Diplomatic Dispute Research Articles

Diplomacy and Advocacy

Against the background of the Northern Seven Years’ War, a Dutch fleet carrying salt from France to the Baltic was arrested in 1564 by the Danish authorities in the Sound, and only allowed to proceed after declaring under oath that they would not sell their cargo to Denmark’s enemy. Afterwards, having reached the Baltic, the fleet encountered a Swedish man-of-war which (according to the Dutchmen) forced them to sail to Stockholm, where the salt was sold at a fixed price. The fleet then sailed to Danzig, where the ships and goods were seized. The incident appears to have played a part in the closure of the Sound to Dutch trade by the Danish Crown, which tried to put pressure on the rulers of the Netherlands for their support in his war efforts. A practical solution to the diplomatic crisis was worked out in setting up a trial opposing the king of Denmark to the skippers of the seized ships before the municipal authorities of Danzig, a city under the overlordship of the King of Poland, who was allied to Denmark in the war against Sweden, while Danzig itself endeavoured to avoid any direct involvement in the warfare. The lawsuit followed the format of civil law procedure. The memorandum and rejoinders, together with a consilium to which a subscriptio by several law professors of Louvain was added, document how a political and diplomatic dispute could be defused and managed through quasi-judicial proceedings and legal arguments. An interim decree of the Danzig authorities discharged the Dutch skippers (1565) and that provisional outcome was eventually confirmed by the king of Poland’s final decision (1567).

South American Market Integration: The Argentina-Brazil Rivalry Myth and Motivations for the Southern Common Market

AbstractThis paper revisits and rebuts the mainstream view that Brazil and Argentina were led to form the Southern Common Market to end more than a century of rivalry and competition. We find the elements characterizing an interstate rivalry diminishing in the nineteenth century through the promotion of peaceful settlements and strategic alliances while those that could prompt security concerns disappeared years before the Southern Common Market was formed. Except for diplomatic disputes over the distribution of shared water resources, a disagreement settled in 1979, the decades preceding the Treaty of Asuncion were typified by security alliances, co-operation on economic complementarity and the promotion of bilateral institutions. We find little evidence for the implied security motivations being proposed in the literature. Rather, the establishment of the Southern Common Market was driven primarily by Argentina's and Brazil's desire to improve economic performance and advance political leverage through the promotion of a common stance in global affairs. This view challenges a common component in integration theory that, as applied to the European Union and elsewhere, asserts the privileged role of security concerns as prime driver for integration. This matters because there is a misapprehension that affects both the theory about integration as well as the formulation of policy prescriptions for South America.

States as Foreign Investors: Diplomatic Disputes and Legal Fictions

The investment treaty regime is challenged by the growing stock of foreign investments conducted by States themselves. With arbitrators seemingly keen on expanding the jurisdictional scope of investment treaty arbitration to cover a wide range of sovereign investments, host governments might have to revisit key investment treaty provisions to ensure a prudent and coherent governance of the globalization of State capitalism.

States as Foreign Investors: Diplomatic Disputes and Legal Fictions

<i>States as Foreign Investors: Diplomatic Disputes and Legal Fictions</i>

Making the desert modern: Americans, Arabs, and oil on the Saudi frontier, 1933-1973

In 1933 American oilmen representing what later became the Arabian American Oil Company (Aramco) signed a concession agreement with the Saudi Arabian king granting the company sole proprietorship over the oil reserves in the country's largest province. As drilling commenced and wells proliferated, Aramco soon became a major presence in the region. In this book Chad H. Parker tells Aramco's story, showing how an American company seeking resources and profits not only contributed to Saudi onation buildingo but helped define U.S. foreign policy during the early Cold War. In the years following World War II, as Aramco expanded its role in Saudi Arabia, the idea of omodernizationo emerged as a central component of American foreign policy toward newly independent states. Although the company engaged in practices supportive of U.S. goals, its own modernizing efforts tended to be pragmatic rather than policy-driven, more consistent with furthering its business interests than with validating abstract theories. Aramco built the infrastructure necessary to extract oil and also carved At the same time, executives cultivated powerful relationships with Saudi government officials and, to the annoyance of U.S. officials, even served the monarchy in diplomatic disputes. Before long the company became the principal American diplomatic, political, and cultural agent in the country, a role it would continue to play until 1973, when the Saudi government took over its operation.

