Direct Presidential Elections Research Articles

KONSTRUKSI HUKUM PENCALONAN PRESIDEN DAN WAKIL PRESIDEN YANG MENCERMINKAN DEMOKRASI PANCASILA BERDASARKAN UU NOMOR 7 TAHUN 2017

This study aims to examine and determine the Legal Construction of Presidential and Vice Presidential Nominations that reflect Pancasila democracy in relation to the provisions of Law Number 7 of 2017 concerning General Elections. The formulation of the problem that the author poses is, What is the Ideal Legal Construction of Presidential and Vice Presidential Nominations to Realize Pancasila Democracy? The research method used is normative where the data used is secondary data in the form of legal materials. In addition to using secondary legal materials, this study also uses several theories to dissect the problems in this study. The results of the study obtained are that the nomination of the president and vice president is regulated in Article 6A paragraph (2) of the Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia, namely "The presidential and vice presidential candidate pairs are proposed by political parties or a coalition of political parties participating in the general election before the general election is held". Regulations regarding the mechanism for nominating the presidential and vice presidential positions are stated in Law Number 7 of 2017 concerning General Elections, Article 222 regulates the same thing regarding filling the presidential and vice presidential positions. The presidential threshold has violated political rights, including the right to be elected and to elect the people protected by the constitution. This restriction on alternative candidates certainly means limiting the people's political channels and to a certain extent can result in an increase in the number of abstainers or white groups in the election. In addition, the opportunity for the people to be elected as candidates is also limited because not all political parties participating in the election have the right to nominate presidential and vice presidential candidate pairs because they are constrained by the Presidential Threshold requirements. The policy of direct presidential elections within the framework of simultaneous elections is still problematic. The existence of a threshold for political parties to have the right to nominate presidential and vice presidential candidate pairs (Presidential Threshold) in the General Election held simultaneously, has legal implications, namely violating the 1945 Constitution concerning the Presidential System, contrary to Article 6A paragraph (2) of the 1945 Constitution.

Is the Post-Reformation System of the Indonesian Government a Parliamentary Form?

Indonesia's democratic government system has experienced ups and downs based on history, where at the beginning of independence Indonesia used a presidential system, then changed to a parliamentary and then returned to a presidential system. The reformation period was a milestone in changing the government system where previously the president was elected by the MPR as the highest state institution to switch to direct presidential elections carried by a party or a coalition of parties - due to the existence of regulation on the threshold for nomination (parliamentary threshold) - but to maintain the implementation of the presidential campaign promise to establish a coalition of parties supporting the government which has an impact on the role of the People^s Representative Council only as a stamp of government interests. The problem in this study is how the presidential system exists in the post-reform Indonesian government system. The form of the research method used is normative juridical with a statutory approach and an analytical descriptive approach that examines primary and secondary legal materials, besides examining the synchronization and harmonization of law. The conclusion is that the current Indonesian government system tends to be parliamentary. This is due to the weak bargaining position of the DPR in supervising the running of government because the majority of DPR members are supporters of the government, while the opposition forces are unequal with the majority, which prioritizes the most voting system over consensus deliberation for the benefit of the people. so that checks and balances - separation of powers - turned into a division of powers - dividing power.

지방교육자치발전을 위한 교육감선출제도의 발전적 모색

Introducing the “running mate system of governors and superintendents of education” has now become a big issue in relation to the superintendent of education election system. The government seems to be in favor of legislating into this system and is rushing to introduce it. However, what is overlooked in this movement is “consistency of a system”.
 The current direct election superintendent of education system was introduced in 2006 after identifying the successful results of the direct presidential election system introduced in 1987 by the current Constitution. However, as political party intervention was prohibited due to the “political neutrality(or impartiality) of education” stipulated in Article 31 of the Constitution, an unpopular and problematic form of election system was established as it is now.
 In terms of constitutional theory, the political neutrality of education stipulated in Article 31 of the Constitution, does not necessarily seem to provide inevitable reasons for a political party intervention to be banned in the election of the superintendents of education.
 First, in comparison with the adjacent constitutional provisions such as the political neutrality of the military(Article 5) or the political neutrality of public officials(Article 7), and second, in light of the Article 37 (2) of the Constitution, which stipulates the proportional principle of maximum guarantee of basic rights, proportional and stepped constitutional approach could be justified. In other words, the superintendents of education are in charge of educational affairs based on the ideology of decentralization, and if the governors do not have a big problem in realizing local autonomy and political neutrality of public local officials despite party intervention of elections and their political party memberships, the superintendents of education could be understood in the same way. In this regard, the current superintendents election system, which restricts party intervention, is wrong in terms of system setting, (1) party intervention in election process should be permitted logically, and (2) if the party's return into election cannot be recognized, the system should be extensively improved by considering its alternative functions, especially through ① reform of campaign methods or ② redistricting. On the other hand, the current move to the city and provincial governors and superintendents' running mate system aiming only at resolving conflicts between governors and superintendents, without deep analysis of the cause of the problem of the present system, could cause concerns about local education autonomy by creating institutionally ‘weak superintendents of education’.
 Nevertheless, the current process could offer a good opportunity to supplement the problems of the present system and come up with developmental alternatives by reviewing the meaning of the constitutional provisions that have been justifying party exclusion in superintendents of education election.

