Diplomatic Staff Research Articles

Jules Wabbes and the Modern Design of American Embassies

ABSTRACTThe American postwar policy for the construction of embassies was shaped in accordance to a modernist design conception that fostered an image of the USA as a future-oriented country. The Foreign Buildings Office (FBO) of the State Department in Washington was responsible for the approval of plans both for new buildings and for interior design. Whereas the architects for the new buildings were based in America, this was not always the case for the interior designers. For instance, the Belgian Jules Wabbes (1919–74), interior designer, furniture creator, and businessman based in Brussels, was called upon to collaborate in the design of new interior spaces for several American diplomatic institutions, including the embassies in The Hague (The Netherlands), Rabat (Morocco), and London (UK). This article will, on the basis of new archival research, substantiate Wabbes's role and his relation with the FBO, focusing especially on the embassy in The Hague as a case study. The furniture that Wabbes provided was mostly based upon designs of Edward J. Wormley for Dunbar. We will argue that these designs, as well as Wabbes's further input as an interior designer, matched in many ways the architectural qualities of Marcel Breuer's design for the building, while at the same time responding to concerns of diplomatic staff about comfort and respectability. Wabbes and Wormley can thus both be considered to work in the line of what Kristina Wilson has labeled “livable modernism,” a style of interior decoration that upholds many modernist values (sobriety, simplicity, truth to materials) but combines them with traditional references (e.g. through the use of wood as a dominant material) and with meticulous craftsmanship.

Systematic review: deployment length and the mental health of diplomats.

While there has been considerable research into the psychosocial consequences of tour length for military personnel, this subject has not been studied in other occupational groups who also deploy staff to high-threat areas. To carry out a comprehensive review of relevant published literature to inform diplomatic organizations that deploy staff in high-threat postings (HTPs). We searched appropriate scientific databases for studies relevant to deployment length, mental health and well-being for diplomats. A systematic review related to military personnel was found and used as the foundation for the literature review. Other relevant papers identified by the search have also been included. The majority of identified papers had examined military personnel. Results suggested that longer deployments were associated with poorer mental health including post-traumatic stress disorder, depression and alcohol problems and this was most likely to be a function of increased exposure to potentially traumatic events. Exceeding a threshold of 6-12 months within a 3 year period, for military personnel, appeared to elevate the risk of psychosocial problems. Furthermore, diplomats deploying on their first HTP, and those whose tour length is altered after deployment, could be especially vulnerable. While further research of this topic is required, this review provides an evidence-based insight into the increased risks of developing mental health problems when deployed to HTPs. This information is relevant to generating policies, which may reduce the impacts of adverse psychosocial effects on diplomatic staff and their families.

To What Extent Is the Law of State Responsibility Regarding Attribution Adequate?

This paper examines the adequacy of the doctrine of attribution in the international law of state responsibility. This examination encompasses a discussion and analysis of the International Law Commission's Draft Articles on Responsibility of States for Internationally Wrongful Acts and its Articles 8, 9, 10 and 11. Furthermore this examination will be done in the light of the Case Concerning the Application of the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide (Bosnia and Herzegovina v. Serbia and Montenegro), Case Concerning Armed Activities on the Territory of the Congo (Democratic Republic of the Congo v. Uganda), Case Concerning the Military and Paramilitary Activities In and Against Nicaragua, Prosecutor v. Dusko Tadic (Appeal Judgement) and United States Diplomatic and Consular Staff in Tehran. Reference shall also be made to Behrami and Behrami v. France, Difference Relating to Immunity from Legal Process of a Special Repporteur, Estate of Jean-Baptiste Caire (France) v. United Mexican States and LaGrand (Provisional Measures) case.

