Diplomatic Network Research Articles

The Astronomical Observatory of the Abbot de Beauchamp in Baghdad

Abstract In 1786, the Abbé Joseph de Beauchamp, vicar general of the bishopric of Babylon, vice-consul in Baghdad and correspondent of the Royal Academy of Sciences in Paris, completed the description of the astronomical observatory he had installed on a terrace of the house of the Missionary Fathers of the Congregation of the Faith in Baghdad. A crossroads between Parisian and Middle Eastern astronomical practice, between scholarly, religious and diplomatic networks in France and abroad, Beauchamp’s observatory was destroyed by the wind in 1783, then carefully reconstructed and well equipped with observation and measurement instruments received from France. The notes, descriptions and detailed drawings carefully recorded by the astronomer explain the organization of this learned space, the function, construction and operation of each of the elements for the various types of observations (stars, the Sun and the planet Mercury, in particular) made within it.

The EU’s longer arm abroad: the role of EU Delegations in crisis management

ABSTRACT Since the establishment of the EEAS as the EU’s diplomatic service and the transformation of the EU’s representation abroad into EU Delegations, the EU has been a pioneer in multilateral diplomacy and contributed to development in its wider neighbourhood. These bodies made a significant contribution to widening the EU’s diplomatic network and strengthening its position in foreign policy and external relations. However, EU Delegations play a minimal role in the EU’s crisis management efforts despite their presence on the ground and their useful recourses, which could, in fact, provide crucial assets to EU-led missions. While the EU has shown successes in diplomacy, its Delegations face the problems of multiple principals and non-exclusive delegation which risk undermining the EU’s overall capacities as a global actor. This article applies the PA model to illustrate these dual problems in the cases of the CSDP missions conducted in Mali and Ukraine.

The Embassy as an Extension of the Diplomatic Persona

Summary Built by the architect Louis Montoyer in Vienna between 1803 and 1808 for the Russian ambassador to Austria, Andrey Razumovsky, the famous Razumovsky Palace would become the centre of anti-Napoleonic diplomacy in the early nineteenth century and a fixture in Vienna’s lively cultural scene. This article first discusses how the ambassador used his embassy as a meeting place for formal and informal diplomacy that contributed to Russia’s positioning against Napoleon long before the Grande Armée invaded the empire. Secondly, the architectural outline of the Razumovsky Palace is linked to the different cultural functions of the embassy that underpinned and strengthened Razumovsky’s diplomatic network. The final section of the article explores the role of the Razumovsky Palace as a determinant factor in the ambassador’s decision to leave diplomatic service and remain in Vienna until his death in 1836.

The rise of China’s status: a relational approach

To what extent has China’s status risen, and how? Despite the pivotal role of China’s status in shaping its foreign policy and global phenomena, there is no scholarly consensus on where China is ranked in the global hierarchy and how it attains such a position. Building on empirical studies that use diplomatic exchanges and extending them by employing social network analysis, this article provides the first systematic analysis of China’s standing in the global status hierarchy. My findings show that China’s status has experienced significant growth with a substantial increase in the number of diplomatic recognitions received. While the United States garnered more recognition than China, the gap between the two has narrowed significantly over the last three decades, and, when considering the quality of diplomatic ties, China’s status even surpassed that of the United States by 2005. Additionally, my findings suggest that both exogenous and endogenous factors worked in concert to elevate China’s status. The rise of China’s status did not occur automatically with its economic or military capabilities’ growth. Instead, relational dynamics were also important: recognition from the most prestigious country, the United States, in the 1970s triggered a domino effect, prompting other countries to recognize China. Furthermore, China’s emphasis on aligning with the developing Third World enables it to uniquely position itself in diplomatic networks by engaging with both well-connected and marginalized countries. This diplomatic portfolio, in turn, equips China with significant social and brokerage power, suggesting that its influence is far more formidable than its material capabilities alone would imply.

Oil embargo as a diplomacy tool: possibilities and limitations on the example of the Israeli crisis