The Relevance of Presidential Threshold Implementation in the 2024 Concurrent Elections

The strengthening of the presidential system of government in Indonesia was carried out after the amendment of the 1945 Constitution from 1999-2002. The affirmation of this presidential system is manifested, one of which is that the President is not a mandatary of the People's Consultative Assembly anymore. This is in line with the commitment of the Indonesian nation to realise a democratic rule of law. The president as the head of government is directly elected by the people. The first direct presidential election was held in 2004. In presidential elections, a threshold is applied known as the Presidential Threshold. In the 2024 election, the presidential threshold provision is still maintained where the pair of presidential candidates proposed by a political party or a combination of political parties participating in the election who meet the requirements of obtaining at least 20% of the total DPR seats or obtaining 25% of the valid votes nationally in the previous DPR member election. Presidential threshold in elections in Indonesia raises pros and cons. On the one hand, the presidential threshold can simplify political parties so as to strengthen the presidential system. In addition, the implementation of the presidential threshold can realise government stability, especially in relations between executive and legislative institutions. But on the other hand, the application of the presidential threshold in simultaneous elections needs to be reconsidered because it is based on the votes in ,the previous election. This is allegedly able to reduce the people's right to nominate alternative presidential candidates.

MODEL MATEMATIKA PENYEBARAN KONSTITUEN DALAM PEMILIHAN UMUM PRESIDEN DENGAN ADANYA MEDIA MASSA

The presidential election is the process of selecting people to fill the presidency, in Indonesia direct presidential elections have been held since 2014. The popularity of a candidate is affected by exposure of news from the mass media. News from the mass media can spread from one individual or group to another, thus it can influence the behavior of a constituent, and an epidemiological model can be used. The purpose of this research was to explain the formation of the model, determine the equilibrium point, analyze the stability at the equilibrium point, performing a simulation, and determine the numerical solution. This research was carried out firstly by making the assumptions used in the formation of the model, then determining the equilibrium point of the model. After that, the stability of the equilibrium point will be analyzed by linearizing the model so that the Jacobian matrix was obtained, determining the eigenvalues of the Jacobian matrix, performing a simulation, and determine the numerical solution using the parameters of the 2014 presidential election results and with the fifth order Runge-Kutta method. The result of this study was the formation of two a mathematical model for the distribution of constituents in the presidential election with the existence of mass media, namely when the proportion of constituents affected by positive news is zero and non-zero. Based on this model when the proportion of constituents affected by positive news is zero, two equilibrium points were obtained, namely the equilibrium point free of constituents supporting political figures () and the equilibrium point of constituents supporting political figures (). Then, based on the model when the proportion of constituents affected by positive news is non-zero, the equilibrium point of the political figure supporting constituents () is obtained. From the stability analysis of the equilibrium point and equilibrium point , local asymptotic stability was obtained, and from the numerical simulations, it was obtained that the difference in the vote acquisition.

Strategi Badan Pengawas Pemilihan Umum Kabupaten Jombang Dalam Mencegah Pelanggaran Pemilihan Umum 2019

Elections are aimed at electing members of representative councils, such as the DPR, DPD and DPRD. After the IV amendment to the 1945 Constitution was implemented in 2002, the President and Vice President Election (Pilpres), which initially used the MPR (People's Consultative Assembly), was agreed to be carried out directly by the people. The 2004 presidential election was the first direct presidential election. Then the second in 2009. The third Presidential election was held directly in 2014. This activity is carried out every five (5) years (Anugerah.Thesis.2017:2018). This research aims to find out and understand what strategies Bawaslu Jombang implemented in an effort to prevent violations in the 2019 Election. The research method used was descriptive qualitative, using informants in this research who were the chairman, secretary and members of Bawaslu Jombang Regency.