The Challenges of the Judicial Dialogue in Mercosur

Since its inception, Mercosur has opted for a non-coercive and diplomatic dispute settlement system. State Parties still oscillate between institutionalization based on the European model and the maintenance of an arbitral system for the settlement of disputes. This choice is linked to the possibility and limits of judicial dialogue in Mercosur. In this context, this article aims to analyse the existing horizontal ‘dialogue’ between Mercosur judges and international judges, on the one hand, and the vertical dialogue between Mercosur judges and national judges, on the other hand. In terms of the horizontal ‘dialogue’, the objective is to evaluate the use of precedents and references to other international, regional, and sub-regional Tribunals. As for the supposed vertical ‘dialogue’ between Mercosur judges and national judges, this article analyses the interaction with national courts through the cooperation mechanism established by advisory opinions (which is similar to preliminary rulings under the auspices of the eu), as well as via judicial ‘dialogue’ with representatives of national supreme courts of Mercosur State Parties. The importance of the advisory opinion mechanism is well known, as is the preliminary ruling mechanism in the European Union. Similar to the eu, several important principles of Mercosur law have been laid down by advisory opinions.

The Sutton Case: The First Franco-Australian Foray into Blackbirding

ABSTRACTIn 1858, a scandal rocked Sydney – the captain and the owner of the Sydney-based barque Sutton were accused of kidnapping 65 Pacific Islanders to sell to sugar planters on the Indian Ocean island of Reunion. While Dorothy Shineberg highlighted this incident in a 1984 publication, she based her story on official documents located in the French and British archives and, understandably, largely portrayed it as a diplomatic dispute between the colonial powers. This paper revisits this notorious yet little known episode, taking into account the press coverage the affair received in Australia as well as the archival correspondence. It repositions the narrative in the complex colonial space of Sydney, where culpability was very much tied to local politics, class and notions of nationality. Set against the backdrop of the British anti-slavery laws, it considers the implications of this affair on future recruiting ventures in the region, including the introduction of indentured labour to Australia in 1863.

