Diplomatic Activity Research Articles

China in 2023

In 2023, in an effort to revive the sluggish economy after the COVID-19 pandemic, the Chinese government implemented a variety of stimulus measures, such as interest rate cuts, tax cuts for small and medium-sized enterprises, and the issuance of local government bonds. But recovery has been challenging owing to export controls by the United States, lackluster domestic demand, high youth unemployment, and a real estate bubble. Externally, to respond to stronger cooperation between the United States and its allies in Western Europe and Asia, China actively pursued diplomatic activities with its traditional allies, such as Russia, and developing countries.

The Intersection between Diplomatic Security and Cooperation: South Korea’s Veteran Diplomacy toward Türkiye

The article attempts to probe veteran diplomacy with the case of Türkiye and adopts its meaning from the distinct historical case of the Korean War. Veteran diplomacy gets attention as a means of new diplomacy as the changes in global political and economic order have brought limitations to state-centric diplomatic relations since the late 20th century. Veteran diplomacy can be utilized as an opportunity to expand South Korea’s soft power in the new public diplomacy era of the 21st century. It engages diverse diplomatic actors and interacts with war veterans of the UN allied nations based on diplomatic security policies. It led to the effect of public diplomacy via open and multilateral communication between the countries and creating amicable and favorable environments to strengthen ties as well as improve South Korea’s reputation in international society. It also paves the way for security cooperation with Türkiye.

Türkiye's Health Diplomacy Activities: A Qualitative Research

Health diplomacy is a field that facilitates the implementation and governance of global health policies. Assisting, such as transferring expertise, experience, and human and medical equipment to different countries, constitutes the content of health diplomacy. The main argument of this study is that Türkiye provides official development assistance abroad, establishes and operates health enterprises, and provides medical rescue and emergency health services in disasters and emergencies. For this reason, it has been tried to reveal Türkiye's perception of health diplomacy, how the health service process is carried out across the border, and the possible contributions of these services. A case study design was used to examine Türkiye's health diplomacy process. In this context, interviews were conducted with the public (n=1) and non-governmental organization personnel (n=8). The research findings were evaluated within the framework of four main themes: perception of health diplomacy, difficulties experienced in the health diplomacy process, solutions to the difficulties encountered in the health diplomacy process, and contributions of health diplomacy. The perception of health diplomacy is fieldwork, experience transfer, support, joint action, foreign policy, soft power, and health priority. In the process of health service delivery, it has been determined that there are difficulties in terms of medical equipment, service delivery, personnel, and politics, and these difficulties are tried to be solved through cooperation, communication, and other means. It has been concluded that health diplomacy contributes to the health of the recipient country or region and supports employment with newly opened health institutions. In addition, it was determined that Turkish health personnel gained experience, sympathy for Türkiye developed, and prejudices were broken.

PECULIARITIES OF THE APPLICATION OF FINANCIAL DIPLOMACY SANCTION TOOLS BY STATES

The article is devoted to a comprehensive study of the modern practice by states of the sanctions toolkit of financial diplomacy and an assessment of its political and economic effectiveness. The role of economic sanctions in the system of financial instruments of diplomatic activity of states and their achievement of strategic goals related to accelerating macroeconomic growth and improving the material well-being of the population are defined. Considerable attention is paid to identifying the functional purpose of economic sanctions and revealing their place in the modern regulatory toolkit of international organizations, regional integration groups, and national governments. It has been proven that economic sanctions have been actively implemented in recent decades as one of the means of political pressure on those states that violate the system of international order and threaten the national interests of a significant number of sovereign states. Economic sanctions are also qualified as an important mechanism for states to achieve a number of political and economic goals, de-escalation of global and regional conflicts, as well as deterring countries from aggressive behavior in the international arena. It was found that recent years have been characterized by a significant increase in the attention of researchers to the issue of increasing the effectiveness of the sanctions tools of financial diplomacy used by states.

Translations in Children’s Paradise (1970–1979): the Union’s agendas and the Cold War cultural diplomacy in Hong Kong

During the Cold War era, translation constituted an integral part of the ideological confrontations of US cultural diplomacy. Scholarly discussions on US-associated cultural products have provided insights from the perspective of American patronage, yet have not adequately addressed the diverse role of unofficial agencies in their cultural practices with multiple intentions. This study analyzes Chinese translations in the magazine Children’s Paradise (CP) operated by the Union, an entity involved in the network of American covert cultural diplomatic activities. It delves into the Union’s agenda of furthering a progressive Chinese nation that continues and revitalizes Chinese civilization by analyzing three marked characteristics of the translated texts and their underlying rationales. It finds that, through deliberate omissions, substitutions, and additions, CP demonstrated a relentless commitment to the Union’s China-centric agendas in its domesticated and adapted translations. Despite sharing the anti-communist conviction associated with American interests, CP leveraged localized practices to engage with the social-political issues of the British-ruled Hong Kong of the 1970s. As a result, it generated cultural outcomes exceeding the Cold War polarities, and left a lasting legacy on the younger generation of Hong Kong.