In the following article the possibility of application of the oil embargo tool as a mean of impacting the crisis settlement is considered. The chosen case is the Palestine-Israel confl ict in its active phase since October 2023. The Yom Kippur war of 1973 and the invasion of Israel by Hamas of 7 October 2023 are compared, distinguishing similarities and diff erences. The common features are the start of the operation exactly 50 years after the historical precedent, collective character of the attack, its suddenness, and also a huge potential of Arab countries in the world oil market. There are some distinctive features revealed by the author, though. The Arab states are to a bigger extent aimed at conducting negotiations and resolving the confl ict by diplomatic means than in 1973, the structure of the world oil market is different compared to how it was 50 years ago, giving the OPEC members less possibilities for action, as well as fragmentation among the cartel members themselves, decreasing the opportunity agree on the embargo. The author remarks the intention of several Arab countries, in particular, Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, Qatar, to mediate the confl ict, as well as their aspiration to preserve the trend of restoring relations with Israel. The article highlights the position of researchers about the importance of network diplomacy during confl ict settlement. The shares of countries non entering the OPEC, namely, the United States of America, Russia, Canada are investigated. The conclusion about their important role as oil producers, what limits the possibility of oil embargo,is done. The question of lack of political unity among the OPEC members, as, for example, Saudi Arabia and Iran, Iran and Iraq, is unveiled. The factor of political instability in Libya is emphasised. The author comes to the conclusion about necessity to possess a significant share in the oil market, as well as the political consensus for an effective usage of the oil embargo tool. The relevance of the article is based on an increasing role of the Palestine-Israeli confl ict in contemporary international relations, but also the necessity to study the possibility of using the oil embargo in the current conditions, being based on the successful experience of 1970s. The chosen methods are historical and comparative analysis.

DIPLOMATIC PROCESSES IN THE DIGITAL AGE: «NET-DIPLOMACY» AND KAZAKHSTAN’S IMAGE

This article examines the problem of public diplomacy and the new “network diplomacy”, which is a current subject of research in the field of international journalism. Meanwhile, due to global “digitalization”, the concept of new forms of diplomacy in modern science is blurred. The authors of the article compare the term “net-diplomacy” with “twi-diplomacy” (X-diplomacy), “public diplomacy”, “digital diplomacy”, “mediated public diplomacy”, which allows to comprehend and evaluate its potential; the authors also pays special attention to the importance of building a positive image. Observation, comparison and mixed methods of the research were used. The authors used «qualitative analysis» also, thereby comparing new forms of diplomacy developing in domestic discourse with the method of US public diplomacy. The authors come to the conclusion that “network diplomacy” is a form of public diplomacy, a means of developing the national interests of the state and raising its image in the international arena. The practical significance of the article lies in introducing a new type of traditional diplomacy and its implementation, proper use of the new forms of diplomacy. The authors of the study prove that traditional diplomacy has undergone major changes in accordance with modern requirements. This article will be relevant and useful not only for political scientists and international relations specialists, but also for specialists in the field of journalism, communication and PR.

МИРОВАЯ ЭКОНОМИЧЕСКАЯ ДИПЛОМАТИЯ

Traditional studies in the field of diplomacy have long been based on realistic and neorealistic approaches to international relations, which gave rise to a state-centric analysis of mainly political programs, giving way to economic issues. However, recently scientists have begun to pay attention to international relations that go beyond security. Thus, there has been a significant change in the study of diplomacy, with an emphasis on a better understanding of the processes and practices underlying economic diplomacy. New concepts of diplomacy have emerged, such as catalytic diplomacy, network diplomacy and multi-stakeholder diplomacy, which offer new tools for recognizing the wide variety of State and non-State actors in diplomatic practice, as well as for exploring the diverse and changing characteristics of diplomatic processes. In this context, two main topics in the study of diplomacy can be distinguished: The first is the role of a diplomat as an agent in international political economy, the second is how to fit into a diplomatic department for officials who do not belong to the state or the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. In the changing environment caused by globalization, economic diplomacy stimulates the development of various diplomatic methods and practices in new and existing economic forums. Four key ways of economic diplomacy have a significant impact on the management of modern globalization: commercial diplomacy, trade diplomacy, financial diplomacy and the provision of consular and visa services in connection with increasing immigration flows. The development of these methods of economic diplomacy has shaped our understanding of diplomats, their role and ways of its implementation.

Directions of precision: George Graham’s instructions for his pendulum astronomical clocks

ABSTRACT In the 1720s two Jesuit astronomers working at the court of King João V of Portugal, in Lisbon, received several instruments produced by the best makers in London, Paris and Rome. With the crucial help of the Portuguese diplomatic network contacts with academies, savants and instrument makers were established, seeking technical advice and the best astronomical instruments available at the time. It was in this context that in April 1726 a set of Latin instructions accompanying pendulum clocks made by George Graham were dispatched from London to Lisbon. These unpublished instructions are now preserved in the papers of Giovanni Battista Carbone, one of these Jesuit astronomers, offering a significant window into the procedures and technical details involved in the setting, operation and transport of Graham’s astronomical clocks. In this paper, I will not only discuss this important document in the framework of Graham’s contributions to astronomy and horology, but also in the perspective of the search for accuracy.