草地土壤固碳潜力研究进展

PDF HTML阅读 XML下载 导出引用 引用提醒 草地土壤固碳潜力研究进展 DOI: 10.5846/stxb201310212541 作者: 作者单位: 中国科学院地理科学与资源研究所,中国科学院地理科学与资源研究所,中国科学院地理科学与资源研究所 作者简介: 通讯作者: 中图分类号: 基金项目: 国家重点基础研究发展计划(973计划)(2011CB403206, 2012CB416906); 国家科技支撑计划(2013BAC03B04); 国家自然科学基金项目(41371196) Review on soil carbon sequestration potential in grassland ecosystems Author: Affiliation: Institute of Geographic Sciences and Natural Resources Research,-A Datun Road,Chaoyang District,Beijing,Institute of Geographic Sciences and Natural Resources Research,-A Datun Road,Chaoyang District,Beijing,Institute of Geographic Sciences and Natural Resources Research,-A Datun Road,Chaoyang District,Beijing Fund Project: 摘要 | 图/表 | 访问统计 | 参考文献 | 相似文献 | 引证文献 | 资源附件 | 文章评论 摘要:土壤固碳功能和固碳潜力已成为全球气候变化和陆地生态系统研究的重点。草地土壤有机碳库,作为陆地土壤有机碳库的重要组成部分,其较小幅度的波动,将会影响整个陆地生态系统碳循环,进而影响全球气候变化。因此,深入研究草地土壤固碳功能和固碳潜力对于适应和减缓气候变化具有重要意义。在土壤固碳潜力相关概念界定基础上,结合《2006年IPCC国家温室气体清单指南》,从样点及区域尺度上综述了目前关于草地土壤固碳潜力的一般估算方法,同时对各类方法的特点及适用性进行了评述,提出了草地生态系统固碳潜力研究概念模型。最后在对草地土壤固碳的影响因素及固碳措施总结的基础上,阐明了草地土壤有机碳固定研究中存在的问题和发展前景。 Abstract:Global climate change has aroused wide concern from the international community, and national or regional GHG (greenhouse gas) emission has become a focus of the intergovernmental diplomatic dispute and mediation. The stability, release or increment of the soil carbon stock is closely related to the change of the atmospheric carbon stock. Even a minor change in soil organic carbon (SOC) storage may result in a significant change in atmospheric CO2 concentration. Whether the soil carbon stock can increase becomes an essential theoretical basis for terrestrial ecosystems to absorb atmospheric CO2, and serve as carbon sink. Therefore, increasing soil carbon sink in terrestrial ecosystems has become an important strategy for controlling the rise in atmospheric CO2 concentration. As one of the world's most widespread terrestrial ecosystems, covering over 15% of the world's land surface, grassland ecosystems account for over 10% of the total carbon storage in terrestrial ecosystems, with nearly 90% of the carbon storing in top soil. Besides, grassland soil organic carbon could be strongly influenced by management practices. During the past decades, owing to the climate change, overgrazing and other unreasonable management practices, the grasslands in the world had been seriously degraded and the soil organic carbon had significantly decreased. However, improved management practices such as enclosure and recovery of degraded grassland and conversion of cropland to abandoned fields, may reverse the loss of soil organic carbon, and even help to sequestrate carbon in the atmosphere. Therefore, under the background of climate change, the function and potential of soil organic carbon sequestration in grassland ecosystems has become a key issue. In this essay, the recent research on soil carbon sequestration potential was reviewed, including quantitative methods for estimating soil carbon sequestration potential on both regional and sample scales, dominant affecting factors and management practices of carbon sequestration, and future research direction was also proposed lastly. Research on quantitative estimation of soil carbon sequestration in grassland ecosystems had been well developed in recent years, from simple statistics on sample scale to mechanism modeling coupled with GIS and RS on regional scale. IPCC also issued guidelines for national greenhouse gas inventories so as to provide a relatively uniform method for national carbon sequestration estimation, which contained three tiers on estimation of soil organic carbon storage in grassland: Tier1, Tier2, and Tier3. Among all the quantitative methods, mechanism modeling of soil carbon cycle became a major method to assess the carbon sequestration of terrestrial ecosystems and the reduction of greenhouse gas emission in the world. The dominant factors affecting soil organic carbon sequestration included natural factors (temperature, precipitation and CO2 concentration etc.) and human factors (reclamation, grazing, fire, enclosure, fertilization, irrigation and reseeding etc.), which held complicated influences on carbon sequestration with various time and intensity of management practices. There also existed many problems needed to be solved in the future, such as the methodology and adaptability of models and the uncertainty of estimation on regional scale. The potential and mechanism of carbon sequestration, and the relationship between carbon sequestration and environmental effects would be the key scientific problems. 参考文献 相似文献 引证文献