Diplomatic activities of M.M. Litvinov in the USA during the Great Patriotic War (1941–1943)

The Great Patriotic War is one of the highlights in the history of Soviet-American cooperation. The USSR and the United States managed to overcome the inertia of mutual mistrust that persisted throughout most of the interwarperiod, taking together the lead in the fight against the Axis powers. However, rapprochement between the two future superpowers was neither plain nor swift; rather was it constantly hampered by mutual suspicion, aggravated by differences in their political cultures. Under these conditions, the fate of their alliance depended on the willingness of the ‘Big Three’ leaders to respect each other’s interest and concerns, as well as on the personal initiative and determination of individual politicians and diplomats. In this regard, the figure of M.M. Litvinov, appointed ambassador of the USSR to the United States at the most alarming and dangerous moment of the Great Patriotic War, deserves particular attention. Having played a major role in the Soviet-American cooperation in 1941–1943, M.M. Litvinov has been then forgotten for many years in both Soviet and Russian historiography. On the basis of new archive materials, the authors reexamine the activities of M.M. Litvinov as an ambassador to the United States and the specifics of his relationship with J.V. Stalin and V.M. Molotov during the period under review. The first section covers the initial steps of M.M. Litvinov in his new position. Special attention is paid to his efforts aimed at clarifying the Soviet position on the most sensitive issues of bilateral relations and establishing contacts with various groups of the American political, economic and intellectual elites. The second section analyzes M.M. Litvinov’s activities in the context of increasing contradictions between the Allies with regard to the opening of the second front and disruption of supplies under lend-lease. The authors show that M.M. Litvinov used all the diplomatic tools available to defend the interests of the USSR, instantly reacting to any changes in the moods of the U.S. military and political establishment and immediately reporting them to Moscow. In this context, the authors question the widespread claims in historiography about the ambassador’s excessive independence and willfulness. On the contrary, M.M. Litvinov can be said to have consistently adhered to the official foreign policy line of the Soviet leadership in both his speeches and practical steps. This indicates the need for further study of the M.M. Litvinov’s figure in order to avoid oversimplified, cliched assessments of this personality.

«Дипломат поневоле»: страницы биографии Николая Васильевича Новикова

Introduction. The article analyzes the biography and diplomatic activities of Nikolai Vasilievich Novikov (1903–1989), a Soviet diplomat who represented the USSR in Cairo and in Washington during World War II and took part in the efforts to establish a new system of international relations at the beginning of the Cold War. Methods and materials. The article is based on published texts by Nikolai Novikov himself, diplomatic documents, periodicals, and materials from his personal archive, deposited in the Archive of the European University at St. Petersburg by the diplomat’s family. Analysis. The authors examine Novikov’s biography, the reasons for his rapid career in the People’s Commissariat of Foreign Affairs, his relations with Soviet foreign policy managers, and the circumstances of his resignation at a relatively young age. Special attention is paid to Novikov’s activities in the United States in the context of the emerging Cold War, the place of Novikov’s note (cable) in the process of shaping Soviet approaches to relations with the United States, and his own attitude to these approaches. Results. Novikov’s contribution to the shaping of the postwar world is underappreciated, as are his attempts to resist the changes that were breaking Soviet-American cooperation in the international arena. In fact, the strategic concepts formulated by Novikov in a memo to Molotov were the basis of the official Soviet interpretation of the causes and nature of the Cold War and were included in Soviet school and university textbooks on universal history and the history of international relations. Authors’ contributions. A.I. Kubyshkin analyzed the most important stages of Nikolai Novikov’s diplomatic activity and the general situation in relations between the USSR and the USA during the Second World War. He assessed Novikov’s activities from the political leadership of the USSR and foreign countries in which the Soviet diplomat worked. He also examined the most important aspects of the activities of Soviet diplomacy reflected in Novikov’s memoirs and carried out their internal criticism as a historical source. I.I. Kurilla processed the archive of Nikolai Novikov and identified and analyzed the corpus of sources of personal origin. He also analyzed the contents of Nikolai Novikov’s personal diaries, reviewed the personal contribution of N.V. Novikov in developing a strategy in relations with the United States in the initial period of the Cold War, and compared the contents of the “long telegram” of J. Kennan and the “Novikov telegram”.