Efektivitas Undang-Undang Dasar Tahun 1945 terhadap Mekanisme Checks and Balances dan Pemakzulan Presiden atau Wakil Presiden dalam Perspektif Hukum Tata Negara

The 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia outlines the impeachment mechanism. This Constitution outlines that the procedure for impeaching the president and vice president must be mandated by the People's Representative Council (DPR) to the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR). It is important to acknowledge that the current impeachment process upholds the principle of checks and balances of direct presidential elections. The impeachment decision of the current president and vice president cannot strengthen the rule of law when the Constitutional Court (MK) determines that the president or vice president has violated the Constitution. This research aimed to find out the impeachment mechanism outlined in the 1945 Constitution with the principle of the supremacy of constitutional law. This research included a qualitative method by focusing on the problematic effectiveness of the 1945 Constitution on the check and balance mechanism and the impeachment of the president and vice president from the constitutional law perspective. The check and balance mechanism aims to create a democratic government. Check and balance is a principle controlling and maintaining state institutions' balance. The results revealed that the 1945 Constitution's mechanism for impeaching the president or vice president was relatively ineffective because the rule of law and the constitutional judicial mechanism were still handled by the political mechanism. Consequently, the check and balance mechanism did not occur in this process. The characteristic of impeachment as a control causes impeachment cannot to be implemented following the rule of law, which was an indicator that the check and balance mechanism had been unbalanced by the Constitutional Court's decision, which was used to create a legal mechanism that was not explicit and binding on the MPR and the 1945 Constitution.

Analyzing public sentiment on implementing the presidential threshold in Indonesia's presidential election system

The threshold Limits for presidential and vice presidential candidates have been a prominent topic since the introduction of direct presidential elections. Initially, the presidential threshold aimed to determine the candidates competing in the presidential election. However, over time, it has become a subject of prolonged debate, as it was perceived to undermine the rights of individuals in government and impede the principle of equality in democracy. This study utilizes qualitative research methods to gauge public sentiment regarding implementing the presidential threshold in Indonesia's presidential election system after the 2019 election. The research collected data through the Nvivo 12 Plus, utilizing sources such as Twitter (with the hashtag #presidentialthreshold) and online news media outlets, including Kompas, Detik, Tempo, Republika, and TribunNews. The study findings indicate that the percentage requirement is the most frequently discussed topic regarding the presidential threshold. Tempo is the online news media outlet that prominently highlights the issue. The analysis reveals that negative sentiment prevails in public opinion, comprising 63% of responses, while positive sentiment constitutes 37%. Tempo primarily represents positive sentiment, while Republika reflects negative sentiment. Positive public sentiment focuses on parliamentary support, while negative sentiment centers around candidates' opportunities.

Democracy in Taiwanese presidential inaugural addresses

Abstract This study explored metaphorical expressions related to democracy in 15 Taiwanese presidential inaugural addresses. The source domain concepts mapped to understand democracy were examined and the relationship between these metaphorical expressions and ideologies was teased out by employing the discourse-historical approach. Our analysis demonstrates that various source domain concepts were utilized to discuss democracy, and most newly-emerged types occurred after the success of the first direct presidential election in 1996. A more detailed analysis of the source domain elements showed that different scenarios were highlighted, reflecting specific ideologies embedded along with the social, historical and political situation.

Strengthening Democracy in Indonesia: Comparison between Representative and Direct Presidential Election Policies

The direct presidential election policy was implemented in Indonesia for the first time in 2004 as a result of the third amendment to the constitution in 2001, and it continued in the next presidential elections. This kind of election has replaced the old representative presidential election policy. However, since the implementation in 2004, there have been many criticisms from several parties. These parties consider this to have negative impacts, such as black campaigns, hoaxes, hate speeches, and social gaps in society. Therefore, they propose to return the mechanism to the old policy. This article aims to analyze and compare the two presidential election policies and strive for an optimal presidential election policy to improve the quality of democracy in Indonesia. To present the results, we have reviewed secondary data mainly from the literature (journal, book, and act) and conducted in-depth interviews with scholars in the field. The main finding is that the direct presidential election policy is proven to improve the quality of democracy by fulfilling the three main aspects of the Indonesia Democracy Index (IDI). Nevertheless, to make it better, some improvements are needed as follows: reforming political parties, implementing the convention system, removing the presidential threshold, providing an independent channel to become a candidate, strengthening the responsibility and integrity of state officials in law enforcement, and regulating all negative impacts in binding regulations