Rivalry and alliance politics in Cold War Latin America

Rivalry and Alliance Politics in Cold War Latin America, Christopher Darnton's comparative study of the nature of conflict between Latin American states during the Cold War, provides a counterintuitive and shrewd explanation of why diplomacy does or doesn't work. Specifically, he develops a theory that shows how the parochial interests of state bureaucracies can overwhelm national leaders' foreign policy initiatives and complicate regional alliances. His thorough evaluation of several twentieth-century Latin American conflicts covers the gamut of diplomatic disputes from border clashes to economic provocations to regional power struggles. Darnton examines the domestic political and economic conditions that contribute either to rivalry (continued conflict) or rapprochement (diplomatic reconciliation), while assessing the impact of U.S. foreign policy. Detailed case studies provide not only a robust test of the theory but also a fascinating tour of Latin American history and Cold War politics, including a multilayered examination of Argentine-Brazilian strategic competition and presidential summits over four decades; three rivalries in Central America following Cuba's 1959 revolution; and how the 1980s debt crisis entangled the diplomatic affairs of several Andean countries. These questions about international rivalry and rapprochement are of particular interest to security studies and international relations scholars, as they seek to understand what defuses regional conflicts, creates stronger incentives for improving diplomatic ties between states, and builds effective alliances. The analysis also bears fruit for contemporary studies of counterterrorism in its critique of parallels between the Cold War and the Global War on Terror, its examination of failed rapprochement efforts between Algeria and Morocco, and its assessment of obstacles to U.S. coalition-building efforts.

News use, nationalism, and Internet use motivations as predictors of anti-Japanese political actions in China

Although the rise of nationalistic activism in the Chinese online sphere has drawn much scholarly attention, few studies have examined how nationalism, usages, and motivations of the Internet affect nationalistic actions among general Internet users in China. Using Sino-Japanese diplomatic disputes as a testing ground, this study investigates the effects of news use from traditional and new media, nationalistic attitudes, and motivations for Internet use on anti-Japanese political behaviors such as boycotting and protest participation. Analyses of online survey data revealed that nationalism is positively correlated with information-seeking and social-interaction motivations for Internet use regarding Sino-Japanese disputes. Results also showed that the stronger the motivation for using the Internet to discuss topics associated with Sino-Japanese disputes, the more likely respondents engaged in anti-Japanese behaviors. This study indicates that nationalistic attitudes and motivations involved in the use of new media technologies have significant effects on mobilizing supporters for anti-Japanese actions.

‘Soft’ Coercive Diplomacy versus Informal Resistance: Attempts at Deporting ‘Illegal Vietnamese’ from Reunifying Germany, 1990-1995

During the period of Germany’s reunification in the early 1990s, disagreement between Germany and Vietnam over the return of Vietnamese individuals to Vietnam escalated into a diplomatic dispute that also spilled over into Vietnam’s negotiations with the European Union over a major eu–Vietnam treaty. In mid-1995, however, the German and Vietnamese governments finally agreed on a repatriation arrangement that allowed Germany to begin deporting about 40,000 Vietnamese who were living in Germany illegally. This article explores the episode in the wider context of diplomatic dispute resolution. While Germany was demanding full cooperation from Vietnam on the issue of returning Vietnamese nationals, the Vietnamese government initially resisted large-scale repatriation for economic and social reasons. Hanoi attempted to frame the discussion within bilateral negotiations, economic costs and human rights, whereas Bonn argued from the perspective of customary international law and applied increasingly coercive diplomacy. German authorities escalated the disagreement and made economic threats with the aim of changing Hanoi’s behaviour. In order to frame this approach analytically, this article uses a modified form of coercive diplomacy. The analysis proceeds in three stages: first, the article analyses the origins of the dispute, which had its roots in German reunification; second, it evaluates the legal arguments advanced by each side; and third, it investigates Germany’s ‘soft’ coercive diplomacy and Vietnam’s response. The article concludes with an evaluation of Germany’s approach, benchmarking 1995’s diplomatic outcome against results on the ground, namely the number of returnees to Vietnam.

