Diplomatic Negotiations Research Articles

Old sources – new approaches: early modern European diplomacy in the international historiography of the late twentieth and early twenty-first centuries

Over the past three decades, the field of diplomatic history has witnessed a surge in research interest, largely influenced by the linguistic, cultural, anthropological, and gender turns in the humanities and social sciences that occurred during the twentieth century. Those engaged in what is known as the ‘new diplomatic history’ understand diplomacy to be a communicative act, as well as a means of interacting with another culture and, more broadly, with what is considered to be “otherness”. Consequently, the focus is on actors, namely direct participants in this interaction. These include accredited diplomatic representatives, embassy staff, consuls, missionaries, translators and interpreters, merchants, local agents, and women, whose social and cultural capital also influenced interstate, international, and interpersonal relations. The objective of this article is to present an overview of selected academic literature on the history of early modern European diplomacy, as this period saw the emergence of a multitude of diplomatic roles. Having identified these roles, historians then proceed to the study of diplomacy as a complex of social and cultural practices. These include representation, negotiations, drafting reports, information gathering, the establishment of diplomatic networks, writing and translation, the exchange of gifts, the organisation of receptions and balls, and the collection of data, among other activities. To gain a deeper understanding of the subject, historians draw upon the problems and tools of related disciplines, such as sociology and political science, philology and linguistics, and archeology and art history. The author presents a comprehensive review of a range of research topics, including organisational forms, diplomatic practices and the professionalisation of the diplomatic service; ceremonial and symbolic communication; patron-client relationships; cultural transfer and intercultural communication; languages of diplomacy; the perception of the “other”; material aspects of diplomacy; self-perception of diplomatic actors and problems of identity; and confessional and gender factors in diplomacy.

The Role of the President of Georgia in the Appointment and Dismissal of the Ambassadors of Georgia and the Heads of the Diplomatic Representations

The field of foreign relations has been subject to dispute between the President and the Government of Georgia since 2013. Apart from the representation power and conclusion of the international treaties, the matter of appointment and dismissal of the ambassadors and heads of the diplomatic representations has been subject to controversies followed by the constitutional claims dated 16 August 2022 and 10 June 2022 submitted by the Government against the President of Georgia.[1] In particular, for the first time in the history of Georgia, the matter of the constitutionality of the President’s inaction in appointment and dismissal of the ambassadors and the heads of the diplomatic representations has been made subject to the discussion of the Constitutional Court of Georgia.[2] However, the Government of Georgia revoked its constitutional claims on unknown grounds[3], therefore, the Court was deprived of the possibility to hear and consider the said constitutional claims. Deriving from the above mentioned, the present work discusses the constitutional status of the President of Georgia and the role granted to the President in relation to the appointment and dismissal of the ambassadors and the heads of the diplomatic representations. [1] The constitutional claim of the Government of Georgia against the President of Georgia, dated 10 June 2022, N1711. [2] The constitutional claim of the Government of Georgia against the President of Georgia, dated 16 August 2022, N1723. [3] See the Orders of the Constitutional Court dated 03 February 2022 N3/1/1711 and N3/2/1723.

Optimizing Available International Remedies for the Return of Cultural Artifacts: The Case of Eritrea

The identity of the artifacts taken from the origin states belongs to the state, as identity cannot be altered or modified. Besides, these cultural assets in their states of origin enjoy the living spirit, value, and respect of the people they belong to and provide the essence of historical legacy to their future generations. Eritrea, a small country in the east of Africa, had been under subjective colonizers for more than 100 years, where colonizers, primarily Italy and Ethiopia, confiscated many of the cultural artifacts of this country. Ethiopia started to seize historical objects in the early 12th and 13th centuries from the Adulis archaeological site and Debrebizen, a monastery near Eritrea’s capital city, later around 55 objects including sarcophagi, tombs, pottery, and coins, were taken to Ethiopia and remained in the Museums of Addis Ababa, the capital city of Ethiopia. This research paper attempts to find a possible way to regain Eritrean artifacts. Further, using the method of case study analysis, this research has managed to provide solutions for Eritrea despite the absence of international legal suits. The case studies entail that in the absence of legal remedies, states still cooperate to return historically taken cultural properties. Also, the return of historical cultural properties has become central to diplomatic dialogue among states. The beneficial outcomes of peace treaties signed between Italy and Libya, Italy and Ethiopia, unilateral declaration of the French Government, enactment of laws by the federal laws of the USA, and the laws enacted by the French government for the return of historically taken cultural properties to Spain and Japan, the negotiations between Italy and the US, the mediation between France and Nigeria, the successful arbitration case of Maria Altmann and the Republic of Austria are the selected and discussed cases during this study. Furthermore, cases are selected based on their successful nature and their impact and influence on international cultural heritage law. Moreover, the paper has also pointed out the underlying and potential challenges that Eritrea may face in claiming the historically taken artifacts. Finally, the paper recommends, on the side of Eritrea, the use of the peace agreement signed with Ethiopia as a legal base to initiate bilateral negotiations and all forms of Alternative Dispute Resolution (ADR) mechanisms to claim the return of historically taken cultural properties from Italy and Ethiopia. Suggestively, Italy and Ethiopia must realize the importance of those looted properties to the state of Eritrea and must unilaterally declare their return through legislation, administrative measures, political declaration, or peace agreements

