Instruments Of Direct Democracy Research Articles

Non-binding linked-issues referenda: Analysis and an application

Non-binding referenda (‘petitions') are an instrument of direct democracy that allows citizens to signal preferences to politicians outside the electoral cycle. This paper provides a simple theoretical and empirical analysis of a particular form of non-binding referenda, so-called linked-issues petitions. It analyzes the ability of issue linkage to increase participation levels above those of single-issue petitions and applies the analytical insights to a controversial referendum held in Austria in 2002 that linked issues of transboundary nuclear risk and Eastern enlargement of the European Union.

Die Bildungsfinanzen der Schweizer Kantone. Der Einfluss sozioökonomischer Bedingungen, organisierter Interessen und politischer Institutionen auf die Bildungsausgaben im kantonalen Vergleich

This article seeks to explain cross‐cantonal variation in public education expenditure between 1985 and 1998. Four possible explanations are located: socio‐demographic and socio‐economic pressures, the impact of political institutions, the partisan theory, and the power resources of organized interests. Taking the research advantage of Swiss federalism our findings provide strong evidence that educational expenditure is systematically related to the socio‐demographic and socio‐economic pressures in a given canton. Furthermore, consensus democracy promotes educational finance, while the decentralization of the cantonal polity lessens the educational policy output. Finally, the instruments of direct democracy as well as partisan variables do not seem to account for differences regarding the budget expenditures on education in the Swiss cantons.

Size and Direct Democracy at the Local Level: The Case of Switzerland

After a brief look the most important characteristics of Swiss municipalities, this paper describes the municipalities' organization according to the principles of direct democracy and means of decisionmaking. Drawing on empirical findings, it then examines size effects more closely. Whether legislative decisions are taken in a direct democratic assembly or in a representative parliament largely depends on the size of a municipality: smaller municipalities have an assembly, larger ones a parliament. By contrast, direct democratic instruments such as initiatives and referendums are not necessarily more widespread in larger municipalities. The use of initiatives and referendums is higher in larger municipalities, but assembly attendance and election turnout clearly decreases with increasing municipal size. The strength of the size effect varies considerably depending on the different variables of direct democracy under scrutiny.

What explains the Differences in the Tax Burden Between Swiss Cantons?

ZusammenfassungIn the present article, we empirically analyse a series of competing hypothesis that try to account for the considerable disparity in the tax burden between Swiss cantons. Three hypotheses focus on differences in spending levels: The first explains differences in the tax burden with differences in citizens' demand for government services. The second emphasizes the differences in efficiency between cantonal administrations, whereas the third insists on the more or less easy access to cantonal instruments of direct democracy. However, when confronted to the data, none of these three expenditure‐based hypotheses are confirmed by our cross‐sectional estimations. On the contrary, our regressions lend support to the hypotheses which highlights the differences in tax revenues between cantons. These results suggest that it is not differences in government spending which account for the disparity in cantonal tax levels, but differences in the cantonal endowment with resources. This indicates that some financial equalization on the cantonal level might strengthen the equity of Switzerland's tax system.

Right-Populists and Plebiscitary Politics in Canada

This paper attempts to explain the appeal direct democratic instruments hold for contemporary right-populist parties by drawing on recent experience in Canada. Our thesis is that a particular approach to direct democracy - which we label `plebiscitarianism' - complements right-populist parties' broader ideological commitment to a scaling back of the welfare state, and of public life more generally. Starting with a theoretical approximation of plebiscitarianism, we trace this complementarity with reference to the democratic ideas and practices of right-populists in Canada, both historically and in the present context.

Party Competition and Plebiscitary Politics in Austria

The article reviews the Austrian experience with plebiscitary democracy—two referenda and 19 initiatives—from a party competition perspective. Direct democratic instruments are designed to allow citizens to decide over or push for policy. However, in Austria these instruments have been used mainly by political parties to pursue their goals. While party position-taking in referenda aimed at both policy and votes, electoral considerations were dominant in the parties' use of the initiative. Indeed, the vast majority of party-directed initiatives improved the electoral position of the initiating or supporting party.

