Direct Elections Research Articles

Democracy in Local Communities: Direct Election System versus Deliberation System in the Minangkabau Ethnicity in West Sumatra, Indonesia

This paper focuses on the dissonance between the values of the democracy of local communities and the liberal democracy of the Minangkabau community in West Sumatra, Indonesia. A direct election system is adopted to elect the leader of the Minangkabau community. However, a qualitative study shows that, culturally, the Minangkabau community chooses its leader through a clan-based deliberation system, relying on communal rather than individual representation. Adopting direct election with the one-person-one- vote principle to elect the community leader has instead been a source of conflict. The ambiguous understanding of the community members regarding the principles of individual and collective representation has given rise to the conflict. The institutionalisation of a clan-based deliberation system in the community is a solution to solve the conflict. This scholarly inquiry underscores that the Minangkabau ethnic group's democratic ethos fosters an environment conducive to communal deliberations, thereby sustaining their social cohesion and integration.

Executive recruitment and the role of institutional factors: explaining profiles of regional presidents in Slovakia and the Czech Republic

ABSTRACT We employ a comparative analysis of heads of regional executives in two similar countries with different regional political subsystems. In Slovakia, governors operate under a system of separation of powers, are directly elected through a majoritarian electoral system and are not answerable to regional assemblies. In the Czech Republic, governors are elected by the regional assemblies (therefore indirectly) and can be removed from office by a no-confidence motion. Our results suggest that direct elections tend to produce fewer female governors and empower non-affiliated (non-party) outsiders; the share of regional governors without prior political experience is not affected by the formal institutional rules.

Trade-off Anak Adat Status as a High-cost of Political Transaction in Papua Local Elections

Currently, the political transaction through trade-off anak adat (customary child) status is wider applied in Papua local election. Benefiting from the direct elections, the elites competed for political power in the regions by mobilizing ethno-religious sentiments and utilizing money-politics. The voters, in return, behave as clients as they seek to gain material benefits from their preferred candidates in exchange for political loyalty. This condition caused the high-cost politics during the local election. Based on this problem, this paper attempts to analyze the hijacking of adat (customs) through trade-off anak adat status as a form of political transaction which impacted to high-cost politics. This study cultivates the theory of political transactions to analyze the political transaction in Papua local election especially in the gubernatorial election 2018 and election of DPRD (Regional Representative Council)’s member in 2019. This form of political transaction has caused the high-cost of local election in Papua, which is not only in the form of money, but also carried the social cultural high-cost impact. Of course, vote buying will make the candidates have to spend a lot of money. The trade-off of anak adat status from other than Papuan through buying and selling mechanism rather than using achievement and acknowledgement from the adat community would harm the Papuans. Moreover, this practice has brought detrimental destruction to the socio-cultural values of Papuan adat community. This study is qualitative research that use political approach to observe the local election processes in Papua. We used the criteria of credibility and confirmability to validate the data in our qualitative research.

FEATURES OF HOLDING THE POSITION OF HEADS OF LOCAL ADMINISTRATIONS IN KAZAKHSTAN AND KOREA

The Institute of Heads of local administrations, akims, plays a central role in the system of local authorities in Kazakhstan. Akims act as representatives of the president and the government, combine the powers of local government with the functions of self-government. Akims make key decisions on the strategic and economic development of their region or locality, which explains the special attention paid by the authorities and local residents to the formation of the institution of heads of local administrations. The article provides a retrospective analysis of the mechanisms through which akims have held their positions in Kazakhstan since 1991. As part of the application of comparative and institutional methods, the experience of the Republic of Korea in this matter has been studied to identify similarities, differences and develop recommendations. The practical significance of the study is due to the ongoing changes to the existing system of holding the position of akims in Kazakhstan. The study showed that the formation of the institution of heads of local administrations directly depends on the political regime, political and economic processes in the country, and the activity of citizens. Kazakhstan and Korea are united by the desire to introduce direct elections of these employees at a certain stage of their development after the practice of their appointment and indirect election. However, this development was not linear, and initiatives to hold elections of heads of local executive authorities were temporarily curtailed. In Kazakhstan, reforms have been launched from the lower, rural, management level. In Korea, the system at the regional and municipal levels changed synchronously, the update took place in full and at the same time.