The Kosovo Vilayet in the geostrategic plans of the Ottoman Empire and the Eastern Question

During the 19th century, particularly in its second half, significant changes occurred in international relations and the territorial organization of Europe and the world. The collapse of traditional empires, the rise of nationalism, the expansion of imperialism, and the pursuit of a balance of power shaped the dynamics of the geopolitical landscape of the time. The whirlpool of these changes could not be avoided by the Sublime Ottoman State, as the influences from neighboring regions on its territorial integrity, internal, and foreign policies were too strong. All of this was undertaken by the great powers in the context of resolving the “Eastern Question.” In attempting to resist the incursions from both external and internal forces, while contemplating its territorial integrity, the Ottoman Empire was compelled to implement certain administrative changes during the period of Tanzimat reforms, which were essentially geostrategic considerations aimed at preserving control over parts of the Balkans and all that entailed, in a situation where territorial losses were inevitable. During this time, the Ottoman Empire found itself in the vortex of great power interests. Russia sought protection for the Christian population within the Ottoman Empire and access to the Mediterranean, while the Habsburg Monarchy had territorial interests in the Balkans. On the other side were Great Britain and France, both of which opposed Russia's access to the Mediterranean and thus advocated for the survival of the Ottoman Empire. By navigating between the interests of these powers, the Ottoman Empire managed to extend its presence in the Balkans for another thirty-four years following the Congress of Berlin in 1878. The complex demographic structure of the population in the Ottoman provinces in the Balkans was one of the factors that temporarily delayed the resolution of the “Eastern Question.” However, after all the significant historical upheavals—1878 was certainly one of those for the Ottoman Empire—a considerable part of the Muslim population was condemned to a grueling struggle for survival, retreating towards the still secure zones, which were essentially small and rare oases in the Balkans still under Ottoman control. Various types of insecurity—property, legal, personal, and others—forced the Muslim population to emigrate towards the Asian part of the Empire in search of a safer refuge. One of the transit territories on this path was the territory of the Kosovo Vilayet. The arrival of a large number of muhacirs to this area after 1878 led to a series of negative phenomena, particularly in the more significant urban centers. Certainly, there were individuals who skillfully exploited the situation to enrich themselves or to build personal political careers. Although largely educated in Western European countries, Ottoman diplomatic representatives and officials failed to navigate the whirlpool of the impending changes that affected the Ottoman Empire. The political moves they made after 1878 concerning the Balkan territories were short-term and lacked a strong impact on international relations. The aim of this paper is to highlight the geostrategic plans of the Ottoman Empire regarding the Kosovo Vilayet and the unfolding of the Eastern Question up until 1881, when the “Prizren League,” an organization fighting for the national interests of the Albanian people, was dissolved.