Is the Tibetan Plateau really a water tower?

AbstractThe Tibetan Plateau (TP) is widely known as the ‘Asian Water Tower’, due to its role in providing fresh water to downstream Asian countries. Based on the runoff data of large river basins on the TP, the weighted average proportion of the TP runoff is approximately 18% (ranging from 6% to 49%) for all the rivers. We argue that the name ‘Water Tower’ is an inappropriate and misleading perception of the TP, and such misperception would influence policy‐making processes and diplomatic activities. We therefore call for correcting the misunderstanding and an ensuring accurate understanding of the TP and its role in water supply for downstream countries. We propose using the term “Towering Asian Spring” instead of “Asian Water Tower” to better illustrate the role of the TP in water supply: while it serves as the source of several major rivers in Asia, its contribution to the overall water supply is relatively limited.

The Economic, Social, and Religious Activities of European Diplomats in Egypt During the Era of Mohamed Ali Pasha

The Economic, Social, and Religious Activities of European Diplomats in Egypt During the Era of Mohamed Ali Pasha

The socio-political situation in Greece according to the report of the Swedish diplomatic mission from Constantinople (August 1916)

The subject of the study is a report from the Swedish diplomatic mission in Constantinople, transmitted to the envoy of the Swedish Kingdom in St. Petersburg, considered as an important source on the socio-political situation in Greece with an assessment of possible prospects for its development. The report contains information concerning the most serious disagreements and irreconcilable contradictions between supporters of the Germanophile position led by King Constantine and supporters of the prominent liberal politician E. Venizelos, who repeatedly headed the Greek government. The latter openly advocated cooperation with the Entente countries, primarily Great Britain, for the landing of a contingent of allied troops in Greece to help the Serbian army and prevent the troops of the central powers. The period of the beginning of a series of uprisings in continental Greece and on the Greek islands of the king's policy is described. Based on the methods of historicism and systematic research, the issues of the very complicated situation around Greece as one of the most important players in the Balkans, the problems of the Thessaloniki Front, the military and diplomatic actions of the Entente allies in the region, the assessment of the situation by Swedish diplomats and their forecasts are considered. The analysis of the considered source allows us to draw the following conclusions. The materials of the report under study, together with other information, created a three-dimensional picture of events in Greece for the Swedish government in order to take any measures and take the necessary position from the point of view of the country's interests. This report was also important for our military and diplomatic authorities to understand the Swedish side's reaction to the events in Greece, to see their objective assessment of the outcome of this situation, and of the entire world war as a whole. The information obtained from this source gave Russian diplomacy the opportunity to use them in its relations with partners and have an idea of the prospects for the development of the situation in the Balkans.

빅데이터의 기능과 역할 논의

The rise of the fourth industrial revolution has catalyzed the rapid development of information and communications technologies like AI, big data, and IoT, driving changes in international politics and diplomacy. This study examines the significance of big data and its application as a diplomatic tool, scrutinizing domestic and international instances.The analysis found that using big data and AI technologies in risk management and international politics is emerging as crucial elements of globalization and national influence. Nevertheless, the process of incorporating big data into diplomacy necessitates the resolution of current obstacles. Various applications to expedite diplomatic activities will become more viable when related protocols are defined and concerns about the ethics of managing big data are addressed.

A new index to assess economic diplomacy in emerging countries

This paper aims to examine the role of economic diplomacy in attracting foreign capital to emerging countries, by developing a composite index measuring diplomatic activity. We focus on what extent does economic diplomacy influence the inflow of foreign capital to emerging countries. Then, we used data from fifty-five (55) developing economies in 2018. The composite index for diplomatic activity is constructed using principal component analysis. Further, we investigated the effect of this index on foreign capital inflows using linear regression based on the ordinary least squares method. The results indicate that the increase in the number of embassies alone does not significantly influence the evolution of diplomatic action. However, diplomacy plays a non-negligible role in attracting foreign capital. Our results demonstrate a positive and significant link between diplomacy and foreign funding, highlighting the importance of this tool for attracting investment and supporting growth in these countries. The findings of this work are going to serve both scientific and practitioners’ communities as it sheds light on the larger debate around the growing role of economic diplomacy in emerging countries in the context of globalization. Moreover, it provides a useful tool for measuring the effectiveness of foreign policies and their impact on economic expansion.