언론 기사를 통한 K 지역 직선제 교육감의 역할 정체성 분석

The purpose of this study is to analyze the changes in the role identity of directly elected superintendents and the behavioral characteristics constituting it since the implementation of direct elections in 2010. Framework for the analysis including Teacher-Scholar, Business Manager, Educational Political Leader, Social Scientist, and Communicator were established, and a qualitative document analysis was conducted. We collected media articles on the superintendents’ actions from July 1, 2010, to April 30, 2024 for analysis. A gradual sampling process was used to select 1,312 media articles on the superintendents in K province. The data were analyzed using a priori coding based on a preexisting conceptual foundation. The analysis results are as follows. First, the role identity was in the order of Business Manager, Communicator, Teacher-Scholar, Educational Political Leader, Social Scientist. Second, the changes in the role identity by year showed a strong Business Manager identity for all four terms. Third, the themes that could constitute the characteristics of each role identity included “City/Province Educational Organization and Resource Manager”, “Communicator Utilizing Various Channels”, “City/Province Education Improver and Promoter”, “Political Strategist Responding to Ideological Conflicts”, “Expert and Data Utilizer”, and “Community Connector and Contributor.” The following policy implications are suggested from the findings: redefining the superintendent’s role, clarifying the required qualifications, enhancing capabilities.

Rise and Fall of Democracy in Regional Government: From Assignment to Election

Indonesia has been trying to develop democracy since the early independence. Assignment of the head of the region conducted from 1945 to 1999. After the big reformation in 1999, which started in 2004, Indonesia started a new chapter with the direct election model for regional heads. This research tries to find the philosophy of Indonesia’s choice to select its regional leader according to the law provided. The research is normative research with a conceptual and comparative approach. The results show that the election of regional leaders in Indonesia has not always been in line with the sovereignty of the people and the concept of democracy. Political choice has had a very significant impact. However, as it turns out into practice, as an emerging country in South East Asia, even though an assignment and not by the general election, leaders or regional heads are also considered as democratic as long as it is still on the path of openness, fair game and also according to people’s approval, including if it comes from the regional representative’s choice of candidates.

PELAKSANAAN PEMILIHAN PRESIDEN YANG SESUAI DENGAN PRINSIP KEDAULATAN RAKYAT DALAM SISTEM DEMOKRASI DI INDONESIA

This research was submitted to answer two fundamental questions regarding the implementation of people's sovereignty in the direct election of the President and Vice President in Indonesia, namely, what is the ideal ideal of the implementation of the presidential election in accordance with the principle of people's sovereignty in the democratic system in Indonesia. This research is normative. This research is a library research conducted by examining library materials in the form of books, journals, research reports and/or secondary data that discuss the implementation of general elections in Indonesia in relation to people's sovereignty. Application of laws and regulations (legal facts) that regulate the implementation of elections in Indonesia. From this research, the author concludes that in a democracy, people's rights should be respected and upheld. There is no justification for government decisions that can harm people's rights, let alone policies that aim to oppress the people for the sake of the ruler. In this case, by adhering to the basic philosophy of democracy guided by the wisdom of deliberation and representation, the holding of general elections as a means of implementing people's sovereignty in Indonesia must not deviate from the ideals and objectives of the formation of a Government of the State of Indonesia to protect all Indonesian people and all of Indonesia's territory, advance public welfare, improve the life of the nation, and participate in implementing world order based on independence, eternal peace and social justice as mandated by the constitution.

Two Decades of Women's Affirmative Action in Indonesia: Some Reflections and Recommendations

Democracy essentially requires equal rights between men and women. Both men and women should have equal opportunity to participate in public affairs such as politics. However, women’s political participation remains low compared to men. Women face many obstacles in expressing their political views, particularly in electoral politics. To address the issue, the government has adopted affirmative action by setting a gender quota to enhance women’s political representation. However, the quota does not automatically increase women’s electability parliament. Indonesia is an example of this case. Women’s political representation has never exceeded 30% since the introduction of direct elections. We used a qualitative method for this study. We found that four reasons cause the issue – women’s socio-political capital, the weakness of party institutionalization, the strict political competition among candidates, and voters’ pragmatic behavior during elections. We concluded that there should be severe attempts from various parties – government, political party, and civil society – to increase women’s political representation. Our study matters for mainstreaming gender equality and pushing democracy more substantively. Keywords: affirmative policy, Indonesia, women’s political representation.

교육감의 권한에 관한 민주적 통제장치 방안에 관한 소고

The purpose of this study is to provide a basic foundation for realizing theactualization of educational autonomy through the maturation of local educational autonomy inKorea. This study seeks to strengthen the education policy of the superintendent electedthrough a direct election system and seeks for democratic control measures regarding the legalmeaning of direct election system for the superintendent, Board of Education, andrepresentativeness and the authority of the superintendent, to prevent clashes and conflicts from occurring when the superintendent's views on education policy or ideology are differentfrom those of the Minister of Education and the heads of local governments. Democraticcontrol measures include reviving an independent Board of Education and revitalizing theresident recall system through electronic voting using blockchain. As the Board of Educationwas integrated into the standing committee of the local council, the members of the Board ofEducation are formed from it, and due to the absence of qualification standards such ascertain educational and educational administration experience, it is difficult for them to fulfilltheir role as a check on the superintendent, which violates the constitutional principle ofprofessionalism in education. Therefore, I believe that the current government shouldre-institutionalize the constitutional independent Board of Education system.