North Africa in the Foreign Policy of Catherine II

The 18th century represented a transformative era for the Russian Empire, characterized by substantial internal reforms and notable foreign policy achievements. Amidst sweeping modernization efforts, Russia secured significant victories on the international stage. Under Peter I, Russia "opened a window" to Europe, while Catherine II's reign expanded Russia's geopolitical reach to the Black Sea, facilitating access to fertile southern territories and establishing crucial maritime routes for international trade. These strategic advancements considerably enhanced Russia's influence and strategic capacities. During Catherine II’s reign, Russia also initiated its first forays into North Africa, a region previously beyond the empire's strategic horizon. Prior to gaining maritime access to the Black and Mediterranean Seas, Russian interaction with North African territories was negligible. However, the geopolitical landscape of Catherine's era prompted the necessity of engaging with Egypt, Algeria, Morocco, Tunisia, and Tripoli.This article investigates the principal foreign policy initiatives of Russia toward North Africa during the latter half of the 18th century. These efforts served as ancillary operations to Russia's overarching conflict with the Ottoman Empire. Throughout the Russo-Turkish Wars, Russia exploited separatist movements within the Ottoman periphery to weaken its adversary strategically. In times of peace, Russian priorities shifted to safeguarding merchant vessels in the Mediterranean from attacks by Barbary corsairs—specifically from Tunisia, Algeria, and Tripoli. To mitigate these threats, Russia employed diplomatic pressure on the Sublime Porte and sought to negotiate peace agreements with North African states. Nevertheless, these early Russian engagements in North Africa were tentative and often marked by limited success and instances of diplomatic adventurism, leaving several initiatives unrealized.Utilizing archival documents from the Archive of Foreign Policy of the Russian Empire (AVPRI) and the Russian State Archive of Ancient Acts (RGADA), this article provides a detailed examination of Russia’s diplomatic decision-making and negotiations with North African states. While prior Russian and foreign scholarship has analyzed specific events and countries in this context, this study seeks to offer a more holistic understanding of Russia’s foreign policy objectives and actions in North Africa during the 18th century.

Визнання Голодомору геноцидом українського народу країнами Латинської Америки

The issue of recognizing the Holodomor of 1932–1933 as genocide of the Ukrainian people is one of the priority directions in the cultural and humanitarian cooperation of Ukraine with the countries of Latin America and the Caribbean. As of November 2023, only 7 out of 33 Latin American countries have recognized the Holodomor as genocide of the Ukrainian people at the parliamentary level. These are Peru, Ecuador, Mexico, Chile (Chamber of Deputies), Colombia (Chamber of Representatives), Paraguay (Senate) and Brazil (Senate). Both chambers of the National Assembly of Argentina adopted only declarations commemorating the victims. In Ukrainian historiography, despite the presence publications dedicated to the study of the problem of recognizing the Holodomor of 1932–1933 as genocide of the Ukrainian nation by the international community, there is still a lack of research that would study this issue precisely at the level of individual countries or regions. One of the most understudied areas is the recognition of the Holodomor as genocide by Latin American countries. In the article, based on a number of Spanish- and Portuguese-language documentary sources, an attempt was made to analyze the peculiarities of recognition of the Holodomor of 1932–1933 as genocide by Latin American countries. The research examines the key factors that influenced the process of Latin American countries recognizing the Holodomor as a genocide of the Ukrainian people. Certain aspects of the procedure for approving relevant documents in different countries of the region are given. The role and contribution of the Ukrainian communities of Argentina, Paraguay and Brazil in the popularization of the Holodomor topic, its comprehensive discussion and political recognition of this crime are shown. The impact of the level of interstate dialogue between Ukraine and the countries of the region, as well as the activities of Ukrainian diplomatic representatives aimed at condemning the crime of genocide, is reflected. In article author analyze the impact of cooperation of the Russian Federation with certain countries of the region on the recognition of the Holodomor as genocide of the Ukrainian people. In the case of Uruguay and Brazil, the activities of Russian diplomats aimed at opposing this achievement were noted. Keywords: Recognition of Holodomor as genocide, Latin America, Ukrainian diaspora, Ukrainian diplomacy.

Dialects of diplomacy in eighteenth-century Morocco: Middle Arabic in the correspondence of ambassador Aḥmad al-Ghazzāl

ABSTRACT Aḥmad al-Ghazzāl was a Moroccan scribe and litterateur who served as Sultan Muḥammad III’s (r. 1757-1790) chief diplomat to Spain from 1766 to 1775. In this capacity he wrote over thirty letters to his Spanish and other foreign counterparts around the Mediterranean. We use these letters to examine how al-Ghazzāl strategically employed Middle Arabic, defined as a written variety that incorporates both classical and colloquial elements, as part of an effective diplomatic agenda. His use of Middle Arabic combined previously established norms with innovations that have up to now not been documented in this period or genre. Proposing a historical-linguistic analysis, we argue that al-Ghazzāl’s innovative rhetorical strategies offer insight into both spoken and written Arabic in the early modern period and developments in diplomatic thought and practice from a North African perspective.