Design and Implementation of Surrounding Transaction Plotting and Management System Based on Google Map API

Abstract. With China’s rapid economic development and comprehensive national strength growing, Border work has become a long-term and important task in China’s diplomatic work. How to implement rapid plotting, real-time sharing and mapping surrounding affairs has taken great significance for government policy makers and diplomatic staff. However, at present the already exists Boundary information system are mainly have problems of Geospatial data update is heavily workload, plotting tools are in a state of serious lack of, Geographic events are difficult to share, this phenomenon has seriously hampered the smooth development of the border task. The development and progress of Geographic information system technology especially the development of Web GIS offers the possibility to solve the above problems, this paper adopts four layers of B/S architecture, with the support of Google maps service, uses the free API which is offered by Google maps and its features of openness, ease of use, sharing characteristics, highresolution images to design and implement the surrounding transaction plotting and management system based on the web development technology of ASP.NET, C#, Ajax. The system can provide decision support for government policy makers as well as diplomatic staff’s real-time plotting and sharing of surrounding information. The practice has proved that the system has good usability and strong real-time.

WMD Threats and Security Challenges in Libya: Comparing the Qaddafi and the Post-Qaddafi Periods

The Maghreb Review, Vol. 38, 3-4, 2013 © The Maghreb Review 2013 This publication is printed on longlife paper WMD THREATS AND SECURITY CHALLENGES IN LIBYA: COMPARING THE QADDAFI AND THE POST-QADDAFI PERIODS YEHUDIT RONEN* INTRODUCTION Armed with anti-aircraft weapons and rocket-propelled grenades, as well as rabidly anti-American zeal, Libyan Islamist militants affiliated with the global jihadi community attacked the US diplomatic mission in Benghazi and killed the American ambassador Christopher J. Stevens and three other members of the diplomatic staff on 11 September 2012. Coinciding with the 11th anniversary of al-Qaida’s mega-terrorist attack in the United States, the tragic Benghazi incident testified, among other things, to the chaotically violent security conditions dominating post-Qaddafi Libya since the downfall of the regime on 20 August 2011. The lawless postwar scene in Libya has been marked by the burgeoning of heavily armed militia groups, struggling to promote their religious-political power and ideological convictions, as they also bolster their tribal and ethnic identity and interests. Outfitted with an abundance of sophisticated weapons and intoxicated by the unprecedented power created by the dramatic opening of a window of opportunity after 42 years of oppression under one of the toughest dictatorial regimes at the turn of the 21st century, the armed militias did everything they could to maximize their advantage in the vacuum that had been created. With many of the militias consisting of ex-military men, including high-ranking officers who had deserted the army for the rebel camp during the Arab Spring war of 2011, they had access to Muammar al-Qaddafi’s huge arsenals of the most up-to-date weaponry. Also possessing left-overs of the sophisticated weapons that foreign powers had supplied the rebels with during the fighting against Qaddafi, these militias have become more powerful than the state, now bereft of any effective police force or national army. Some of these heavily armed militias are affiliated with the global jihadi community and are led by veteran mujahidin who fought against the ‘vicious’, ‘infidel’ West in the war zones of Afghanistan and Iraq. In fact, each of these militias – whatever its own interests and vision of postwar Libya – has become engaged in a tough uncompromising endeavour to conquer key power positions in the newly created political and security void in the war-torn state. Paradoxically internalizing the patterns of behaviour successfully adopted for more than four decades by the deposed regime in order to impose its ideological and political control over Libya’s tribally and ethnically diverse society, the armed militias have adopted a similarly ruthless approach, perceiving it as the optimal means to achieve their goals, whatever the price for the country. * Bar-Ilan University, Israel 244 YEHUDIT RONEN This scenario would not have been possible without the post-Qaddafi proliferation of weapons, including SAM-7 missiles and man-portable airdefence systems (MANPADS) all across Libya, as well as beyond its borders, both in its adjacent geo-strategic environs and in areas of conflict further away in the Middle East and Africa. The unbeatable ease of access to weapons from the state’s arms depots and consequent arms-trafficking boom in Libya and its geographic surroundings, as well as the massive transfer of weapons by exQaddafi Touareg fighters, who fled from Libya after the fall of the regime and returned to their countries of origin in the Sahel, mainly to Mali, have provided non-state elements in Libya and beyond with unprecedented military-political strength. As the legacy of Qaddafi’s rule (1969–2011), Libya’s immense stockpiles of weapons, including chemical weapons, notwithstanding the 2003 commitment to destroy them, provide ample testimony of Qaddafi’s obsession to obtain military armaments, with the possession of weapons of mass destruction (WMD) foremost.1 Qaddafi was convinced that this incessant arms race would secure his grip on power, while enhancing his grand ideological vision, while advancing his political ambitions in the Arab world and Africa, and so Libya under his leadership became a huge catchment basin of weapons, including chemical warfare materials and a nuclear program. Libya’s conventional and non-conventional weapons have become a major player in informing post-Qaddafi...