THE RELATION BETWEEN DIRECT PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION SYSTEM WITH THE NATIONAL DEVELOPMENT PLAN

Many criticized RPJP-RPJMN as the national development plan for suffering a setback. From a historical view, a comparison to GBHN is inevitable as the main argument is through the GBHN, the direction and purpose of the government wheel journey will be easier to understand so that it is quite easy to correct the level of success and achievement that is inscribed by a government in power. The problem is whether the direct presidential election system is being implemented today is the reason why GBHN is removed as a national development plan? The study is analyzed through pure legal research. The result is that the amendment to the 1945 Constitution in Article 6A determines that the Presidential election is directly elected by the people has implications for the abolition of GBHN in Article 3 of the 1945 Constitution.

KONTROVERSI SISTEM PEMILIHAN PRESIDEN SECARA LANGSUNG DAN TIDAK LANGSUNG DITINJAU DARI SILA KE EMPAT PANCASILA

Democracy is a spirit that reflects that the people hold the highest authority in a country. Indonesia has implemented two Presidential Election systems, namely indirectly and directly (after the Reformation period). However, the phenomenon that is happening right now, the direct election of the President and Vice-President has turned out to be polemic because many parties consider it to conflict with the fourth precepts of the Pancasila. The fourth precepts value of Pancasila is interpreted as an implementation of the Presidential Election system which must be represented through the MPR institution. Related to the problem above the problem to be answered is the controversy over the presidential election system directly and indirectly in terms of the four precepts of the Pancasila. The problem was answered using the method normative legal research and analyzed qualitatively by describing, then comparing data with statutory provisions and the opinions of constitutional law experts. In this study, it was concluded that there was no contradiction between the Pancasila and the 1945 Constitution in the implementation of the Presidential election system implemented in Indonesia, both the direct and indirect presidential election system. Every democratic process based on the principle of people's sovereignty is carried out through consensus and agreement through a constitutional system based on Pancasila values. This happened in the direct Presidential election system which is the desire of the people conveyed to their representatives in the DPR.

Presidential Threshold in Indonesian Election: An Islamic Law Perspective

Direct presidential election every five years is the embodiment of democracy in Indonesia. The issue of thresholds as a condition for nominating candidates for president and vice president has always not found a solution. Changes in the threshold which was initially 10% then the number changed to 20% until now. This study aims, among others, to evaluate disharmony in the process of determining the threshold. The approach method used is normative juridical, through literature study using primary and secondary legal materials. The results of this study conclude that the reconstruction of the presidential election threshold based on the perspective of Islamic law is very much needed because it is very vulnerable to friction and tug-of-war between political parties.

The Logic of the Punisher: Retrospective Voting and Hyper-Accountability in Lithuania

This article explores the roots of electoral hyper-accountability in Central and Eastern Europe. I focus on Lithuania: a country that is a stable liberal democracy, but has re-elected none of its governments (in the same party composition) since the restoration of independence. Survey data from the Lithuanian National Election Study reveal that Lithuanian voters are constantly dissatisfied with the economy and retrospectively evaluate it worse than the objective indicators would suggest. This partially explains why the Lithuanian voters constantly turn away from the government parties at parliamentary elections. However, their subsequent choice between parliamentary and new (previously marginal) parties is another puzzle. Using the 2016 Lithuanian post-election survey, I test how retrospective voting (economic and corruption issues) and political factors (trust and satisfaction with democracy) explain vote choice between the three types of parties (governmental, oppositional, and successful new party). It appears that new parties in Lithuania capitalize on double dissatisfaction, as the logic of the punisher comprises two steps. First, due to economic discontent, she turns away from the incumbent. Second, due to political mistrust, she often turns not to the parliamentary opposition, but to new parties. An analysis of retrospective economic evaluations hints at the political roots of hyper-accountability: these two steps are connected, as dissatisfaction with democracy is a strong predictor of negative retrospective evaluations of economy. Additional analysis of the 2019 post-election survey corroborates the results and reveals that a similar logic also applies in direct presidential elections.