Russian-Romanian relations during the Balkan Wars in the to memoirs and reports of Nikolai Shebeko, envoy to Bucharest (1912–1913)

Following the conclusion of the Crimean War, Russia adopted a policy aimed at the abolition of the Treaty of Paris of 1856, which it perceived as humiliating. To this end, Russia commenced a process of rapprochement with France, resulting in the signing of an agreement in 1859. However, having secured Russian neutrality during the 1859 Italian War, France was reluctant to honour reciprocal commitments supporting Russian efforts to abrogate the terms of the 1856 Treaty. It became increasingly clear that Napoleon III’s policy was lacking in sincerity when the Polish question reached a new level of aggravation. In a joint initiative with the United Kingdom and Austria, France launched a comprehensive political and diplomatic offensive against Russia with the intention of exerting pressure and transforming the Polish question into an international issue. Russia, on the other hand, required peace to enable the continuation of internal reforms. Consequently, it sought to identify strategies to resist the interference of the great powers. Belgium, neighbouring France, emerged as a key player in this endeavour. King Leopold I, motivated by the objective of maintaining European equilibrium, wary of the French emperor, and intent on demonstrating that the Polish question could not impinge upon the bilateral relationship between Russia and Belgium, proved to be a pivotal intermediary in the diplomatic negotiations with Paris, London, and Vienna. The reports of the Russian envoy to Belgium, Nikolai Orlov, served to supplement the information that had been transmitted by other Russian embassies in Europe. However, adhering to the instructions that had been provided by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Orlov, who was known for his independent views and sympathetic attitude towards the fate of Polish émigrés, openly expressed his own judgements on the possible solutions to the Polish question in his dealings with Russian and European statesmen, as well as with representatives of the Tsar’s family. Consequently, during the Polish crisis, Napoleon III endeavoured to engage Orlov in the diplomatic process. In the article, the author analyses the activities of the embassy in Brussels in 1863–1864 drawing on a hitherto unexamined set of archival documents. In addition, she examines the extent to which the mission of Nikolai Orlov as a diplomat was successful. Furthermore, the article reveals new details of the diplomatic negotiations between European states that took place during the period of international tensions in the early 1860s.

Russian embassy in Brussels and the January Uprising, 1863–1864

Following the conclusion of the Crimean War, Russia adopted a policy aimed at the abolition of the Treaty of Paris of 1856, which it perceived as humiliating. To this end, Russia commenced a process of rapprochement with France, resulting in the signing of an agreement in 1859. However, having secured Russian neutrality during the 1859 Italian War, France was reluctant to honour reciprocal commitments supporting Russian efforts to abrogate the terms of the 1856 Treaty. It became increasingly clear that Napoleon III’s policy was lacking in sincerity when the Polish question reached a new level of aggravation. In a joint initiative with the United Kingdom and Austria, France launched a comprehensive political and diplomatic offensive against Russia with the intention of exerting pressure and transforming the Polish question into an international issue. Russia, on the other hand, required peace to enable the continuation of internal reforms. Consequently, it sought to identify strategies to resist the interference of the great powers. Belgium, neighbouring France, emerged as a key player in this endeavour. King Leopold I, motivated by the objective of maintaining European equilibrium, wary of the French emperor, and intent on demonstrating that the Polish question could not impinge upon the bilateral relationship between Russia and Belgium, proved to be a pivotal intermediary in the diplomatic negotiations with Paris, London, and Vienna. The reports of the Russian envoy to Belgium, Nikolai Orlov, served to supplement the information that had been transmitted by other Russian embassies in Europe. However, adhering to the instructions that had been provided by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Orlov, who was known for his independent views and sympathetic attitude towards the fate of Polish émigrés, openly expressed his own judgements on the possible solutions to the Polish question in his dealings with Russian and European statesmen, as well as with representatives of the Tsar’s family. Consequently, during the Polish crisis, Napoleon III endeavoured to engage Orlov in the diplomatic process. In the article, the author analyses the activities of the embassy in Brussels in 1863–1864 drawing on a hitherto unexamined set of archival documents. In addition, she examines the extent to which the mission of Nikolai Orlov as a diplomat was successful. Furthermore, the article reveals new details of the diplomatic negotiations between European states that took place during the period of international tensions in the early 1860s.