The EU and International Diplomatic Law: New Horizons?

Summary The European Union has a unique sui generis status on the international plane, which is reflected in its capability to enter into diplomatic relations with third states and international organizations. Over nearly six decades, the European Union (EU) has gradually built its own worldwide bilateral and multilateral diplomatic network, which is made subject — through specific agreements with the host country — to the 1961 Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations. The ‘Union delegations’ are now operating as the diplomatic missions of the EU as a whole, in contrast to the former Commission delegations. This article examines the relationship between the EU and international diplomatic law. How does the EU establish and conduct diplomatic relations? What legal instruments are being used? How do the Vienna Convention and customary diplomatic law come into play? What is the exact legal status of EU ambassadors and diplomatic staff? By critically analysing these issues, this article assesses the specific contribution the EU makes to the further development of international diplomatic law.

The EU, EEAS and Union Delegations and International Diplomatic Law: New Horizons?

The European Union has a unique ‘sui generis’ status on the international plane, which is reflected in its capability to enter into diplomatic relations with third States and international organizations. Over nearly six decades the EU has gradually built its own worldwide bilateral and multilateral diplomatic network which is made subject, through specific agreements with the host country, to the 1961 Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations. The ‘Union delegations’ are now operating as the diplomatic missions of the EU as a whole, in contrast to the former Commission delegations. This paper examines the relationship between the EU and international diplomatic law: how does the EU establish and conduct diplomatic relations? What legal instruments are being used? How do the Vienna Convention and customary diplomatic law come into play? What is the exact legal status of EU ambassadors and diplomatic staff? In critically analyzing these issues the specific contribution which the EU makes to the further development of international diplomatic law is assessed.

Simulation training methods to develop cultural awareness

PurposeThis paper aims to review the simulation methods that are available for training to develop cultural awareness for business people, members of international NGOs, diplomatic staff and others working in the international environment, as well as teachers of international business subjects at universities. It provides examples of good practice with analysis of the effectiveness of the different training methods.Design/methodology/approachThe paper takes the form of a critical review of existing methods with comments on suitability, advantages and disadvantages and examples of good practice.FindingsThe development of cultural awareness and cultural sensitivity is of fundamental importance for those working in the international community. Various methods of simulating cultural scenarios can be used to prepare those going to live and work in this environment. The most effective methods involve experiential learning in real‐life scenarios.Practical implicationsThe methods described involve simulation exercises for use at various levels of business training. They are examples of real‐life cross‐cultural problem areas experienced by those working internationally.Originality/valueThe paper presents a comprehensive review of existing methods of simulation with examples of good practice and a statement of learning outcomes.

Diplomatic Claim, Ethiopia’s Claim 8 (Ethiopia/Eritrea)

544War and armed conflict — Effects — Diplomatic relations — Belligerents maintaining diplomatic relations during armed conflict — Armed conflict not affecting basic principles of law relating to conduct of diplomatic relations — Inviolability of mission premises and diplomatic staff — ReciprocityDiplomatic relations — Principles — Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations, 1961 — Declaratory of customary international law — Fundamental principles of the law on diplomatic relations — Inviolability of mission premises and diplomatic staff — Applicability in time of armed conflict if belligerents maintain diplomatic relationsConsular relations — Principles — Vienna Convention on Consular Relations, 1963 — Declaratory of customary international law — Fundamental principles of the law on consular relations — Applicability in time of armed conflict if belligerents maintain diplomatic relations