Revitalization of Group Envoys in the Indonesian Representative System

The removal of faction envoys from the Indonesian representative system, a legacy of the founding fathers reflecting the character of the Indonesian nation, occurred during the reform era driven by a desire for direct elections and negative perceptions of the New Order regime. This study analyzes the implications of this removal and explores potential solutions to the arising issues. Using a historical and analytical approach, the study examines the evolution of the Indonesian representative system and the founding fathers' rationale for including faction envoys, assessing the impacts of their removal. Findings indicate that this removal has created a gap in representing diverse societal groups within the MPR, potentially obstructing the aspirations of people outside political and regional interests. The study concludes that excluding faction envoys introduces challenges in accommodating the diverse aspirations of the Indonesian people, necessitating thoughtful solutions and mitigation efforts to ensure comprehensive representation until a permanent solution is found.

Direct elections and trust in state and political institutions: Evidence from Indonesia's election reform

People's trust in state and political institutions is a key foundation of a well-functioning economy. The question of whether direct elections affect trust remains open, especially in developing countries, due to a scarcity of studies with robust identification strategies. We estimate the impact of direct elections on people's trust in state and political institutions, using a major political reform in Indonesia as the source of exogenous variation. Pre-2005, regents, mayors, and governors were elected by the local legislative assembly. Starting in 2005, they must compete in an open election where voters directly choose their preferred leader. The historically and institutionally driven staggered implementation of these local direct elections enables us to identify the causal impact of the reform. We find that direct elections increase trust in all state and political institutions, except for the police and political parties. We find that trust only increased in districts where the elections were held with no or low hostility, implying that trust is strongly influenced by political situations during direct elections. We find that elections did not really improve well-being or satisfaction, implying that the absence of election hostility is a stronger explanation for the higher trust.

Local Chief Executive Political Accountability In Indonesia: A Historical-Legal Analysis

This paper discusses the local chief executive’s (LCE) political accountability in the Local Government Acts (LGAs). Using historical and theoretical approaches, this article examines the influence of the political interests of the regimes on the changes of provisions on LCE’s political accountability in the LGAs from 1945 to date. The LCE was accountable to the local council (DPRD) from 1945-1958 and 1999-2004; and to the central government from 1959-1998. While since 2004, the LCEs are only had to report -but not be accountable- to the Central Government, local council and the local community. Two important academic questions arise when dealing with this phenomenon. First, to what extent are the political interests of the democratic and authoritarian regimes shaped the changes of provisions on LCE political accountability in the LGAs? Second, how do the provisions conform to the accountability principles? This study’s result shows that the rulers’ political orientation shaped the LCEs’ political accountability system and ignored the principles of accountability, leading to the inconsistent institutional design of LCE accountability. Furthermore, the LGA has yet to regulate the electoral/political accountability of LCEs, which should be a consequenceof adopting the LCE direct election. We recommend precise arrangements on the accountability principle in the Constitution to avoid the politicization of laws by legislators according to their political interests and improve the role of Citizens through a recall petition to strengthen the enforcement mechanisms.

Local self-government bodies in the process of municipal reform: trends and patterns of development

The article is devoted to the study of the development patterns of the local government system in the Russian Federation. The submission to the State Duma of the Russian Federation of the draft Federal Law «On the general principles of the organization of local self-government in the unified system of public authority» in December 2021 means the preparation of a new stage of municipal reform and makes it relevant to study long-term changes in the institutional organization of local self-government. The purpose of the study is to analyze changes in the structure of local self-government bodies and the rules of their formation at each stage of the development of this institution, as well as to identify the main patterns of this process. The analysis of the legislative base regulating the structure and rules of formation of local self-government bodies has been carried out. The data related to the development of the local government system provided by the Ministry of Justice of the Russian Federation were analyzed. It is shown that the structure of local self-government bodies has not undergone significant changes. However, there have been changes in the ways of forming local self-government bodies, which reflect the trend towards their loss of institutional independence and integration into a single system of public power. This trend appeared at the stage of implementation of the Federal Law on Local Self-Government in 2003 and was consolidated in the new Draft law on Local self-government submitted to the State Duma of the Russian Federation in 2021. It is concluded that there is a tendency to increase the dependence on federal and regional legislators of local self-government bodies. For the institute of heads of municipalities, the loss of institutional independence was clearly manifested by the introduction of the procedure for electing heads by competition, displacing both election at municipal elections and election from the Council of Deputies. The formation of representative bodies, having passed the stage of delegating deputies to higher levels, returns to the model of direct elections. However, this happens in the context of the rejection of a two-tier system of local self-government.