Unequal Treaty in Practice: A Story about Article 23 of the Treaty of Tientsin

Abstract Despite the wealth of research on cross-border activities between China proper and Hong Kong, little has been discussed about the ‘civil fugitives’ who fled from one side to the other during Hong Kong’s early colonial period. Chinese debtors who absconded to China created jurisdictional problems for Hong Kong. The addition of Article 23 in the Treaty of Tientsin was an attempt to solve this issue, and this article explores what the discussions on Article 23, particularly those from 1905 to 1907 among British colonial officials and diplomatic agents, reveal about the characteristics of colonial jurisdiction under international law. In this case, colonial jurisdiction was limited solely to the territory of Hong Kong. Proposals to amend Article 23 attempted to remove the territorial barrier and establish personal jurisdiction for the colonial government in Hong Kong, similar to extraterritorial rights in Qing China.

Bio-Based Innovation and the Global Patent System: Exploring the WIPO Treaty on Intellectual Property, Genetic Resources and Associated Traditional Knowledge

Abstract This opinion critically examines the 2024 WIPO Treaty on Intellectual Property, Genetic Resources and Associated Traditional Knowledge, a new instrument addressing the use of genetic resources (GR), and traditional knowledge associated with GR (ATK) in the global patent system. Given the Treaty’s position at the intersection of intellectual property and environmental law, this article discusses its history and negotiation in the first part, including the Treaty’s links to the Convention on Biological Diversity (CBD) and the Agreement on Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS). It then discusses the concept of bio-based innovation and its role in the bioeconomy. Following this, the article assesses the Treaty’s contents, including its context and objectives, scope, the Patent Disclosure Requirement (PDR), sanctions and remedies for non-compliance with the PDR, information systems on GR and ATK, and its relationship with other international instruments. The article highlights the extensive diplomatic negotiations that shaped the final text and considers potential amendments that could be made during the Treaty’s review process. The Treaty is intended to improve the global patent system’s effectiveness, transparency, and quality concerning GR and ATK and to prevent Offices from granting patents erroneously. Its provisions present new challenges and complexities for stakeholders, and its long-term success will depend on ongoing international collaboration and engagement, both within and outside the Treaty’s framework, and ensuring equitable benefit-sharing from the use of GR and ATK as part of a global sustainable bioeconomy.

The Morlachs of Dalmatia: A Glimpse on Damages Caused by Morlach Shepherds in Rural Dalmatia during the 15th and 16th Centuries

The Morlachs of Dalmatia, as referred to in Venetian documents from the 15th-century onwards, were a heterogeneous and extremely mobile population of Vlach origin. Even if they were to be found also as merchants, soldiers, thieves, criminals, immigrants, etc., the principal occupation of the late medieval Dalmatian Morlachs remained the traditional sheep breeding. When analysing this latter aspect of Morlach life, we have to keep in mind that the lifestyle of the Morlach shepherds from Dalmatia was strongly connected with that of other Vlachs communities from the Balkans. Together with this, the Morlachs` commercial practices and the ubiquitous presence of Morlach sheep flocks in the agricultural space of the Dalmatian hinterlands in the 15th and 16th-century, contributes equally to the larger topic of the life in border areas. Against this background, this paper exams the crop damages caused by the Morlach shepherds in Dalmatia`s fields and vineyards. These damages reveal information about the legal status of Morlach shepherds in Dalmatian communes, about privileges, concessions, agreements, rental contracts, and also about diplomatic negotiations. Moreover, representative examples of crop damages will be used to study the relation and (partially) cross-cultural interaction of Morlachs shepherds with the great regional powers, particularly Venice’s reaction to the disruptive Morlachs and its consequences at the diplomatic level with the authorities of the Ottoman Empire.

The role of the energy dimension in tourism safety and security

Security, having a multilateral character – as a state of the social system, a complex process, a function of the state, etc. – reflects the level of satisfaction of the fundamental national interests of a country, as well as the actions taken, on a single ideological basis, to promote those interests and defend them against aggression, dangers, threats and risks of any kind. The tourism sector is an important economic sector globally and locally and offers real prospects for sustainable and inclusive economic growth. Safety is one of the most important criteria in supporting the tourism industry. Diplomatic channels, negotiation, cooperation and exchange of experience have always been and remain the most viable ways for a state to achieve its foreign policy objectives in relation to its domestic needs, especially for the Republic of Moldova with limited energy resources and infastructure still in the present.