"A Case of Democratic Contagion": Direct Democracy in the American West, 1890-1920

Research Article| May 01 1997 "A Case of Democratic Contagion": Direct Democracy in the American West, 1890-1920 Thomas Goebel Thomas Goebel Search for other works by this author on: This Site PubMed Google Scholar Pacific Historical Review (1997) 66 (2): 213–230. https://doi.org/10.2307/3640628 Views Icon Views Article contents Figures & tables Video Audio Supplementary Data Peer Review Share Icon Share Facebook Twitter LinkedIn MailTo Tools Icon Tools Get Permissions Cite Icon Cite Search Site Citation Thomas Goebel; "A Case of Democratic Contagion": Direct Democracy in the American West, 1890-1920. Pacific Historical Review 1 May 1997; 66 (2): 213–230. doi: https://doi.org/10.2307/3640628 Download citation file: Ris (Zotero) Reference Manager EasyBib Bookends Mendeley Papers EndNote RefWorks BibTex toolbar search Search Dropdown Menu toolbar search search input Search input auto suggest filter your search All ContentPacific Historical Review Search This content is only available via PDF. Copyright 1997 The Pacific Coast Branch, American Historical Association Article PDF first page preview Close Modal You do not currently have access to this content.

Canada's Constitutional Discontents

American political scientists have paid very little attention to our northern neighbor and leading trading partner. Yet as the following essays make clear, Canada poses a number of important issues of concern to scholars of American and comparative politics, including the difficulty of building coalitions for institutional reform, the development of minority group identities, and the political dynamics of direct democracy instruments such as referenda. In the following essays, three Canadian political scientists examine the constitutional crises that have repeatedly engulfed Canadian politics over the last quarter century. These crises had their most important root in efforts to find a new constitutional order that would meet the demands of the francophone-majority province of Quebec for increased autonomy, but the evolving process has attracted more participants and more demands. By the time of last October's referendum on a package of constitutional reforms known as the Charlottetown Accord, the constitutional agenda had become so overloaded that it sank under its own weight. Peter Russell's essay traces the tortuous history of Canadian negotiations over constitutional reform. Stephane Dion examines the ebbs and flows of Quebec nationalism.

Canada's Constitutional Discontents

American political scientists have paid very little attention to our northern neighbor and leading trading partner. Yet as the following essays make clear, Canada poses a number of important issues of concern to scholars of American and comparative politics, including the difficulty of building coalitions for institutional reform, the development of minority group identities, and the political dynamics of direct democracy instruments such as referenda. In the following essays, three Canadian political scientists examine the constitutional crises that have repeatedly engulfed Canadian politics over the last quarter century. These crises had their most important root in efforts to find a new constitutional order that would meet the demands of the francophone-majority province of Quebec for increased autonomy, but the evolving process has attracted more participants and more demands. By the time of last October's referendum on a package of constitutional reforms known as the Charlottetown Accord, the constitutional agenda had become so overloaded that it sank under its own weight. Peter Russell's essay traces the tortuous history of Canadian negotiations over constitutional reform. Stéphane Dion examines the ebbs and flows of Quebec nationalism.

Presidential Primaries--Reflections of "The People's Choice"?

R recent years have brought an amplification of voices favoring Presidential primaries, advocates of which base their argument on empirically untested assumptions that those who vote in primaries are sufficiently large in number and diverse in political interest to represent preferences of Republicans and Democrats across nation. Indeed, James W. Davis argues that primaries already have become form of 'plebiscitarian democracy' . . . [and that for out-party] national party conventions are becoming ratifying bodies that approve national as expressed in presidential primaries.' Davis's thesis that primaries determine out-party's nominee, i.e., that they are instruments of direct democracy, has been challenged effectively elsewhere But his contention that presidential primaries reflect the national choice has not received systematic attention. The purpose here is to measure extent to which primaries reflect by conjoining two criteria of with primary election data relevant to them. The component in popular choice clearly connotes participation by large numbers of people. The amount of available to a primary electorate depends upon number of serious presidential candidates in primary, presence or absence of important issues in primary campaign, and extent to which candidates join, or oppose, each other on issues.3 It is