Становление и развитие институтов прямой демократии в США: историко-правовой аспект

Direct democracy appeared in the United States back in the colonial period. However, when the country became sovereign in the late XVIII century, the founding fathers gave preference to representative democracy in order to prevent the mob rule. This research traces the history of various institutions of direct democracy in the United States. The late XIX – early XX centuries saw an era of progressivism in the United States: civil society struggled against negative social, political, and legal phenomena. Implementation of referendums, general direct elections, recalls of officials, etc., into the legal system seemed a perfect solution. In the early XX century, these institutions were enshrined in the legislation of some Western states and proved rather effective. The so-called second wave of direct democracy occurred after 1950s, and institutions of direct democracy became even more widespread. This process reached its peak in the late XX – early XXI centuries. As a result, they predominate in the current US legislation. The USA are currently going through a further rise in direct democracy, which is even more implemented into the legal system. The American experience of direct democracy is of considerable interest to Russia as it may help to improve the domestic state mechanisms of making socially important decisions.

Corpus-Based Diachronic Study of WAR Metaphor in Indonesian Political Discourse

The use of metaphor in political discourse is pervasive. One of the common source domain used in political metaphor is of WAR source domain. The increasing use of WAR metaphor reflects the intensity of the political situation. This paper examines the diachronic used of WAR metaphor in Indonesian Political Discourse. The aim is to analyze the use of the WAR source domain of metaphor used to speak about the Indonesian Political Situation and to compare the use of the metaphor before and after the direct election system is in effect (in 2004). The data are taken from 1896 news articles related to the political situation dan political coalition, that spans from 1980 to 2020 in Tempo online magazine. The study is corpus-based with The Conceptual Metaphor Framework of Lakoff and Johnson used as the theoretical background. The data analysis is conducted in two stages, first by quantitative analysis using Antconc Corpus Concordance Software to measure the frequency of WAR metaphor used to speak about Political situation and the second is the qualitative analysis to evaluate the change and the development of metaphor use. The result of the study should reflect how the political change that occurred in Indonesia can be reflected through the language in particular reflected from the metaphor used to speak about the political condition. The finding shows that there are three categories of diachronic change of WAR metaphorical expression: the first is the terms that have been used metaphorically even before 1998 (reformation era); the second is the terms that are recorded in use as a metaphor after 1998 and the last is the metaphorical expressions that are recorded in use before 1998 but have not been recorded after that.

Executive Approval Dynamics in Presidential and Parliamentary Democratic Regimes

Does the type of democratic regime matter for public evaluations of leaders? We argue two characteristics intrinsic to presidential and parliamentary regimes lead to divergent patterns of executive approval. For presidents, direct elections foster more personal leader-voter linkages; for prime ministers, dependence on the legislature for survival contributes to more institutionalized party systems. These two mechanisms should generate higher approval at the outset of a term—larger honeymoons— for presidents than for prime ministers, but also more rapid decline. Analyses of data from 40 countries produce evidence consistent with these constitutionally-based distinctions. Yet we uncover important within-regime differences. Within presidential systems, approval patterns vary along with paths to power—first-election versus re-election, and elected versus unelected. Within parliamentarism, honeymoons are greater for prime ministers overseeing single-party majoritarian governments. Study findings advance long-standing debates about the relative merits of presidential and parliamentary systems—particularly the tradeoff between democratic responsiveness and stability.

Делегированный порядок формирования представительных органов городских округов с внутригородским делением с точки зрения концепции единой публичной власти

The present study is devoted to the study of the delegated procedure for the formation of a representative body of an urban district with an inner-city division. In accordance with federal and regional legislation, there is currently, along with direct elections, such a procedure for recruiting a representative body of this new type of municipality, in which it consists of deputies of representative bodies of inner-city districts. This option of electing the city Duma (council) seems to be quite promising, since it allows you to form a representative body without holding another municipal election on an urban scale, does not entail budget expenditures and does not require the passage of procedures peculiar to an election campaign, promotes more effective interaction between two types of municipalities in order to most effectively address issues affecting the interests of all citizens.