Syria in Turkey-US Relations: Security, Terror and Strategic Dilemmas

Turkey-US relations have historically been influenced by periodic developments, sometimes becoming strong or fragile. In this context, the relations between Turkey and the US have been deeply affected by the presence of the PKK/PYD/YPG in northern Syria and the US support for these groups. Turkey considers the PYD/YPG as an extension of the PKK and perceives it as a direct threat to its national security. On the other hand, the US supports this group by renaming it the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) and describing it as the most effective ground force against DAESH. This situation has damaged the relationship between the two NATO allies, leading to diplomatic crises and regional strategic misalignments. Turkey’s cross-border operations and the US support for the PYD/YPG are the most significant points of tension overshadowing the common interests of the two countries. Despite these challenges, Turkey and the US have the potential to protect their common interests in counter-terrorism and regional security matters. This study analyzes how Turkey’s policies in Syria have been shaped by the US support for the PYD/YPG and how the tensions in this context have affected the strategic goals of both countries. Turkey’s national security strategies and its cooperation dynamics with the US can be reshaped through diplomatic negotiations and strategic cooperation mechanisms. In this framework, the advancement of relations on a more constructive basis will be possible if both sides act with mutual understanding and flexibility.

An Evaluation of Köprülü Fazıl Ahmed Pasha's Foreign Policy

Abstract Historiographical tradition has tended to view the Köprülü-era foreign policy as one of conscious expansion, fueled by religious fervor. The descriptions of the seventeenth-century Ottoman chroniclers to that effect influenced the researchers of the twenty-first-century, too. However, in the reports of European diplomatic representatives active in Istanbul at the time, we see that the expansionary policy in the Köprülü period was not actually a pre-planned phenomenon with religious motivations; it was more likely that the grand viziers responded to the urgent problems arising from the political conjuncture of the period. To be more precise, this study argues that events such as the Érsekújvár Expedition (1663), the Siege of Candia (1667-69), and the Campaign of Kamieniec (1672), which all took place during the reign of Köprülü Fazıl Ahmet Pasha (r. 1661-76), could not be explained by religious motivations alone. Instead, the present study argues that a better way to understand Fazıl Ahmed Pasha's foreign policy is interpreting it from an international relations perspective through the neoclassical realist parameters of the individual, state structure, and international system.

Les jeux panhelléniques dans les rapports entre les cités grecques d'Europe et d'Asie

This article focuses in a first part on the four main games that brought together the Greeks of Europe and those of Asia. These four major contests were the Olympic Games, Isthmian Games, Pythian Games, and Nemean Games. In addition, it highlights the conclusion of the truces which were considered an essential condition for the organization of these games. In a second part, the study shows that Greeks came from all cities to participate in the games. It also mentions the honor both an athlete and a city derived from a victory during these games. Finally, the study addresses the fact that the games were opportunities to strengthen the bonds of cultural kinship between Greek city-states and occasions for diplomatic negotiations.

ASEAN and European Union addressing the challenges of the 21st century

Abstract Subject and purpose of work The European Union (EU) and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) are trade partners and believe in rules-based multilateralism. They have developed strong ties despite starting from different starting points and having different standards. The EU is a mature regional cooperation scheme(union) with a highly institutionalized and legalized architecture. At the same time, ASEAN is an intergovernmental association with low institutionalization and legalization in which decisions are made by consensus. After almost fifty years of establishing a diplomatic dialogue between the EU and ASEAN, their cooperation has been of essential importance in maintaining peace and balancing great power rivalries. Materials and methods Bibliography in books and articles. Results The EU and ASEAN are among the world’s largest economies in terms of gross domestic product. The EU is already the world’s second-largest economy, and ASEAN could become the world’s fourth-largest economy by 2030. The EU looks forward to strengthening its economic cooperation with ASEAN to maintain its competitive position in the dynamically developing region of the Indo-Pacific. ASEAN is a crucial hub for transporting European goods and is essential in regional supply chains. Closer trade and investment relations could also help the EU achieve its goal of a strategic partnership between the two regional blocks encompassing political and economic cooperation. It would be desirable if the EU and ASEAN continue to connect Europe and Asia by acting as balancers and reducing tensions between the major international players. Conclusions In the 21st century, the rise of China, India, and other regional powers is consolidating a multipolar system and new geopolitical balances. In this new era, the EU and ASEAN can continue to connect Europe and Asia by acting as balancers and reducing tensions between the major international players.

