Diplomatic Field Research Articles

Translation and Diplomacy : The Role of Translators in International Relations

This study sheds lights on the role of translators in international relations . It aims to study the translation strategies used in translating the diplomatic texts , to identify the difficulties faced by translators in translating the texts in the diplomatic field . It hypothesizes that the translators have a limit knowledge of such terms used in diplomatic context . In the present study , four samples contained diplomatic terms were taken and rendered by translators adopted Vinay and Darblent strategies (1995) of direct translation and oblique translation to know how the meaning is conveyed from the source text into the target text.

Cyber-diplomacy: The Emergence of a Transient Field

Summary It is only in the last two decades that states have started to focus on the need to use traditional diplomatic means in discussions surrounding cyber-policy. This article explores how these discussions have been progressively ‘diplomatised’. Diplomatisation is proposed in this article as a process which involves external and internal dynamics of institutionalisation and positioning, both of which are essential for the successful creation of a new diplomatic field. Understanding the emergence of cyber-diplomacy is crucial to recognise the successes, frustrations and opportunities associated with the (lack of) regulation when it comes responsible state behaviour in this domain. This article does so based on 40 interviews conducted with diplomats and experts involved in the emergence of cyber-diplomacy. It looks at the idiosyncratic evolution of this field within specific nation states as well as overall developments at the international level, particularly within the context of the United Nations.

PUBLIC DIPLOMACY AS A TOOL FOR SETTLEMENT OF INTERNATIONAL SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC DISPUTES

Subject of the study. The problems of economic diplomacy are constantly in the focus of researchers' attention, especially in recent years, when the challenges of the globalisation era have significantly changed the rules of interaction in international relations: limiting the possibilities of classical diplomacy within the Westphalian system, allowing new actors (multinational corporations, non-governmental organisations) to enter the diplomatic field, introducing advanced forms of diplomatic communication, etc. These innovations have led to significant changes in the field of economic diplomacy, as the economic aspects of international relations have become crucial in the process of economic competition in the modern world. Hence, the purpose of this paper is to provide an in-depth study of the theoretical and applied aspects of modern instruments of diplomatic influence as a system of mechanisms for interstate regulation of the world economy, which belongs to the sphere of foreign policy and is, by its very nature, one of the main and most effective means of settling international socio-economic disputes. Since the term "diplomacy" is most often used: 1) in the sense of state activity in the sphere of foreign relations; 2) as a set of institutions and persons engaged in state activity in the sphere of foreign relations; 3) to define the profession of a diplomat. Traditionally, some of the main methods of diplomatic activity are: negotiations, conclusion of bilateral (multilateral) agreements, opening of representative offices of one state in another, etc. Methods of implementing diplomacy are defined as appropriate levers of influence on governments, diplomatic representatives and other persons of foreign states, using and applying the world's effective diplomatic experience of conducting business relations of states to achieve its objectives. Currently, economic diplomacy is an important catalyst for economic progress not only in individual countries but also in the global economy, an integral element of foreign policy to improve international competitiveness, investment and tourist attractiveness of the country, increase its foreign trade activity, open new production facilities and create new jobs. Undoubtedly, the role of economic diplomacy is obvious for countries with a high level of investment and trade activity, for SMEs trying to enter the markets of other countries, and for multinational companies that are strengthening their presence in the world. Conclusion. The current development of multilateral economic diplomacy is shaped by the following trends: expansion of the mandate of leading multilateral organisations and forums beyond the scope of traditionally discussed issues (in recent years, the OECD has been discussing non-traditional aspects such as environmental and food security, population ageing, fighting corruption, etc.); increasing the number of participants in the global economy and expanding the scope of regulation within international organisations necessitates reforming the institutions of multilateral economic diplomacy (the WTO has developed a document "The Future of the WTO" containing proposals for organisational reform); multilateral economic diplomacy has become open and public (many developed countries often make proposals addressed to the entire world community (especially on global issues of economic, social and environmental development)); interaction of various organisations and forums is increasing (the WTO cooperates with the IMF, the World Bank, the UN, UNCTAD, etc.); increase in the level of publicity and transparency of multilateral diplomacy (openness to the media, prompt posting of information on the official websites of international organisations). Despite the fact that multilateral economic diplomacy has many problems, it can be argued that bilateral and multilateral economic diplomacy forms an effective mechanism for managing global economic processes in the interests of individual countries and the global community as a whole.