Displacements in the Context of Social Crises in the Oil-Rich Niger-Delta of Nigeria and Oil-Rich Bakassi Peninsula in Cameroon

The Niger -Delta constitutes Niger's ―oil belt' that lies along the Guinea coast of the country. The region sits on top of about 176 trillion cubic feet of gas and about 35.2 billion barrels of oil reserves. It also accommodates 20 million people which belong to more than 40 ethnic groups. Similarly, the oil-rich Bakassi Peninsula in the Western Cameroon juts into the Gulf of Guinea. Adjacent to the border between Cameroon and Nigeria, the Bakassi Peninsula was the subject of a long distance diplomatic dispute between the two countries until 2002. The swampy Peninsula, cut by series of channels, covers an area of 50 sq km and has large untapped reserves of petroleum. Nigeria and Cameroon have disputed over the possession of Bakassi for some years, leading to considerable tension between the two countries. In 1981, the two countries were on the verge of war over the oil rich peninsula. This paper discusses both theoretical and empirical perspectives of patterns of displacement of people as a forced/involuntary migration in Nigeria and Cameroon. This perspective is based on a force- subject-migration reasoning.

RUSSIA’S POLITICS OF HISTORY

Lithuanian authors have challenges to study Russia’s politics of history. The analysis is complicated because of a few factors. Diplomatic disputes and informative wars between Lithuania and Russia concerning historical questions have encouraged researches by historians but not by political scientists. In Lithuania, the questions of who and how is forming the history politics of Russia, what is its content and the function it accomplishes, remain unexamined. The analysis is further complicated by disagreement among Russian political scientists, historians, journalists, and politicians over the existence of such politics. The present analysis demonstrates that post-soviet Russia perceives the importance of historical memory, i.e. it understands that historical memory and its forms depend on the states’ politics. Russia’s political history genesis testifies that trends of such politics depend on the geopolitical orientation of its government. The end of the Cold War did not manage to conceal the fundamental differences between Europe and Russia. The wave of liberalism and democracy, which spread over Central and Eastern Europe as well as Russian Federation, has caused tension in Russia ruled by B. Yeltsin. Yeltsin’s Russia was not able to tackle this problem by using measures of history politics in order to lessen the distance between Russia and the West. V. Putin undertook to find the solution to this situation, and he did. By using changes of international politics, he builds the image of Russia as a great power. Politics of history are subordinated to build this image; also, it is used as an instrument in domestic politics. The history politics of Russia has taken the shape of a manipulative form and serves the interests of V. Putins’s power.

Colombia y la territorialización de sus mares conflictos limítrofes y la convención de derecho del mar

&lt;span&gt;Uno de los factores que ha incidido en la generación de disputas diplomáticas y conflictos entre diversos países latinoamericanos ha sido la tardía demarcación de aguas marinas y submarinas. En el caso de Colombia, sus fronteras marítimas fueron reguladas a partir de tratados bilaterales suscritos, fundamentalmente, en las décadas de 1970 y 1980. Esta situación se complementa con la no ratificación de la Convemar tanto por Colombia como por parte de otros estados vecinos y con el surgimiento de diferendos limítrofes que han llevado, en algunos casos, a escenarios de confrontación y procesos internacionales. El artículo evalúa la política colombiana de territorialización de los mares y los diferendos que han surgido en esta materia con Venezuela, Nicaragua y Colombia.&lt;/span&gt;