Recovering cultural heritage: historical insights into Ethiopia’s unique approach

ABSTRACT Ethiopia, a nation rich in cultural and natural heritage, faces the challenge of recovering numerous cultural treasures dispersed across the globe. While Ethiopian regimes have sought to return these cultural treasures since the second half of the 19th century, the journey towards complete recovering remains incomplete. Thus, this article examines Ethiopia’s unique approach to recovering its heritage, contrasting it with strategies employed by other African nations. Despite over a century and a half of efforts, Ethiopia’s endeavors have been limited in scale and scope, leaving a significant portion of its cultural heritage abroad. The absence of a comprehensive national strategy has further hampered progress. The article stresses the need for a collaborative approach involving government agencies, cultural organizations, and international partners. This collaboration must encompass diplomatic negotiations, legal frameworks, and public awareness campaigns. Only through a unified and determined strategy can Ethiopia reclaim its rightful legacy and ensure the preservation of its cultural heritage for future generations.

Foundations and Applications in Political Theory: An Analytical Study

This study explores the practical applications of political theory, focusing on how fundamental principles are translated into real political actions within governance and decision-making contexts. The first section addresses the identification of core principles such as democracy, justice, equality, sovereignty, legitimacy, and rights, which serve as a theoretical framework for political systems and policy formulation. Each principle is examined in depth, highlighting its significance in shaping governance and social order. For instance, democracy emphasizes citizen participation and accountability, while justice relates to fairness and equitable distribution of resources. Various political scenarios where these principles are applied are discussed, including legislative debates, policy-making processes, electoral campaigns, diplomatic negotiations, and judicial rulings. Each scenario illustrates the practical implications of political theories, demonstrating how lawmakers, policymakers, and diplomats engage with these concepts to address societal issues, Furthermore, the study emphasizes the necessity of considering stakeholders' perspectives, including government officials, political parties, civil society organizations, interest groups, and citizens, in evaluating the effectiveness of political actions. Through a critical analysis of these applications, the study assesses the outcomes of political decisions and governance practices, focusing on their alignment with democratic values and the protection of individual rights. It also addresses challenges such as institutional barriers, conflicting interests, and resource constraints that hinder the realization of political ideals. Ultimately, the study offers recommendations to enhance the significance of political theory in contemporary political discourse, advocating for collaborative efforts between theorists and practitioners to ensure that theoretical ideas inform practical policymaking. This study underscores the vital role of political theory in understanding and addressing current political challenges, contributing to enlightened governance and social progress.

China- India Border Crisis: Causes and Implications 1962-2023

For more than seventy years, the Sino-Indo border crisis has become an endless imbroglio with no settlement in sight. Relations between the two Asian giants have soured over the last decade, particularly following a 2020 boundary skirmish between Indian and Chinese soldiers in the Galwan area. The issue of a disputed border emerged in the early 1950s when the People’s Republic of China affected her capture of Tibet. This act created for China and India one of the lengthiest undefined boundaries in the globe. The China-India border stretches for approximately 3,488 kilometers (2,167 miles) across the Himalayan mountain range, separating the two countries. The main areas of contention are the western sector (Aksai Chin region administered by China but claimed by India) and the eastern sector (Arunachal Pradesh region administered by India but claimed by China). This dispute has led to several military standoffs and border skirmishes between the two countries over the years. The intricate and protractedness of this border conflict made this work try to find out the causes and implications of this crisis to the Asian region and the world generally. To do this effectively, we employ secondary sources where data was collected from textbooks, diplomatic records, academic literature, newspapers, journals, magazines, and internet materials. The data collected was analyzed through documentary evidence while the contested border and territorial nationalism theory were used as the analytical tool. The work discovered that factors like unresolved border issues, historical crises, strategic concerns, ideological biases, failed diplomatic negotiations, military considerations, the Tibetan refugees crisis, Cold War dynamics, and limited communications were some of the issues that led to the border crisis between the two Asian giants. Furthermore, the work found out that the implications engendered by the China-India border crisis are severe and expansive like heavy militarization of the China-Indian border, strategic instability in Asia, India’s more assertive foreign policy, China’s global image damage, policy implications, and arms race between the two Asian giants. The work concluded that China and India should strive for a harmonious and sustainable joint boundary commission that will map and mark their boundaries as this option if meticulously and strictly followed will tremendously benefit both and all.