Diplomatic Claim, Eritrea’s Claim 20 (Eritrea/Ethiopia)

519War and armed conflict — Effects — Diplomatic relations — Belligerents maintaining diplomatic relations during armed conflict — Armed conflict not affecting basic principles of law relating to conduct of diplomatic relations — Inviolability of mission premises and diplomatic staff — ReciprocityDiplomatic relations — Principles — Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations, 1961 — Declaratory of customary international law — Fundamental principles of the law on diplomatic relations — Inviolability of mission premises and diplomatic staff — Applicability in time of armed conflict if belligerents maintain diplomatic relationsConsular relations — Principles — Vienna Convention on Consular Relations, 1963 — Declaratory of customary international law — Fundamental principles of the law on consular relations — Applicability in time of armed conflict if belligerents maintain diplomatic relations

Global health diplomacy: the need for new perspectives, strategic approaches and skills in global health

Introduction In the past--said Robert Cooper, one of Europe's pre-eminent diplomats--it was enough for a nation to look after itself. Today it is no longer sufficient. (1) This is particularly true in the health arena, There is an increasing range of health issues that transcend national boundaries and require action on the forces that determine the health of people. The broad political, social and economic implications of health issues have brought more diplomats into the health arena and more public health experts into the world of diplomacy. Simple classifications of policy and politics--domestic and foreign, and soft, or high and low--no longer apply. (2) Diplomacy is frequently referred to as the art and practice of conducting negotiations. (3) It is usually still understood to mean the conduct of international relations through the intervention of professional diplomats from ministries of foreign affairs with regard to issues of power, initially war and peace, and--as countries compete economically--economics and trade. But in recent years there has also been an increase in the number of international agreements on soft such as the environment and health; it is now recognized that some of these issues have significant hard ramifications on national economies. The term global health aims to capture these multi-level and multi-actor negotiation processes that shape and manage the policy environment for health. Global health diplomacy is at the coal-face of health governance --it is where the compromises are found and the agreements are reached, in multilateral venues, new alliances and in bilateral agreements. It is a world to which outsiders find it difficult to relate, where the art of diplomacy juggles with the science of public health and concrete national interest balances with the abstract collective concern of the larger international community in the face of intensive lobbying and advocacy. No longer do diplomats just talk to other diplomats--they need to interact with the private sector, nongovernmental organizations, scientists, activists and the media, to name but a few, since all these actors are part and parcel of the negotiating process. Global health diplomacy is gaining in importance and its negotiators should be well prepared. Some countries have added a full-time health attache to their diplomatic staff in recognition of the importance and complexity of health deliberations; others have added diplomats to the staff of international health departments. Their common challenge is to navigate a complex system in which issues in domestic and foreign policy intertwine the lines of power and constantly influence change, and where increasingly rapid decisions and skilful negotiations are required in the face of outbreaks of disease, security threats or other issues. Missions to the United Nations and international organizations--for example, in New York and Geneva--increasingly need to deal with health issues, as do the classical bilateral embassies. An important part of health diplomacy still takes place within the World Health Organization; indeed it has recently gained new momentum through the negotiation during the past five years of the Framework Convention on Tobacco Control and the International Health Regulations. But the venue of health diplomacy has shifted to include other spaces of negotiation and influence, and the number of organizations dealing with health has increased exponentially. At all levels we are witnessing a diversification of actors, the most illustrative development being the growth of public--private partnerships and platforms around a multitude of health issues, all clamouring for attention and funds. It is clear that the profound change underway requires new mechanisms and new skills for health diplomacy. Yet an informal survey by the authors of staff of the international departments of health in countries that belong to the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), in Latin America and of health attaches in Geneva has confirmed that many do not feel well prepared for the challenges that confront them. …