An Exploration of U.S. Strategic Planning Capabilities of Diplomacy: A Case Study of the Two Administrations of Trump and Biden

Nowadays, the international environment is filled with increasing uncertainty due to the changes in the current international situation. Given the intensification of Sino-US competition in recent years and its long-term nature, the game between the two countries in the diplomatic field is also exceptionally intense, which makes it necessary to strengthen in-depth research on the diplomatic capabilities of the United States. This paper studies the strategic planning capabilities of diplomacy of the two administrations of Trump and Biden. It can be found that the United States has a relatively strong capacity for foreign strategic planning, but there is also variability due to the conflicting interests of domestic political groups, the governing styles of the leaders, and the orientation of the international system. The strategic planning capabilities of different governments have different political positions. How to balance the conflicting interests of all parties will also become an important part of U.S. diplomatic strategy.

Comparative Analysis of Turkey and Russia's Public Diplomacy on the Balkans (Example of the Russian World Foundation and Yunus Emre Institute)

Public diplomacy is a new diplomatic field that emerges as states influence each other socially, culturally and politically by using soft power tools. Russia and Türkiye have used this new tool of diplomacy intensively, especially since the end of the cold war. Both countries have used and continue to use public diplomacy, a new field of diplomacy, by acting with common identity tools in the Balkans, which is an important region of the security corridor in geopolitical terms. In the theories of International Relations, public diplomacy has been evaluated from a realist, liberal and constructivist perspective. In the article, how Russia and Türkiye use public diplomacy tools is analyzed with a comparison through the Russkiyy Mir Foundation and Yunus Emre Institute, which were established at the same time for similar purposes. The states where the Russian World Foundation is most influential are Bulgaria, Serbia and Greece, and their relations with Russia have been studied in more detail. General information was given about the activities of the Russian World Foundation in other Balkan countries. When the content analysis of the fields of activity of Russia was made, it was concluded that Russia applied to public diplomacy with a realistic perspective to restore its global and regional image and obtain strategic area. Türkiye has used public diplomacy in order to act jointly with regional elements in order to preserve and strengthen its historical and cultural unity. Yunus Emre Institute activities as Türkiye's Balkans public diplomacy tool have been examined. Activities through Bosnia-Herzegovina, North Macedonia and Kosovo, which are the regions where Yunus Emre Institute is most influential, were examined in more detail and general activity information about other Balkan countries was given. When the content analysis of Türkiye's fields of activity is done, Türkiye has realized its public diplomacy on a constructivist basis, with a more inclusive purpose, establishing its communication with the region on unity, and prioritizing the construction of a common identity and culture that sees the region as a part of itself.

POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT AND ITS IMPACT ON POLITICAL STABILITY IN THE REPUBLIC OF YEMEN A CASE STUDY ON THE CURRENT YEMENI POLITICAL CRISIS FROM THE POINT OF VIEW OF YEMENI POLITICIANS AND DIPLOMACY

Abstract
 The purpose and objective of this study is to know the impact of political development represented in its dimensions (political, diplomatic, political culture, peaceful transfer of power) on political stability in the Republic of Yemen. In this paper, the researcher used the descriptive and analytical approach to achieve the objectives of the study and to test its hypotheses. Axes related to these dimensions, the five-point Likert scale, the following statistical package (SPSS) and statistical methods for data processing: (percentages, frequency, weighted mean, standard deviation) were used for the analysis. Questionnaire and hypothesis testing The study community consisted of politicians and diplomats in the Republic of Yemen. The study sample consisted of (87) politicians and diplomats (who have been working in the political and diplomatic field for more than 20 years, and the results of the study showed that there is no guarantee of the transfer of power in Yemen in a peaceful, orderly and democratic manner. To violence The political system of opposition parties in the political system, the non-participation of civil society in the practice of peaceful union pressures to amend them and the laws that achieve political development, the results showed the one-party monopoly of power, revolution and power The results showed that the absence of peaceful transfer of power in Yemen through free, fair and transparent elections, harmony and agreement between All parties and political components on the program, and the absence of a culture of dialogue between political parties, which contributed to political instability and lack of commitment to the standards of political development in the Republic of Yemen - the need for comprehensive and effective implementation of political development in all its dimensions and elements, achieving political stability and unifying the social fabric in the Republic of Yemen.
 Keywords: Political development, tribal and civil conflicts, peaceful transfer of power, political culture, political parties, Yemeni politicians and diplomats, Republic of Yemen.
 