City Diplomacy in Fighting Wicked Problems: Izmir Metropolitan Municipality

Municipalities/local governments are both one of the key actors in tackling wicked problems and the place where these problems are concretely experienced. One of the methods suitable for local governments in tackling wicked problems is networked service delivery. City diplomacy is an effective tool in addressing wicked problems because it brings many cities together with other cities and actors, provides a suitable platform for sharing different information, practices and resources on problems, and offers a more flexible form of governance that allows a transition from hierarchy to networks in the provision of public services. The aim of this study is to identify the impact of city diplomacy on the wicked problems faced by cities. In this context, the study analyses city diplomacy activities through content analysis and identifies their relationship with wicked problems. The study determines the relationship between city diplomacy activities and a number of areas within the scope of wicked problems, determines the impact of city diplomacy activities on local government service areas, and reveals the importance of city diplomacy activities in the management of Covid-19 outbreak, which is considered a wicked problem.

Review on the Relationship Between Mahan and Baekje: The Same Entities with Different Names

Currently, in Northeast Asia, where Korea, China, and Japan are located, there is still a fierce debate over the extent of the territories in ancient history. This research aimed to prove that Mahan and Baekje, ancient Korean states, were essentially the same entitty only with different names employing new methodologies including comparative analysis of ancient Historical records from Korea, China and Japan, analysis of clans and place names, as well as examination of various inscriptions, stele texts, and genealogical data. The research results revealed that Baekje, referred to as Dongyi tribes in China and as Gudara in Japan was confirmed to be another name of Mahan. Baekje was established as a tributary of Mahan in the ancient land of Daebang and Mahan and Baekje coexisted peacefully for over 460 years, and they even engaged in a division of roles in diplomatic activities. In Tang Dynasty, when Baekje was conquered, King Kim Chun-chu of Silla was appointed as the general secretary of the Yuyi Clan Conquest. The titles of Yuyi and Mahan also appear in the positions of Su Dingfang, which refers to the Mahan forces that existed around the Yeongsan River basin as Yue Zhi. All these facts confirm that Mahan and Baekje were indeed the same entities, merely known by different names in historical Records. The aforementioned research results demonstrate that Mahan-Baekje was a very Powerful political entity spanning the Korean Peninsula, the northeastern region of China, and the Japanese Archipelago. This serves as strong evidence against the claims of China’s Northeast Project and Japan’s theory of the Imna Japan Province, highlighting the historical inaccuracies in these assertions.

Dokonania Józefa Andrzeja Gierowskiego w zakresie badań czasów saskich. Perspektywy na przyszłość

The main purpose of the article is to present the achievements of J.A. Gierowski in his research into the Saxon times, i.e., the period of the reigns of August II and August III Wettin in the Polish‑Lithuanian Commonwealth (1697‑1763). For a long time, this period was assessed negatively in historiography. There was a widespread view that both for the Polish‑Lithuanian state and for Saxony, those years meant decline and catastrophe. Gierowski, who began his scientific work after World War II, carefully analysing Polish and German archival sources, created his own paradigm of research on Saxon times. After rejecting extreme assessments, Gierowski focused on the following elements of this paradigm: 1. the problem of internal reforms 2. a general assessment of the importance of the Polish‑Saxon union and its conse-quences 3. the problem of the place in Europe, i.e., diplomatic activity, and 4. the economic and social situation combined by the “one‑person rulers” of states. This model of research proce-dure has been accepted by historians.

Foreign Affairs in the Policy of the Regency Council

The proclamation of Polish statehood and the establishment of the Regency Council in 1917 enabled the undertaking of diplomatic activities in the Central Powers to ensure the conditions for the Polish state to be viable. The aim of the paper is to present the construction of the foundations of Polish politics – the diplomacy of the Regency Council administration through its government offices, as well as to seek answers to the questions whether the assumed intentions were implemented and what was the result of initiatives and activities in this area on the international arena?

Criza rachetelor din Cuba, factor al distanțării României față de U.R.S.S.