Kenyan Diplomatic Residence Case

632State immunity — Attachment and execution — Property of foreign State — Premises owned by foreign State and used by diplomatic staff — Whether immune from execution — Relevance of fact that premises in the process of being sold — Test of whether or not the ability of mission to function would be impaired if forced sale of premises permitted — Whether sending State can be required to provide details of use of premises — Whether assurance from ambassador that premises in use for diplomatic functions sufficientDiplomatic relations — Immunity — Property of foreign State in use by diplomatic staff — Whether subject to execution in receiving State — The law of the Federal Republic of Germany

Aspects juridiques de la crise américano-iranienne

From the first day the American Embassy was invaded and its diplomatic staff was seized as hostages by Iran, the United States of America has pursued every legal channel in order to resolve this crisis by peaceful means. Its efforts started with the immediate dispatch of Mr. Ramsey Clark on a mission to negotiate with the government of Iran and were continued in the United Nations through the Secretary General, the Security Council, the U.N. Commission of Inquiry and the World Court. Though one can say that all disputes may theoretically be capable of settlement according to rules of law, it should also be said, as a matter of fact, that international law often has only limited relevance to disputes arising among States. This is so because international legal rules operate within a system which has no general scheme of sanctions and no central organ for the enforcement of international legal rights. States have traditionally utilized coercitive measures short of war in attempting to prevail in disputes with other States. Does this authorize a State to intervene by the use of force for the protection of its nationals abroad ? Even though, from the standpoint of morality, the abortive U.S. rescue operation in Iran may have had sound justifications, any legal justifications that could be put up had to give way before the principle of territorial sovereignty.

Good News From Saudi Arabia: Successful Separation Of Conjoint Twins

Polish conjoined twins, 14-month-old, were successfully separated on January 3 and they were safe and sound after a ten-stage operation lasting 15 hours at the King Abdul Aziz Medical City for the National Guard in Riyadh. The surgery commenced as scheduled at 7.30 a.m. when Dr. Mohammed Elgammal Anesthesiologist; anesthetized twin 1 initially followed by twin 2 without any complications. By noon, the surgeons -a 25member surgical team headed by the Chief Executive Officer (CEO) of the hospital, Dr. Abdullah Al-Rabeeah, had successfully completed three phases of the operation by dissecting the intestines, anus and urological system. Separation of the spinal cord which began at 4.30 p.m. took four hours to be completed. The surgery ended 15 minutes ahead of schedule to the loud applause of the twins' mother and the medical team present. The twins were born on Oct. 8, 2003 to a seamstress mother in Poland. They were brought to kingdom of Saudi Arabia after Crown Prince Abdullah agreed to a request by their mother to have separation surgery. This delicate surgery was the ninth of its kind at the hospital. The mother reported to be tense at the commencement of the surgery and a special attendant was present to console her and keep her comfortable throughout the surgical process. She prayed and kissed her children before the doctors got down to their task. Polish pediatrician Dr. Jolanta Jezewska, supported by the diplomatic staff of the Polish Embassy including Ambassador Adam Kulach and his wife Olga Kulach, were kept on tenterhooks till the babies came out of the operation theater. “The day of separation of the twins is the happiest event in my life. I am optimistic of the results of the surgery,” Dabrowska told reporters. The mother get relaxed as the operation progressed without a hitch through its various phases. Prior to the surgery, Dr. Rabeaah indicated to the mother that clinical and neurological examinations showed weakness in the muscles and nerves supplying anal and sphincter, pelvic floor and lower limbs, especially the right leg of twin 1. Dabrowska agreed to proceed with the surgery acknowledging the potential risks. The twins, who arrived in the Kingdom on Dec. 12, 2004, underwent a course of preoperative tests for a fortnight to confirm a safe separation of the babies. The twins were joined at the abdomen, pelvis, buttocks and spine. They shared one anal canal and rectum with adherence of their lower urinary and genital systems. Twin 1 had a complete urinary and genital system whereas twin 2 had a single abnormal kidney with complete remaining urinary and genital system. There was a union of lower aorta (major artery of the abdomen) and vena cava (major vein of the abdomen) and also shared a common lower spinal (I cord) with possible overlap of the nerves supplying the pelvis and lower limbs. On Feb 8 2005, The Polish community in the Kingdom has honored Dr. Abdullah Al-Rabeeah and his team for the successful operation to separate conjoined twins [2]. Polish Ambassador Adam Kulach hosted a special reception at his residence on Wednesday to honor Dr. Rabeeah, executive director of the King Abdul Aziz Medical City for the National Guard. The envoy presented a special memento to Dr. Rabeeah and certificates of appreciation to all the members of his medical team. The function attended by members of the diplomatic corps, the Polish community and high-ranking government officials. US Ambassador James C. Oberwetter and British Ambassador Sherard CowperColes were also present. On behalf of the Poles, the mother of the twins, and her accompanying Polish pediatrician, Dr. Jolanta Jezewska, presented rare paintings to Dr. Rabeeah in appreciation of his contributions to the surgery. Good News From Saudi Arabia: Successful Separation Of Conjoint Twins 2 of 3 Since 1990, nine surgeries for separation of conjoined twins have been performed in the Kingdom. Three pairs of twins were from the Kingdom, two from Sudan and one each from Malaysia, Egypt and the Philippines. The last one was early last year when doctors successfully separated eight-monthold Filipino conjoined twin girls who shared an abdomen, pelvis and lower organs. Pictures 1 & 2 are curtsey of KFNGH public relation press releases, while Picture 3 is curtsey of Alriyadh News