Regional influence of the success or failure of China's diplomacy: Qingdao before and after the Paris Peace Conference

Since the beginning of the Opium War, China was passively involved in the process of modernization, and began to integrate with the international standards at the institutional level, among which the diplomatic field was the most important. Under the oppression of foreign powers, China's modern diplomacy presents the basic characteristics of inequality, inindependence, humiliation and no autonomy, but it also gradually matures in the struggle and learning. In the diplomatic game, Qingdao is a focus. The success or failure of Qingdao's diplomacy has had a huge and far-reaching impact on the society in this region. Under the collision between the most critical time node and the most critical space node in modern diplomacy, Qingdao, China's diplomacy has made new breakthroughs and developments.

An Approximation of Ethnographic Contributions to Diplomatic Studies

Objective/context: This research aims to bring closer contributions of the ethnographic approach to diplomatic works, both at a specific and a general level, in the discipline of International Relations, establishing connections, homologous methods, critical points, and inflections. Methodology: The article uses a qualitative methodology with an ethnographic approach to stress some classical and ontological categories of the international discipline, allowing a discussion of the scope, contributions, and novelty of the ethnographic method specifically for diplomatic studies. It also presents a review of specialized literature by authors who have studied the cultural variable in diplomatic studies. This approach allows examining basic premises of the discipline of International Relations, such as national interest, the constitution of the state, and state exclusivity in the diplomatic field, among other classic categories, that do not fully account for the existence of processes and emerging actors invisible in the internationalist debate. Conclusions: The article argues that the discipline of International Relations challenges its most representative arguments and categories by adhering to anthropological reflections. The results suggest that ethnographic approaches stress certain classical terms and ontologies of the international discipline, which has been possible through discussing the scope, contributions, and novelty of the ethnographic method specifically for diplomatic studies. Originality: This unpublished research study reveals a counterpoint between two large, apparently dissimilar theoretical corpora: anthropology and international relations.

Why Do Women Remain Under‐Represented in International Affairs? The Case of Australia

International affairs has a gender problem. Despite a rise in feminist‐informed foreign policy in some corners of the globe, gendered (and racialised, heteronormative, classist, and so on) power structures continue to impact women's representation internationally. This paper seeks to know why. Using Australia as a case study, it explores four premier international affairs agencies, the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade, Defence (inclusive of the Department of Defence and Australian Defence Force), Department of Home Affairs, and the Australian Federal Police, to answer: Why do women remain under‐represented in international affairs? Using feminist institutionalist theory, this article argues that three core reasons underline women's under‐representation: (1) historical legacies that maintain masculine supremacy in the field; (2) contemporary layering and duplication of gendered challenges across individual, agency, diplomatic field, and society contexts; and (3) the compounding effect of challenges at different stages of women's careers, lives, and posting cycles. In addition, this paper reveals surprising findings, including that more militaristic agency structures result in more proportional representation of women compared with more bureaucratic agency structures, inverting conventional theory on militaries as the most male‐dominated and patriarchal spheres of the state.

Peter The Great's Foreign Policy in the Assessments of Russian Conservatives of the 19th Century

The article reconstructs the views of Russian conservatives on the Russia’s international position and foreign policy under Peter I. His military victories, and successes in diplomatic field made him popular among conservatives of the 19th century: N. Karamzin, F. Tutchev, M. Pogodin, S. Tatishchev, V. Lamansky, etc. In their studies they focused on Russia’s international posture in the late 17th– early 18th century, comparing the main features of Peter's diplomacy with his those of his descendants. The conservatives, while criticizing the emperor for undermining the tradition, imitating the West, and widening the socio-cultural rift in the society, highly appraised Peter’s foreign policy. They attributed the success to the foreign policy strategy based on national interests. This strategy and Peter’s personality fared better compared to the times of «palace coups», and personalities of Catherine II, Alexander I, and Nicholas I. Peter I «in his relations with foreign powers...was guided solely by the consciousness of our national benefits and needs, while strictly protecting the honor and dignity of the sovereign and the state». The conservatives criticized the emperor's 19th century heirs for what they saw as abandonment of national interests in favor of pan-European ones.