Theorizing network diplomacy on Twitter: a symbolic interactionist approach

Theorizing network diplomacy on Twitter: a symbolic interactionist approach

“May God have mercy on his black soul”: Consul General Olof Lamm’s Private Diplomatic Efforts to Save Jews from Nazi Persecution

Abstract This article examines the private diplomatic efforts of Olof Lamm. A Swedish Jewish ex-diplomat and businessman, he used his personal network to protest against Nazi persecution of the Jews in Germany, and informally lobbied the United States to increase its immigration quotas. Shedding light on these informal back-channel diplomatic networks, the author provides examples of the attitudes and obstacles Lamm faced when dealing with individuals, and reveals how those he petitioned justified their defense of Nazi ideology and actions and their own restrictive immigration policies.

Are There Serbs in Serres? The Serbian Consulate in Serres and The Macedonian Question at The Turn of the Twentieth Century

This article examines the brief history of the Serbian consulate in Serres in 1897–1899 as a failed attempt at state-building. Drawing on evidence from recently published materials by the Serbian State Archives, the article argues that the Serbian consuls in Serres, Branislav Nušić and Sima Avramović, played an important role in the efforts to promote Serbian national identity and defend Serbian political interests in Ottoman Macedonia. The consulate in Serres was part of an expanding Serbian diplomatic network in Macedonia, which proved instrumental to other Serbian initiatives, such as the creation of new schools and the appointment of Serbian priests in the region. The Serbian consular activities in Serres formed an aspect of a wide-ranging transnational strategy of deploying consulates across Macedonia in the wake of the Serbian-Bulgarian War of 1885. Such institutions served to advance national interests and protect national subjects outside the borders of the fledgling Balkan states. Reviewing recent scholarship on Romania, Bulgaria, and Greece, the article concludes by comparing the Serbian example to those of other Balkan nations and suggesting further venues for comparative and entangled historical research.

The politics of non-membership: How exclusion from international institutions shapes international relations

Preferential trade agreements (PTAs) are generally understood to promote political cooperation between members. I argue that institutional exclusion can damage political cooperation between members and non-members. Preferential trade agreements reflect strategic considerations, enabling countries to promote new trade norms, strengthen diplomatic networks, and redirect commercial flows to allies. Excluded countries are denied these benefits and may possibly be targeted by members. Thus, excluding PTAs may be perceived as threats. The record of the Trans-Pacific Partnership illustrates the theory. Statistical analysis of the near-universe of PTAs and countries’ voting affinities in the United Nations General Assembly supports the argument.

Where You Sit Matters: The Power of Brokers in Diplomatic Networks & Interstate Conflict