Multilayered Oversight: Electoral Administration in Indonesia

AbstractElectoral administration in Indonesia is complex. The Electoral Commission (Komisi Pemilihan Umum) is responsible for planning and running five-yearly elections for one national and two regional legislatures, and one additional national regional representative body, as well as direct presidential, gubernatorial, mayoral and regent elections. Because candidates and parties often have significant financial stakes in their outcome, these elections are hotly contested and the results quite commonly disputed, including in Indonesia's Constitutional Court (Mahkamah Konstitusi). Electoral contestants often point to mistakes in administration and vote counting, which appear to be natural consequences of the great logistical challenges these elections present. For example, on 17 April, 2019, well over 150 million citizens attended one of over 800,000 polling stations to vote for candidates to fill 19,817 legislative seats in national and subnational parliaments. Many of these elections are said to be marred by attempts by candidates and their parties to gain illegal advantage, whether through misuse of incumbency or vote buying. There is also said to be much potential for corruption amongst electoral administrators themselves in registering candidates, verifying parties, procuring equipment for polling stations, and counting and tallying votes on election day. Given the potential of mistakes and illegality to jeopardise the legitimacy of election results, lawmakers in Indonesia have created multi-layered oversight mechanisms to oversee the planning and running of the elections by the Electoral Commission, as well as to oversee the Election Supervisory Board (Bawaslu, Badan Pengawas Pemilihan Umum) itself, which is charged with supervising that Commission. This article examines the work and performance of these institutions, and the Electoral Administration Honour Council (DKPP, or Dewan Kehormatan Penyelenggara Pemilu), which hears allegations of breaches by the Commission and the Board.

Long-distance Democracy and Political Parties in the Indonesian Overseas Elections

Indonesia is experiencing an increase of emigrants and diasporas population. Indonesian citizens living abroad have consequences for democracy, especially on fulfilling the political right to participate in elections. The relations between the citizen-home country and participation in the election may become part of long-distance democracy. In 2009, Indonesian citizens abroad had the opportunity to participate in the direct presidential election. Then, in 2014, they also had the opportunity to participate in the legislative elections. In 2019, they experienced simultaneous presidential and legislative elections. The overseas voters’ participation in presidential elections increases, but participation in legislative elections stagnates or declines. Indonesia’s long-distance democracy has practical and theoretical implications. First, political parties are starting to consider overseas voters. Second, political parties began to build relationships with Indonesian community groups abroad, organize their communication and campaign strategies, and pay attention to the diaspora issues. Third, although the number of voters abroad is minimal compared to domestic voters, the increase in the number of emigrants and diasporas and their participation in overseas elections will bring the study of political parties in Indonesia beyond national borders. In other words, Indonesia’s long-distance democracy will bring political party studies to a transnational level.

Exercise of the Presidential Powers in the Slovak Republic in a Comparative Perspective (1999 – 2019)

This article focuses at powers of the Presidents of the Slovak Republic during the period from 1999 to 2019. Therefore, the aim is to compare how selected constitutional presidential powers were exercised after the fundamental constitutional changes in 1999. The most significant change was by introducing direct presidential elections, and adjusting the President´s constitutional status. The ways how the individual Presidents holding their office within this period, exercised their powers towards the Parliament, government, and the judiciary do form the basic research questions here. Hence, whether a personal background of individual Presidents and political reality of seats distribution in the Parliament predetermined their exercise of these powers, or if there were some other rules present when they exercised their office. The findings presented in this research reflect 20 years of continuous exercise of Presidential office in the conditions of the Slovak Republic. This ultimately leads to the conclusion that the function itself, as well as its constitutional definition, has affected the exercise of Presidential powers more ultimately than the personal background of these directly elected Presidents at the beginning of their terms of office. The very first President, Mr. Michal Kováč, got into a major conflict with then Prime Minister, Vladimír Mečiar, even during the first year after taking the office. This conflict lasted nearly for five-years and altogether with the inability of the MPs to elect his successor led to the necessity of amending the Constitution. Presidents Rudolf Schuster, Ivan Gašparovič and Andrej Kiska gradually took their office, but only the second mentioned had managed to defend his position in an electoral competition. At present, the office of President is held by Zuzana Čaputová, who has been in the office since June 2019 - as the very first woman in this position in history of Slovakia.