THE PRESIDENT OF THE REPUBLIC OF KAZAKHSTAN AND LOCAL AUTHORITIES: HISTORICAL AND LEGAL ASPECT

The author notes in his research that from 1993 to 1995 a new system of local government was formed, local executive and representative bodies were allocated. With regard to the formation and activities of local executive bodies, the head of state played a key role, the system was based on vertical subordination. At the same time, local representative bodies have gained some independence. In the article, the author examines the history of the formation and development of the institution of local authorities, the development of relations between the head of state and territorial authorities. The subject of the study is the legal acts of the Republic of Kazakhstan, the legal norms formulated in them and the practice of their implementation, program documents. The objectives of the work are to identify problems in the system of relations between the President and local authorities. In the course of the study, the author examines the processes of centralization and decentralization. Thus, within the framework of the constitutional reform of the development of local authorities and self-government, the introduction of direct elections of the leadership of administrative-territorial units of some types, the system of vertical power and subordination is maintained. Moreover, the article shows some inconsistency in the ongoing reforms of local government, leveling the increase in the status of local authorities at the expense of other norms and rules. The paper shows that after the constitutional reform of 2022, the President of the Republic of Kazakhstan retains full authority over local governments (taking into account the presence of some elements of independence of territorial governments). The article and in conclusion assesses some provisions of the legal acts of Kazakhstan.

The Effectiveness of Political Communication of Regional Head Candidates in Direct Elections (Case Study in the 2020 South Kalimantan Governor and Deputy Governor Elections)

This study examines the effectiveness of political communication of regional head candidates in direct regional elections in South Kalimantan Province in 2020. This research uses a mixed method with a case study approach. Data was collected through questionnaires, observations, interviews, and document tracing. Data analysis techniques use descriptive-qualitative with a sequential explanatory perspective. The results of this study found that the two pairs of candidates for regional heads in the South Kalimantan Governor and Deputy Governor Elections used six forms of political communication, that is rhetoric, propaganda, public relations, political campaigns, political lobbying, and mass media. The six models of political communication are delivered in the form of dynamic verbal and non-verbal messages, because: 1) Have political acceptability as a political actor who obeys the political scenario; 2) Utilizing the potential of candidates for regional heads, both personal potential, structural potential and cultural potential of the community as a medium of political communication with voters; 3) Not conducting political communication in the form of political agitation, because it is not in accordance with the heterogeneous culture of the nation, which prioritizes mutual assistance and togetherness; 4) Able to label names with certain acronyms that have a positive meaning for voters; 4) Using mainstream mass media and social media as a medium for delivering appropriate political messages to the electorate. This study concluded, there are five advantages of political communication of the Sahbirin Noor-Muhidin pair that are considered effective in determining victory in the 2020 South Kalimantan Governor and Deputy Governor elections, that is: 1) The character of the message conveyed is more diverse by using symbols based on local culture; 2) Have the support of a militant and solid political party base; 3) Many political campaigns present candidates as successful and populist actors; 4) Receive support from religious and community leaders who act as public relations when conducting campaigns in outdoor media and social media; and 5) Packaging messages as a candidates who continue to make development efforts in all fields.

Direct election of education superintendents in Korea: dilemmas and improvement strategies

PurposeThis study analyzes the advantages and disadvantages of the electoral mechanism of local education superintendents in South Korea, draws conclusions and makes suggestions for future reforms.Design/methodology/approachThe research method of this study included document analysis and interviews. Document analysis was used to collect and analyze the relevant official documents of education superintendents across countries. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with four professors and two superintendents.FindingsThe results of the interviews indicate the following: 1) Korean stakeholders are getting more familiar with the direct election of superintendents, as the interviews indicate a more mature direct election system due to previous experience and public officials taking direct election into account; 2) The direct election of superintendents has advantages and disadvantages. The advantages include increasing the participation of the general public in education, and the disadvantages include conflict between the central government and local superintendents belonging to different political parties. However, the current system is likely to be retained; 3) The superintendent systems in various countries differ due to their respective traditions and social contexts. However, the authors can always learn lessons and implications from foreign countries if the authors compare their education systems with their foreign counterparts.Research limitations/implicationsAs far research limitations, although this was a small study, it shows the importance of collecting multiple stakeholders' views on the direct election of education superintendents as a basis for future reform of education management.Practical implicationsThe Korean system for electing superintendents provides a good model for other countries reflecting on the educational autonomy and accountabilities of their own systems.Social implicationsThe direct election of superintendents provides an example of professionalism, independence and political neutrality in education that other countries can learn from. The separation of general and educational administration in Korea through direct elections protects educational activities from political influence.Originality/valueIn terms of originality/value, this study adds a new perspective to the debate about whether the general public should directly elect education superintendents, as well as to the literature on local education management.