How does a state’s broker position in diplomatic networks influence its tendency to engage in conflict? While the existing scholarship typically characterizes brokers as ideal mediators or facilitators of peace, there is little systematic analysis that examines the impact of broker position on a state’s conflict propensity. I argue that the exclusive emphasis on the mediating role of brokers has elided the fact that broker position serves as strategic assets for states. Building on the existing literature on diplomacy and brokerage, I posit that broker position in diplomatic networks provides a state with leverage that can be used to coerce and co-opt other states into supporting its military operations, thereby increasing its propensity to initiate militarized interstate disputes. I assemble diplomatic networks from the past two centuries to examine the impact of broker position and find that the more a state occupies a broker position, the more likely it is to initiate militarized disputes. These findings challenge the prevalent notions that diplomatic ties are insignificant in shaping state conflict behavior and that broker position is solely used to promote peace. ¿Cómo influye el posicionamiento como intermediario dentro de las redes diplomáticas por parte de un determinado Estado en su tendencia a participar en conflictos? Si bien el mundo académico actual caracteriza, generalmente, a los intermediarios como mediadores ideales o como facilitadores de la paz, existe un número reducido de análisis sistemáticos que examinen el impacto que tiene el hecho de estar posicionado como intermediario sobre la propensión al conflicto de ese Estado. Argumentamos que el énfasis exclusivo en el papel como mediador de los intermediarios ha omitido el hecho de que la posición como intermediario sirve como activo estratégico para los Estados. Postulamos, partiendo de la base que proporciona la bibliografía existente sobre diplomacia e intermediación, que el estar posicionado como intermediario dentro de las redes diplomáticas proporciona a un determinado Estado un grado de influencia que puede usarse para coaccionar y cooptar a otros Estados para que apoyen sus operaciones militares, lo cual aumentaría, de esta forma, su propensión a iniciar disputas interestatales militarizadas. Hemos reunido diversas redes diplomáticas formadas durante los últimos dos siglos con el fin de estudiar el impacto que tiene el posicionamiento como intermediario y llegamos a la conclusión de que cuanto más ocupa un Estado una posición de intermediario, más probable resulta que pueda iniciar disputas militarizadas. Estas conclusiones desafían las nociones prevalentes de que las relaciones diplomáticas resultan insignificantes para la confirmación del comportamiento en materia de conflicto estatal y de que la posición de intermediario se utiliza únicamente con el fin de promover la paz. Quels sont les effets du rôle de négociateur d’un État au sein de réseaux diplomatiques sur sa propension à prendre part à un conflit ? Bien que la littérature existante définisse généralement les négociateurs comme des médiateurs idéaux ou des facilitateurs de paix, il existe peu d’analyses systématiques qui s’intéressent aux conséquences du rôle de négociateur sur la propension au conflit d’un État. J’affirme qu’en mettant exclusivement l’accent sur le rôle de médiation des négociateurs, nous avons éludé le fait que la position de négociateur constitue un avantage stratégique pour un État. En me fondant sur la littérature existante sur la diplomatie et la négociation, j’émets l’hypothèse qu’une position de négociateur au sein de réseaux diplomatiques fournit à un État un avantage qu’il peut utiliser pour contraindre et coopter d’autres États à soutenir ses opérations militaires. Aussi, sa propension à initier des conflits interétatiques militarisés augmente. Je rassemble des données sur les réseaux diplomatiques des deux derniers siècles pour analyser les effets du rôle de négociateur. J’observe que plus un État occupe un rôle de négociateur, plus il aura de chance d’initier des conflits militarisés. Ces conclusions remettent en question les notions prédominantes selon lesquelles les liens diplomatiques n’ont pas d’incidence sur le comportement d’un État en matière de conflits et que le rôle de négociateur n’est utilisé que pour promouvoir la paix.

Enhancing Humanitarian Efforts Through Diplomatic Networks : A Study Case of International Committee of The Red Cross Humanitarian Diplomacy in Creating Funding Mechanism

Humanitarian diplomacy is an effort to protect human beings, especially in conflict areas. The ICRC's worldwide humanitarian operations require sufficient funding to carry out its activities. Development of the direction of ICRC's humanitarian diplomacy is also being carried out to provide maximum impact on humanitarian issues. This paper will answer how the ICRC builds a funding network through humanitarian diplomacy. This study uses Literature Reviews from books and journals regarding humanitarian diplomacy as a basis for thinking in writing. A qualitative pattern is used to process the findings and data obtained from the results of a literature review of articles, books and journals related to the research topic. This research uses descriptive analysis so that the author will examine the data obtained in the form of news, reports, statements and books. which discusses the activities of the ICRC. The result of this research is that the ICRC builds community networks with state and non-state actors to ensure funding for the organization's operations. This effort is carried out by the ICRC to ensure that their humanitarian operations continue, so that there is no reason why funds are a problem in the organization's humanitarian operations.

Heresy as Treason: English ‘Ecclesiastical Diplomacy’ in the United Provinces, 1610–19

ABSTRACT This article characterises the influence of English ‘Ecclesiastical Diplomacy’ on notions of heresy and treason in the United Provinces of the Dutch Republic. It works backwards from the stage of the Globe Theatre in London to the trial of Dutch statesman Johan van Oldenbarnevelt and finally the Synod of Dort in order to explore how cross-channel diplomatic networks were leveraged to reconcile theological and ecclesiastical transnationalism with the formation of a state church. This creates an unlikely but intriguing dialogue between high politics, predestinarian thought, pamphlet culture, mercantilism and even foreign intelligence gathering. The dialogue exposes interconnection between the courts of James I and Maurice of Orange and the English and Dutch churches, which leads to a reassessment of the significance of Synod of Dort in early modern diplomatic history and the magisterial reformation.

Missing pieces: Integrating the socialist world in global health history

AbstractThis essay provides an overview of recent histories of medicine and global health from a socialist perspective, and maps out possible new directions of research. It focuses on key themes in the history of medicine in Eastern Europe, its global connections and Latin American, East Asian and African contexts. Through a discussion of international professional and diplomatic networks, health systems, medical technologies and aid and technical assistance, the essay argues that integrating missing actors, ideas and practices is crucial for a complete understanding of global health history.