Indonesian Democracy Comes When the Kingdom System Has Strong Roots: Serious Problems Leading to Simultaneous National Elections in 2024

The study of finding the right posture for Indonesian democracy has never been completed. The reason is that the history of democracy as understood in Europe and America does not have deep roots in Indonesia since long ago. Moreover, compared to 55 years since independence, Indonesia’s democracy has actually made great leaps and bounds since the start of reforms in 1998, compared to Suharto’s authoritarian (New Order) rule from 1966 to 21 May 1998, and during Soekarno’s reign from the country’s independence. from 1945 to 1966. A year after the fall of Suharto on 21 May 1998, Indonesia held its first democratic elections on 7 June 1999. The elections were participated by 48 political parties. In 2004, Indonesia held its first direct presidential election. A year later, Indonesia held its first regional head elections, in which voters directly elected governors, regents, and mayors. Thus, the elections continued until the last December 9, 2020 until they got their form later in the national Simultaneous General Election in 2024 later. The question is, is the current practice of democracy in accordance with all democratic values as intended by the Pancasila ideology as the basic foundation for Indonesia in all political actions? Pancasila as the state ideology of Indonesia contains five principles, namely: 1). The belief in one God, 2). Just and civilized humanity, 3). Indonesian unity, 4. Democracy under the wise guidance of representative consultation, 5). Social justice for all peoples of Indonesia. The founding fathers formulated an understanding of democracy based on the traditional practices of democracy at the grassroots level that have been going on for centuries throughout the country. But what is happening now, Indonesia is only imitating the posture of Western/European democracy. In the experience of Indonesian democracy, the figure of Indonesian democracy from 1945 to 2021 is quite fragile because the democratic tradition did not develop on Indonesian soil, democracy has its roots, developed in Europe and has been accepted in Indonesia since November 1945, because democracy highly respects human dignity and is a type of government that right in the modern country.

LOOKING FOR THE FORM OF INDONESIAN DEMOCRACY: STUDY OF PANCASILA IDEOLOGY TOWARDS CONCURRENT ELECTIONS IN 2024

Indonesia’s democracy has taken huge leaps since the starting of reformation in 1998, compared to Soeharto’s authoritarian ruling (New Order) from 1966 to May 21, 1998, and during Soekarno’s ruling from the country’s independence in 1945 until 1966. One year after Soeharto’s fall on May 21, 1998, Indonesia held its first democratically election on June 7, 1999. The election was contested by 48 political parties. In 2004, Indonesia for the first time held its direct presidential election. One year later, Indonesia held its first regional elections, where voters directly elect governors, regents and mayors. The question is on whether the current democratic practices have been in accordance with all democratic values as intended by Pancasila ideology as the basic foundation for Indonesia in all political actions? Pancasila: 1). The belief in one God, 2). Just and civilized humanity, 3). Indonesian unity, 4. Democracy under the wise guidance of representative consultation, 5). Social justice for all peoples of Indonesia. The country’s founding fathers formulated the understanding of democracy based the traditional practices of democracy at the grassroots level which have lasted for centuries throughout the country. However what happens now is that Indonesia just imitated the posture of Western/European democracy. It turns out that Indonesian democracy is very fragile because it does not have a tradition of democracy that grows independently from Indonesia's fertile soil itself, but democracy is taken from other cultures that have grown and developed in Europe and then transplanted in Indonesian soil. Therefore, the format for direct elections in Indonesia must be reviewed for improvement.

On the stability of the Brazilian presidential regime: A statistical analysis

Brazil’s presidential system is characterized by the existence of many political parties that are elected for the Chamber of Deputies and unite in legislative coalitions to form a majority. Since the re-democratization in 1985, Brazil has had 8 direct presidential elections, among which there were two impeachments of the elected presidents. In this work we identify clear differences between stable presidential periods and Legislative terms with an impeachment by analyzing the votes that took place in the Chamber of Deputies from 1991 to 2019. Our statistical analysis are blind to the content of the bills. We start by measuring the cohesion of the parties and the congress for each bill. We then quantify the agreement between the votes of congressmen and observe that there is a stronger polarization among congressmen during legislative periods where there was no impeachment, referred here as stable legislative periods. Using clustering algorithms, we are able to associate these polarized groups observed during the stable periods with the opposition to the government and government base. For periods with an impeachment, the data shows that the congress split up in more than two groups. To characterize the impeachment of Collor and Dilma Rousseff (in 1992 and 2016, respectively) we analyze how the agreement between congressmen and the government evolved over time and we also propose a division of the congressmen in three groups. We identified that, in periods with an impeachment, the third group aligns itself against the president.