The Solidification of US Government's Hostile Policy Towards North Korea from the Perspective of North Korean Nuclear Issue

The key to solve the North Korean nuclear issue is the United States, but the United States never gives North Korea enough credit. The United States policy framework on the North Korean nuclear issue formulated by the last three governments has shown a clear hostility. In the military field, the United States and South Korea have held regular military exercises for several years on the grounds of self-defence; in the economic field, they have imposed sanctions against the North Korean in various fields and imposed strong unilateral sanctions, maliciously attacking the North Korean economy; in the diplomatic field, on the one hand, they have emphasized international cooperation, on the other hand, it transferred the responsibility of the North Korean nuclear issue to China. The lack of attention to North Korean nuclear issue has made it difficult for the United States to build a new peace and dialogue program; the United States has not played a leading role in guiding North Korea to abandon its nuclear program. The solidification of the hostile policy made the normalization of the U.S.-North Korea relations a long way off as well as slowed down the negotiations of the North Korean Nuclear Issue directly.

NATIONAL LEVEL IMPLEMENTATION OF DIGITAL DIPLOMACY MECHANISMS AND FUNCTIONS BASED ON EU EXPERIENCE

As information and communication technology has developed, its impact has been felt in many areas, including international relations. In the diplomatic field, changes have not been long in coming, while many European countries pioneering the use of the online environment to promote national interests and achieve foreign policy objectives. In this paper, we aim to highlight the main benefits of developing the field of digital diplomacy, the biases that the process has generated and to argue the urgent need to implement these technologies in Romania, based on existing experience in various EU countries.

Ivan Korostovetz — Russian Diplomat and Expert on China

Ivan Yakovlevich Korostovetz (1862–1933) was one of the most prominent Russian diplomats of the late 19th and early 20th centuries. He played an extremely important role in the developing Russian-Chinese relations and a no less significant part in the development of Russian-Mongolian ties. Not a sinologist by education, and at the start not speaking Chinese, Korostovetz could understand the specifics of China so deeply and delve into the peculiarities of Chinese realities that he became one of the best experts on China at that time. Korostovetz actively popularized his knowledge on China among the Russian public by writing books and articles about the country. At the turn of the 20th century, Korostovetz became one of the most capable diplomats in the Russian Empire and contributed to an active Russian policy in China and Outer Mongolia. Having a deep understanding of the Russian geopolitical interests in the Far East, he was able to clearly formulate the main goals of Russia’s policy in this region at the time when the Xinhai revolution broke out in China. Unfortunately, after 1917, Korostovetz failed to find a place for himself in the diplomatic field, and so he became the author of many published and unpublished works on the history of diplomacy and international relations in the Far East. The purpose of this article is to give an overview of Korostovetz’ activities in various diplomatic positions in China and evaluate his role in the development of Russian-Chinese relations, as well as analyze his articles and books about China and show the depth in which he understood political development, history and culture of this country.

Patriarch of Russian Diplomacy Yegor Yegorovich Staal (1822–1907)

One of the oldest Russian diplomats, Yegor Yegorovich Staal, spent a significant part of his career as Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary to the Queen of Great Britain and Ireland, the Empress of India. He made a significant contribution to the stabilization of Russian-English relations. It was a period of acute conflicts and crises in the international arena in the mid-80s – late 90s of the XIX century. No special studies on Staal have yet been published. The limited scope of the article does not allow us to present a complete picture of his activities in the diplomatic field. The author of the article saw her task in highlighting the main milestones of the diplomat's life and views, professional techniques and methods that he used during the negotiations on the Afghan border in 1884–1885 and as the head of the Russian delegation at the First Peace Conference in 1899 in the Hague. The source base of the study was the publication of diplomatic documents unpublished reports of Staal to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, materials of his personal archive preserved in the State Archive of the Russian Federation, as well as his letters deposited in the GA of the Russian Federation. The awards received by Staal in his native fatherland and those states where he represented the interests of Russia indicate a high appreciation of his fruitful works.