The outbreak of the most powerful political crisis since the end of World War II, by secretly deploying Soviet medium-range missiles in Cuba, has taken not only the West, but also Moscow’s allies by surprise. The decision to move such missiles into Cuba was kept in full secrecy by the USSR leadership, so the Warsaw Pact allies were surprised by the vehement U.S. reaction and the possibility of WWIII. The leadership of the Romanian Workers’ Party (PMR) has learned with astonishment that Romania could find itself involved overnight in a devastating conflict, without even being consulted. The reaction of Gheorghiu-Dej, the Leader of PMR, and his team was vehement and led to unprecedented measures in the direction of widening the freedom of political and diplomatic action in the international arena and to strengthen the national control over the Romanian armed forces. A political and military crisis consumed thousands of kilometers away has produced major and long-term effects in Bucharest, reconfiguring the country’s domestic and foreign policy for the next three decades.

소죽 임병직의 미주지역 독립운동

Ben C. Lyhm(Lyhm Beng Chik) studied in the United States in 1913 and returned home in 1949. Ben C. Lyhm's life met Syngman Rhee for the first time at the YMCA in Seoul, and he met him and went to the United States to study. In addition, after the Korean people declared independence in March 1919, Ben C. Lyhm followed Syngman Rhee in the Korean Commission to America and Europe for the Republic of Korea. Ben C. Lyhm went to Shanghai, China, with Syngman Rhee in December 1920, and assisted Syngman Rhee until the Korean Provisional Government issued an order to abolish the the Korean Commission to America and Europe in March 1925.
 And in December 1941, when the Japanese provoked war against the United States, Ben C. Lyhm went to Washington D.C. to help Syngman Rhee at the Korean Commission and conducted diplomatic activities with the United States. In September 1942, Syngman Rhee, chairman of the Korean Commission, appointed Ben C. Lyhm as a military attache and dispatched him to Los Angeles. As Lim performed his duties as a colonel for external activities, Americans called him ‘Colonel Ben’.
 Ben C. Lyhm supported Syngman Rhee from 1919 to the post-liberation and worked together in the independence movement. In fact, Ben C. Lyhm’s independence movement is a shadow of Rhee Syngman's independence movement because he was always with Ben C. Lyhm in the United States. Ben C. Lyhm can see his sincerity in doing his best in everything with the belief that his activities contribute to the independence of the nation. Ben C. Lyhm participated in the independence movement as Syngman Rhee's secretary after the March 1st Movement and spent his entire life in the Syngman Rhee government, serving as the Minister of Foreign Affairs and Ambassador to the United Nations.

소죽 임병직의 미주지역 독립운동

Ben C. Lyhm(Lyhm Beng Chik) studied in the United States in 1913 and returned home in 1949. Ben C. Lyhm's life met Syngman Rhee for the first time at the YMCA in Seoul, and he met him and went to the United States to study. In addition, after the Korean people declared independence in March 1919, Ben C. Lyhm followed Syngman Rhee in the Korean Commission to America and Europe for the Republic of Korea. Ben C. Lyhm went to Shanghai, China, with Syngman Rhee in December 1920, and assisted Syngman Rhee until the Korean Provisional Government issued an order to abolish the the Korean Commission to America and Europe in March 1925.
 And in December 1941, when the Japanese provoked war against the United States, Ben C. Lyhm went to Washington D.C. to help Syngman Rhee at the Korean Commission and conducted diplomatic activities with the United States. In September 1942, Syngman Rhee, chairman of the Korean Commission, appointed Ben C. Lyhm as a military attache and dispatched him to Los Angeles. As Lim performed his duties as a colonel for external activities, Americans called him ‘Colonel Ben’.
 Ben C. Lyhm supported Syngman Rhee from 1919 to the post-liberation and worked together in the independence movement. In fact, Ben C. Lyhm’s independence movement is a shadow of Rhee Syngman's independence movement because he was always with Ben C. Lyhm in the United States. Ben C. Lyhm can see his sincerity in doing his best in everything with the belief that his activities contribute to the independence of the nation. Ben C. Lyhm participated in the independence movement as Syngman Rhee's secretary after the March 1st Movement and spent his entire life in the Syngman Rhee government, serving as the Minister of Foreign Affairs and Ambassador to the United Nations.

Diplomacy in Times of Pandemic and Wars: Transnational Actors Are Coming of Age in an Era of Fragmentation and Friction

Abstract: This article looks at the coming of age of an assortment of international non-state actors, including transnational civil society, multinational corporations, subnational entities, and supranational organizations. With their agendas and structures, these actors are forcing a search for joint solutions to global challenges—from the pandemic to a recurrence of warfare to climate change—that transcend the realm of the nation-state. They do not necessarily challenge the global order as much as complement it. Through the nature of their interactions with nation-states and with each other, they are becoming diplomatic actors. If properly incorporated, they could help shape a new and more inclusive global order.