Edge of Darkness: British ‘Front-line’ Diplomacy in the Spanish Civil War, 1936–1937

British policy during the Spanish Civil War was seen by many at the time as dishonest and dishonourable, and this is a criticism that has survived the opening of the official records to historical scrutiny. Research by Jill Edwards, Douglas Little and, most recently, by Enrique Moradiellos has presented the policy pursued by the British government as cynical, callous and objectively pro-Franco. Understandably, however, the literature on this subject, exemplified in the work of these scholars, has focused primarily on establishing how policy decisions were reached within the Foreign Office and other interested branches of government. What has tended to be neglected by historians (with some notable exceptions) has been the experience of British diplomatic and consular officials in the field. These were the men who carried the triple burden not only of being the eyes and ears of the Foreign Office in Spain, but also of negotiating with government and local authorities and of protecting British lives and interests amidst the chaos of civil war. This article seeks to redress the balance by placing the focus on these ‘front-line diplomats’. It concentrates on the experiences of those British diplomatic and consular staff in the main Republican zone who were most directly exposed to the war, although reference will also be made to officials in the Nationalist zone and in the relative tranquillity of the British embassy in exile at Hendaye. The article is concerned more specifically, although not exclusively, with George Ogilvie-Forbes's tenure as chargé d'affaires in Madrid and Valencia (August 1936–March 1937). For this period Ogilvie-Forbes's own papers offer an unparalleled insight into the private opinions of British diplomats in the front line of civil war, and provide a new perspective on their relationships both with each other and with the Foreign Office. The article concludes with the recasting of the British diplomatic presence in Spain in autumn 1937, with the relocation of the British embassy from Valencia to Caldetas, outside Barcelona, and the appointment of an agent to represent British interests in Nationalist territory. The first part of the article describes the development of the British diplomatic presence in Spain during this period, while the second examines the civil war's impact on individual British diplomats, and how their experiences affected their relationship with their superiors in London.

THOU SHALT NOT VIOLATE PROVISIONAL MEASURES

In its judgment in the LaGrand case (Germany v. United States of America), delivered on 27 June 2001, the International Court of Justice found, for the first time in its history, that its orders indicating provisional measures were legally binding. This has long been the subject of extensive controversy, but the Court has traditionally refrained from stating its views on this point, even though such orders are frequently disregarded (e.g., in Anglo-Iranian Oil Co. (1951), Fisheries Jurisdiction (1972), Diplomatic Staff in Tehran (1979) and Genocide Convention (1993)). In LaGrand the Court adopted a positive stand on provisional measures and displayed full readiness to draw serious consequences from non-compliance therewith. One can expect that the important ruling in this case will have a far-reaching impact on future attitudes toward the Court’s provisional measures.