At the forward line of the diplomatic front (in memory of V. I. Churkin)

The article is dedicated to the memory of the prominent Soviet, Russian diplomat — Vitaly Ivanovich Churkin, who for several decades represented our country in the diplomatic field, including the UN. Vitaly Churkin, undoubtedly, was a bright personality, a brilliant orator and a high professional. He firmly and consistently defended the interests of our state in the international arena, and at the same time could clearly formulate his own position on acute issues of world politics, which gave special strength to his argumentation. Vitaly Churkin was fluent in foreign languages, and could correctly and accurately interpret the foreign policy strategy of our country. This helped him intelligibly and convincingly convey its meaning to his Western colleagues, which contributed to finding political solutions to conflict situations in the course of resolving international regional crises. Vitaly Churkin knew the background and many details of the events, which made him deeply aware of the essence of the discussed international problems. He possessed a rare gift of persuasion that contributed to the achievement of a consensus of the parties in resolving acute conflict international situations. This was especially evident when the UN was considering such complex and delicate issues as the Crimean issue. Vitaly Churkin was a brilliant master of his craft. He was constantly at the forefront of the diplomatic front. Vitaly Churkin made a worthy professional contribution to the history of diplomacy and foreign policy of our country. With the passage of time, the deeper meaning of his precise diplomatic steps to maintain political stability in the world becomes more and more obvious. The diplomatic activities of Vitaly. Churkin must be analyzed again and again so that his memory constantly highlights the role of the individual in the history of our state and in upholding the main principles of international security and a world order without global conflicts.

Cross-cultural Competence as a Foundation for Professional Diplomacy in the New Post-COVID-19 Reality

In this contribution we argue that cross-cultural competence (CCC or 3C) is being an indispensable proficiency in professional work of diplomats worldwide despite any changes that happened in professional interaction due to the recent COVID-19 pandemic. It is also suggested that deglobalizing processes significantly strengthened by COVID-19 have made the necessity for specialists professionally involved in international relations to acquire cross-cultural competence even greater than before. The current global situation shows that deglobalization — slowing down of globalization in all spheres of life — is a new reality and it is important to adjust to it as soon as possible. Cross-cultural competence is defined here as a complex of theoretical knowledge and key practical skills enabling to efficiently and successfully communicate with the representatives of different cultures and religious traditions as well as to feel psychologically comfortable in a foreign environment. A reduced number of personal business interactions lead to the urge for their higher efficiency that is supposed to be reflected in a better understanding of the interlocutor’s motivations, stands and reactions. At the same time cultural specifics remains the main factor shaping human communication whether it is conducted offline or online. Today as the tendency to conduct online conferences and meetings increases, we witness an increased need to learn to understand the attitudes of our virtual interlocutors, who are coming from various national cultures and traditions. In the course of online meetings, the necessity to correctly decipher their body language, for example, has decreased — one can hardly see a full figure on the PC screen. And consequently, verbal communication started to prevail over non-verbal one increasing the demand for proper interpretation of words, phrases, tone, mimics and gestures that are still very widely used during virtual communication. The next step would be using the most relevant arguments and approaches to deliver one’s own position and/or opinion. To successfully apply both mechanisms — of receiving messages and replying to them — during communication of people from different national cultures it would require the knowledge of cultural specifics that is provided by cross-cultural competence courses, training, seminars, or any other educational programmes. Programmes in cross-cultural competence are supposed to include at least three following components: 1) regional studies, 2) axiological orientations, 3) models and norms of behavior, while axiological orientations are seen as the most important one. Finally, the conclusion is made about a serious need to include cross-cultural competence programmes into the training of diplomats-to-be at the early stages of their professional education. At the same time, it is highly recommended for professional upgrade of the already serving diplomats worldwide. The methodological approach used in the present research combines content analysis of the post-COVID publications by the leading international experts in the diplomatic field as well as acting diplomats with the Developmental Model of Intercultural Sensitivity (DMIS) elaborated by the prominent American sociologist Milton Bennet. The latter is a six-level sсheme, according to which it is possible to figure the level of person’s skillfulness in cross-cultural communication.

Imperial dream: the RILA as achievement of the second reign’s diplomatic objective for Paraguay

This work has the purpose of presenting the LAIR (Latin American Integration Route) as the achievement of diplomatic objectives already traced in the Brazilian imperial era between itself and Paraguay. This paper will show how, in the diplomatic field, the Empire can be qualified as the historical period which designed Brazil, fixing it as a regional power and positioning itself in the way of ensuring policies whose consequences would be beneficial even for its neighbors. The border relations between Brazil and Paraguay will be treated with its peculiarities, besides a description of the region’s hydrography with regards to the River Plate Basin. So, this work will enter in its historical part by analyzing the formation of the Brazilian Empire’s Second Reign, explaining its development and characteristics that interest to this paper, presenting its diplomatic conceptions, showing the problems faced by the tropical monarchy in the Platine Region and the objectives and paths searched to bypass them. In the end, it will be brought to analysis the idea of the LAIR and its Latin American integration project, with investments aiming to use the region’s hydrography to export local products, linking it with the geopolitical objective searched since imperial times to guarantee the free access to the Platine rivers. This research utilized qualitative methodology, analyzing books and articles in the area to base the central thesis. The result achieved met the original goal, showing that the LAIR comes from the development of a conception of foreign relations created, for Brazil, in the Monarchy.