조선시대 서해 북단 해역의 경계와 島嶼 문제 : 海浪島와 薪島를 중심으로

In the late Ming Dynasty period, when the perception of maritime border was indistinct, there were four viewpoints on the starting point of the north-western border between the Ming Dynasty and the Joseon Dynasty; the Nokdo Island at the Yalu River estuary which is located in the coast of Liaodong, the Jangjado Island located in between the Nokdo Island and the Geowoodo Island which belongs to Cheolsan-bu, the Sindo Island located at the strategically significant place for the maritime defense in the mouth of the Yalu River, and the Geowoodo Island located sixteen kilometers away westward from Cheolsan-bu. As a conclusion, the Sindo Island was the starting point of the border of the north-western border. The reason that the Joseon envoys did not recognize the Sindo Island or Geowoodo Island as the territory of the Joseon Dynasty was that lots of people from Liaodong moved to the area and settled down there after the Japanese invasion of 1592. And since Mao Wen-lung, who was expelled from Liaodong area when Nurhaci of Jianzhou Jurchen occupied Liaoning area, established his military post at the Gado Island located within the territory of the Joseon Dynasty and took the offshore control. Therefore the Joseon government could not take this area under her control and had to abandon it temporarily. The Hongzhi Emperor of Ming Dynasty expressed his doubt about the location of Haerang Island and since the era of the King Seongjong of the Joseon Dynasty, it became the direct cause of a diplomatic dispute between the Ming Dynasty and the Joseon Dynasty. People from the Joseon Dynasty traveled to the island or lived there to avoid drafted labor from the government and for a purpose of doing commercial activities or fisheries. The Joseon government, which was deeply concerned about this issue, brought those people back to Joseon and punished them. However, many of Chinese people moved to the Sindo Island located in the territory of Joseon, and settled down there to avoid drafted labor from their government. This could casue a serious problem to the Joseon government thus the government requested Liaodongdusi (the military commander of Liadong area) to prohibit those people from moving to the island. But Liaodongdusi did not properly react to the request. Therefore, the Joseon government tried to put political pressure on Liaodongdusi by notifying him that they would send envoys directly to Beijing in case he did not grant their request. In this way, the Joseon government could solve the problem. The reason that the Joseon government tried to solve the Haerangdo Island and the Sindo Island problem in advance so that it would not develop any bigger problem has an important significance. The Joseon government was concerned that the issue might cause damage on their spirit of toadyism toward the Ming Dynasty. And they saw possibilities of a border dispute between them and the Ming Dynasty which could get caused by a small problem in the borderland.

A Post‐Colonial Analysis of Bilateral Tourism Flows: the Case of Korea and Japan

ABSTRACTRapid decolonization began after World War II (1939–1945) and did not conclude until the breakup of the former USSR in 1989. Many studies have labelled tourism as the peace industry. However, there have been limited efforts to analyze post‐colonial tourism exchanges between colonizers and the colonized. This study explored the development of post‐colonial tourism exchanges between Japan and South Korea in the period 1946–2010. The high level of residual mistrust and diplomatic disputes that affected bilateral flows in the years after Korea's independence from Japan have now been replaced by a very high level of bilateral flows between the two nations, indicating that many of the issues of the past are no longer seen as relevant by contemporary Korean and Japanese tourists. The paper suggests a framework for analysing post‐colonial flows. Copyright © 2011 John Wiley &amp; Sons, Ltd.

Role of Political Leadership in the Formation of Korea-Japan Relations in the Post–Cold War Era

The variables defining Korean-Japanese relations can be categorized into those pertaining to structural elements and those related to leaders. Optimists and pessimists emphasize structural factors when addressing post–Cold War relations. Pessimists say that changes in structural elements such as the post–Cold War global system are the cause of Korea and Japan drifting apart. Optimists stress another structural factor: their shared political system. But the role of the political leadership, to which neither optimists nor pessimists directly refer, is crucial in the short term in turning historical issues into diplomatic conflicts. Issues in the past relations of the two neighbors have not always become thorny diplomatic controversies, nor have they always prevailed in the links between the two countries. Relations between Korea and Japan are highly likely to expand in an amicable way as long as their leaders manage topics surrounding the past in a manner that prevents them from triggering diplomatic disputes.