A regional approach to cultural preservation: A central american example

The transition to democratic governments in Central America over the past decade, and the subsequent emergence of institutional mechanisms for regional cooperation have greatly increased the frequency and productivity of efforts for preservation of cultural patrimony. Both the archaeological and colonial data bases overlap modern political boundaries and regional collaboration in training, pubic education, curation and research is essential. Natural forces continually impact, and human economic forces (especially international tourism) increasingly impact cultural resources. Regional cooperation in the utilization of human resources is necessary to confront the management and salvage demands of major economic development projects, and rescue efforts following natural disasters. The development of policies and programs will be effective only if matched by the growth of cultural preservation professionals in each of the Central American republics. Finally, other art consuming nations in addition to the United States must begin to respect the cultural heritage of the Central American countries and develop policies to deter abuses by diplomatic staff and employees of NGO’s (nongovernment organizations)

Hart v. Helinski

4 Diplomatic relations — Immunity — Diplomatic staff — Whether diplomatic immunity a complete bar to the jurisdiction of the courts in proceedings instituted by or against diplomat — Proceedings brought by diplomat — Whether defendant may invoke diplomatic immunity of plaintiff as a bar to jurisdiction — Purpose of diplomatic immunity — The law of the Netherlands

Van Herteryck v. Office National des Pensions pour Travailleurs Salariés

Diplomatic and consular intercourse and privileges — Permanent diplomatic envoys — Privileges and immunities — Subordinate members of the diplomatic staff — Entitlement to social security benefits — Whether period of employment as embassy butler to be taken into consideration — Whether principle of extraterritoriality of embassy premises still applicable — The law of Belgium

Russian Political Internees in First World War Britain: The cases of George Chicherin and Peter Petroff

Most accounts of the development of Anglo-Russian relations following the Bolshevik revolution make at least passing reference to the initial diplomatic impasse caused by the internment in Britain of two noted Russian revolutionaries, George Chicherin and Peter Petroff. They had been interned separately during the First World War, charged with actively supporting the enemy cause and associating with enemy aliens. In the immediate aftermath of the Bolshevik revolution their internment assumed an important diplomatic significance. Trotsky, the Bolshevik commissar for foreign affairs, informed British diplomatic staff in Russia that the release and return of the internees was an issue of the first importance. Moreover, he warned that a refusal to grant their release would lead to appropriate reprisals against Britons living in Russia. The diplomatic offensive undertaken by the Bolsheviks on behalf of Chicherin and Petroff is explicable in terms of a conjunction of principled concern for the fate of the internees and a desire to initiate diplomatic contact with the British government. Some indication of the personal concern which the Bolsheviks felt for Chicherin and Petroff can be gleaned from the fact that the Bolsheviks saw Chicherin as their official spokesman in Britain prior to and during his internment in Brixton prison. Indeed, Chicherin received a secretary of the Roumanian Legation in Brixton prison in his capacity as Bolshevik 'ambassador '.1 In addition, both Chicherin and Petroff had a long history of revolutionary activity and were known personally to Lenin and Trotsky. On returning to Russia in January I9I8, Chicherin became Trotsky's first assistant at the foreign ministry before succeeding him as commissar for foreign affairs in May I9I8, a post he held until his retirement in I930. Petroff was the acting under-secretary for foreign affairs at the time of Brest-Litovsk and thereafter held a number ofimportant official positions before resigning from the Russian Communist party while attached to the Soviet commercial agency in Berlin in I925. In a recent detailed study of Bolshevik foreign policy in the year following the revolution Richard Debo has suggested that Trotsky raised the Chicherin-Petroff issue with an intensity specifically designed to capture the attention of the British government. According to Debo the Bolsheviks feared that their diplomatic isolation might encourage the Germans to impose unacceptably harsh territorial terms as the price for peace. While hoping for a general European revolution the Bolsheviks also