Якими вбачаються корейські чоловіки? Перцепції серед мексиканських жінок, навіяні “корейською хвилею”

In contemporary Mexican society young people demonstrate strong consumption habits of entertainment products from Republic of Korea. The arrival of the first Korean cultural products dates back to 2002, however, it is impossible to pinpoint the specific date when the consumption of Korean entertainment products overgrew from the initial phase of Hallyu dissemination into the craze for K-pop and idol groups. During the last decade, the synergy between the potential of Korean companies and production houses, the social and the diplomatic networks of the Korean government and the digital transfer made it possible to transform this consumption into a global trend, with a telling effect on Mexican women. This research analyzes how the impact of cultural products from the Republic of Korea framed the Mexican women’s imaginaries of Korean men and how those imaginaries make them to consider those men as new ideal. The paper focuses on the ways in which Mexican women have come to regard the distinguishing masculinity features of present-day South Korean men as an aspiration object of an ideal man in the contemporary context. The concepts from cultural studies such as cultural industries, consumption, symbolic use and gender as a symbolic construct are used to analyze the data obtained through open online surveys. The questions were proposed to focus groups which openly show consumption of Korean cultural products.

Фактор БРИКС в дипломатии ЮАР

The article examines the practical aspects of the Republic of South Africa’s (RSA’s) participation of in the work of BRICS as one of the key formats of modern network diplomacy. The study is based on data on the economic aspects of South Africa’s participation in BRICS. Pretoria’s political steps are also analyzed, with a focus on initiatives put forward during South Africa’s presidency in BRICS. It is concluded that RSA’s interest in BRICS is primarily driven by the desire to increase its prestige as a regional power. This priority is unlikely to lose its importance in the context of the expansion of BRICS following the 2023 summit in Johannesburg. The author suggests that the forthcoming expansion of BRICS, with the inclusion of Ethiopia and Egypt, takes into account South Africa’s interests and does not threaten its status as the key representative of this organization in Africa.

The Boys Who Cried Wolf Warrior: China’s Diplomatic Strategy in Latin America

Objective/Context: This article examines the evolution of China’s diplomatic strategy in Latin America in terms of how effectively Chinese diplomats have adapted to the demands of their country’s multi-dimensional engagement with the region over the past three decades. This strategy underpins China’s investments in the region and relates to regional integration and cultural cooperation issues. Methodology: The study draws on a database compiled by the author, tracking the careers of all senior Chinese diplomats in Latin America from 1990 to 2020. It is a qualitative study with quantitative data aggregation, comprising representative case studies. Conclusions: The author observes changes in how China’s diplomats of the twenty-first century have embraced network diplomacy and enhanced their abilities to engage with foreign publics and governments. The competence of diplomats to get locally involved and demonstrate positive results has been tested, especially during the COVID-19 pandemic, and the excesses of the so-called Wolf Warrior diplomacy appear to have been reined in. The study demonstrates a continuous evolution in the centrally crafted yet often competing efforts of the organizations involved in China’s overseas operations, including ministries, Communist Party organizations, and educational institutions. Originality: By focusing on diplomats as key agents the study offers new insights into China’s diplomatic and economic engagement with the region of Latin America. It also uses a novel database that will be publicly accessible following the publication of this study.

Russian–African cooperation and summit diplomacy. Challenges and opportunities

The article examines the perspectives of summit diplomacy in relations between Russia and the countries of the African region. Summit diplomacy in the context of this article can be considered as an integral part of multi-vector network diplomacy, which is an effective addition, and sometimes an alternative to traditional diplomacy, despite the fact that officials also take part in the summits. The authors note that in studies on the diplomacy of summits, insufficient attention is paid to the substantive aspects of the relations between their participants. Thus, the summits imply consideration of a wide range of tasks, including those of a domestic political nature. At the same time, as an instrument of foreign policy, the effectiveness of summit diplomacy depends not only on the structural characteristics of relations, but also on the dynamics of interaction between the participants. The countries of the African region have rich mineral deposits, vast areas that could potentially be suitable for highly productive agriculture; forests, including the most valuable species of trees, as well as a huge population, which can become the basis for one of the world's largest markets for goods and services. It is African countries that occupy the first places in terms of GDP growth prospects and the rapidly growing economy as a whole. Transnational corporations have long been fighting for control over resources, access to cheap labor and the population's money, increasing their presence on the continent. In this regard, Africa has become the object of special attention of leading international players, including Russia. Thus, at present, a certain return of Russia's real interest in Africa is being ascertained. In the first part of the article, the authors analyze the economic opportunities of Russia and its main interests in relations with the countries of the African region. The second part deals with the development of Africa and the negotiating agenda of African states. The third part deals with new points of growth and promising areas of interaction between Russia and Africa.