독도해양과학기지 건설 관련 법적 쟁점에 관한 고찰

The Korean Government is trying to construct an ocean research station in Dokdo’s water. The station would be the third ocean research station following the Ieodo station and the Gageocho station. Although the new station would served as a scientific research base for peaceful and academic purposes, the construction of the station will almost certainly lead to a diplomatic dispute between Japan and Korea in the near future due to the disputed ownership of the island. In light of the diplomatic protests against the construction of the Ieodo station by the Chinese Government, various domestic and international legal issues which could be raised regarding the construction of the Dokdo station need to be reviewed. Therefore, this article reviews the international legal status of the station and the rights and duties pertaining to its construction, investigates the domestic legal grounds relating to the construction and operation of the marine scientific installation, evaluates the international legal impacts of the construction on the expansion of maritime jurisdiction, the effective control on Dokdo and the negotiations on maritime boundary delimitation, and finally draws conclusions on the future activities of the Korean Government for the construction and operation of the Dokdo Ocean Research Station.

The long goodbye: Hugo Grotius’ justification of Dutch expansion overseas, 1615–1645

This article examines Grotius’ lifelong support for Dutch expansion overseas. As noted in other publications of mine, Grotius cooperated closely with the directors of the Dutch East India Company (VOC) in the years 1604–1615. Right up to his arrest for high treason in August 1618, he contributed towards Dutch government discussions about the establishment of a West India Company (WIC). Three years of imprisonment at Loevestein Castle and, following his escape, long years of exile could not weaken his dedication to the cause. His relatives in Holland, in particular his brother Willem de Groot and his brother-in-law Nicolaas van Reigersberch, kept him up-to-date on the fortunes of the VOC and WIC. His expertise on maritime affairs was in high demand. For example, Cardinal Richelieu invited him in November 1626 to become actively involved in the establishment of a French East India Company. As itinerant ideologue of empire, Grotius sought to further his own career and those of his nearest family members, without damaging the interests of the United Provinces. Through Willem de Groot and Nicolaas van Reigersberch, he provided informal advice on Dutch imperial policy to the VOC directors and government officials in The Hague. He was rewarded with the appointment of his brother and his second son, Pieter de Groot, as VOC lawyers ( ordinaris advocaten) in 1639 and 1644, respectively. They served as his proxies in diplomatic disputes involving the VOC, the States General and the Portuguese ambassador in autumn 1644, when Pieter and Willem de Groot wrote a defense of VOC claims to the cinnamon-producing areas of Ceylon (modern-day Sri Lanka), liberally citing De Jure Belli ac Pacis. Grotius’ vision of empire hardly changed in the course of 40 years. In his view, the Dutch had gone to the Indies as merchants, not conquerors, and should regulate themselves according to natural law and the law of nations. Thus he contributed to the creation of two political orders, one for Europe and one for the Indies. European diplomatic relations counted for little beyond the Line. VOC and WIC officials could act as judges and executioners in their own cause, without reference to indigenous rulers, other colonial powers, or even the political authorities back home.

Emperor and Emissary: The Hongwu Emperor, Kwŏn Kŭn, and the Poetry of Late Fourteenth Century Diplomacy

In 1396, a diplomatic rift emerged between the Chosŏn government and its Chinese neighbor. The Ming court took offense at poorly worded diplomatic correspondences and promptly froze all contact with Chosŏn. Court official and scholar Kwŏn Kŭn volunteered to go to China to resolve the dispute. Not only did Kwŏn end up resolving the diplomatic dispute and securing the release of detained envoys, but he also struck a rapport with the Hongwu emperor. The emperor lavished feasts, clothing, and tours upon Kwŏn and even composed poetry for him. Kwŏn reciprocated with three collections of poems, totaling twenty-four individual poems. Upon returning to Chosŏn, Kwŏn was celebrated for solving the diplomatic dispute, and he gained praise for his poetic exchanges with the emperor. This article centers on Kwŏn’s trip to China and his exchange of poetry with the Hongwu emperor. It charts domestic events in both Ming China and Chosŏn leading up to the diplomatic disputes in 1396–1397 and uses Kwŏn’s trip and the exchange of poetry as a vehicle to explore the diplomatic, territorial, and historical issues that surrounded this event and relations between the two countries.