world datasets from two application domains: (i) Smart Grids and (ii) mobile phone sensing. Experimental results quantify trade-offs between privacy-preservation, accuracy of analytics and costs from the provided rewards under different experimental settings. Findings show a higher privacy-preservation that depends on the number of participating citizens and the type of data summarized. Moreover, analytics with summarization data tolerate high local errors without a significant influence on the global accuracy. In other words, local errors cancel out. Rewards can be optimized to be fair so that citizens with more significant sharing of information receive higher rewards. All these findings motivate a new paradigm of truly decentralized and ethical data analytics.

Must We Deploy Drones in the Twenty-First Century to Target Under the Radar Discrimination Against Minority Women At Law Schools At Historically Black Colleges and Universities (HBCUs)?

INTRODUCTION This Article is a result of the authors' participation in the Association of American Law School's Crosscutting Program (The More Things Change ... : Exploring Solutions to Persisting Discrimination in Legal Academia) at the Annual Meeting in Washington, D.C., in January 2015. Th[e] Program dr[ew] from empirical data, legal research, litigation strategy, and personal experience to both further conversations about the persistence of discrimination in the legal academy and activate strategies for addressing ongoing structural and individual barriers. Intersectional bias compounds many of these challenges, which range from the discriminatory actions of colleagues and students, to the marginalization of particular subject areas in the curriculum, to structural hierarchies in the profession [at HBCUs generally, and more specifically at HBCU law schools]. (1) Surely one of the most striking features [also observed by the authors] of human dynamics is the alacrity with which those who have been oppressed will oppress whomever they can once the opportunity presents itself. (2) This Article examines several major issues that persist for Black female faculty generally, but more specifically at HBCUs. Nevertheless, examples have been extracted from a cross-section of female faculty members who have encountered similar instances of discrimination or discriminatory practices against female colleagues. After the Introduction, Part I offers an overview of the history/evolutions of HBCUs. Part II analyzes analogous systems, which operate similarly to and influence historically black colleges and universities. Part III develops the concept of women pretexting authority (WPA). Part IV discusses legitimate processes and mechanisms to address infractions at HBCUs after female faculty complain. Part V proposes recommendations to address the persisting problem, until a conclusion is finally reached in Part VI based on the arguments set forth in the analysis. I. History and Evolution of Historically Black Colleges and Universities (HBCUs) Law Schools Founded in the 1800s, the nation's Historically Black Colleges and Universities--HBCUs--have the mission of providing access to higher education for society's underprivileged and disenfranchised. (3) In an effort to assist with the education of newly freed slaves in the post-Civil War era, the federal government created HBCUs. (4) The purpose was to help newly freed slaves gain employment through an industrial education rather than provide knowledge, which was the primary purpose of predominately white institutions (PWIs). (5) A. Private and Public There are 105 Historically Black Colleges and Universities in America, and all have contributed to the nation's growth. (6) Forty HBCUs are four-year public institutions and forty-nine are private; there are eleven two-year public institutions and five two-year private institutions. (7) B. The Six Law Schools at Historically Black Colleges and Universities The authors hail from Thurgood Marshall School of Law at Texas Southern University, one of six HBCU law schools. David A. Clark School of Law, University of the District of Columbia, Florida A&M University School of Law, Howard University School of Law, North Carolina Central University, and Southern University Law Center complete the list. (8) The emergence of these institutions afforded Blacks the chance to attend law schools and become successful practitioners. (9) Although Black women entered the legal profession as a result of the Black law school movement, the women pioneer graduates of these law schools, unlike their male colleagues, did not gain (10) Thurgood Marshall was one of the Black legal practitioners who received notoriety. As a result of his many contributions to the Civil Rights movement and to the plight of Blacks and other minorities, Texas Southern University asked if Marshall would endorse its law school and allow it to bear his name. …

Muslims in Pre- and Post-9/11 Contexts

Muslims have never ceased to be important for the West and have been depicted in vilifying and stereotypical manners in western literature and films. However, after the tragic event of 9/11, a dramatic change has been observed in the world’s focus towards Muslims. Although stereotypes and discriminatory actions were nothing new to Muslims, the post-9/11 backlash was absolutely terrible and heartbreaking. People have started to consider Muslims either terrorists or sympathetic to terrorists, and they have been suspected and distrusted. Lots of books, articles and films have depicted Muslims in a derogatory and extreme manner. Pre-9/11 Hollywood movies True Lies and The Siege explicitly show the stereotypical attitude of the West to Muslims while post-9/11 novels like The Reluctant Fundamentalist by Mohsin Hamid and Once in a Promised Land by Laila Halaby depict the plight and predicament of Muslims in America. The article aims to depict the stereotypical, vilifying and antagonistic attitudes of the West to Arabs and Muslims in both pre- and post- 9/11 era. It also aims to prove that the depiction is highly motivated by the media, western authorities and the West’s desire for social, cultural and political dominance over the East. Keywords: Orientalism, Others, Terrorism, Media