السياسة الخارجية.. المنطلقات الفکرية والتطبيقات العملية

تمثل السياسة الخارجية تعبيرا عن موقف الدولة وتوجهاتها في علاقاتها الدولية بصفتها لاعب ضمن منظومة المجتمع الدولي، الأمر الذي أضفى لتلک السياسة الخارجية أهمية بينة، وضرورة لا بعد ولا إبتعاد فيها عن واقع تلک المنظومة الدولية في فعلها وفاعليتها.. وهذا ما يفسر سر الخطط والبرامج التي تضعها السياسة العليا للدولة بالبحث والتشاور.. فالتوافق مع إختصاصي تلک السياسة الخارجية المتمثلة بالدبلوماسية التي تعد رکيزة رئيسة في إبراز القوة القومية للدولة أية دولة وفي تمکينها من حماية مصالحها العليا بالوسائل السلمية، مستثمرة مواردها القومية سواء ما کان منها متاحا أو محتملا ومتطلعة نحو التکنولوجية الإلکترونية في الميدان الدبلوماسي. على أن الإخفاق في المهام الدبلوماسية سيترتب عليه ضرر بالغ وإنعکاس خطير وتهديد للسلم والأمن والاستقرار الکامنين في المنظومة البيئية الداخلية للدولة. Abstract: Foreign policy is an expression of the state's attitude and orientations in its international relations as a player within the international community system, which has given that foreign policy a clear importance and a necessity that is not yet far from the reality of that international system in its action and effectiveness. This explains the secret of plans and programs set by the supreme policy of the State through research and consultation. Accordance with the specialists of that foreign policy diplomacy, which is a key pillar in highlighting the national strength of the state any state and in enabling it to protect its supreme interests by peaceful means, Investing their national resources, whether available or potential, and looking forward to electronic technology in the diplomatic field. Failure to carry out diplomatic missions, however, will cause grave damage, serious reflection and a threat to peace, security and stability inherent in the State's internal environmental system.

Historical Past of Sino-Soviet Relations and the Future of Sino-Russian Relations

A few words before the publication by Shen Zhihua et al. “A Brief History of Sino-Soviet Relations. New Research and Reflections on the History of Sino-Soviet Relations 1917–1991”. In an article written in connection with the publication in China of a new book on the history of Soviet-Chinese relations, the author, who has worked for many years in the diplomatic field in Moscow, formulates some general approaches to the history and current state of bilateral relations, including what lessons must be drawn from the very dramatic trajectory of the development of relations between the PRC and the USSR.

Святой великий князь Александр Невский – «укротивший варварство на Востоке, низложивший зависть на Западе»

A comprehensive analysis of the spiritual and moral qualities of the holy blessed Grand Duke Alexander Nevsky, who is rightfully one of the most outstanding personalities in the history of the Russian State and the Russian Orthodox Church, is carried out. Based on the biographical data of the prince, the unique combination of the wisdom of a statesman with personal righteousness is emphasized. Duke Alexander refused to both letters from the Pope, who proposed organizing a mass conversion of Russians to Catholicism. His uncompromising position on the defense of Orthodoxy should be put on a par with military victories on the Neva and Lake Peipus. In relations with the Golden Horde, the prince chose the tactics of negotiations, which became fateful for the future history of Russia. Thus, for Alexander Nevsky, a new stage of service to the Fatherland began, no longer on the battlefield, but in the diplomatic field. It must be said that the Horde was an organized military force, but it was mainly concerned with collecting tribute from the Russians. The tactics chosen by the prince were completely justified, since the Horde khans had no religious goals and did not appoint governors in the occupied lands. With glorious military victories in the West and thoughtful behavior in the East, the holy noble Grand Duke Alexander Nevsky laid the foundation for the future development of the state, which preserved the Orthodox faith as the spiritual and moral support of the people, gradually gaining spiritual and military power, growing in the expanses of the Volga region, Ural, Siberia and became the largest and most powerful power in the world.