Authoritarian Research Articles

Karel Kachyňa and The Holocaust: More Than Films for Children

Karel Kachyňa and The Holocaust: More Than Films for Children examines three Holocaust-themed works, Golden Eels (Zlatí úhoři, 1979), Death of a Beautiful Deer (Smrt krásných srnců, 1986) and The Last Butterfly (Poslední motýl, 1991), by Czech filmmaker Karel Kachyňa during the normalisation period of the Czechoslovak communist era. This work seeks to challenge the critical reception of Kachyňa’s normalisation era (1970-1989) works, where a focus on his use of children’s narratives and crude humour during the period has had a diminishing effect. Engaging with legitimate concerns over Kachyňa’s ability to continue to work following the Warsaw Pact invasion of 1968 in Czechoslovakia when many of his New Wave contemporaries like Jiří Menzel and Věra Chytilová were banned and some like Miloš Forman felt compelled to emigrate, this work explores how Kachyňa’s Holocaust-themed works address the filmmaker’s attempts to produce a humanist poetics in the face of a dehumanising authoritarian regime, despite essentially working for the communist regime he was attempting to criticise. In generating analogies between the Nazi regime and his contemporaneous experience under communism, Kachyňa provides a powerfully subversive body of work which this article argues is deserving of greater attention in scholarship.

Fact-Checkers on the Fringe: Investigating Methods and Practices Associated With Contested Areas of Fact-Checking

This study investigates the methods and practices used by self-identified fact-checkers situated on the fringe of the field of fact-checking to support their agenda for public recognition and legitimacy. Using a case study approach and selecting nine cases across five countries (Russia, Brazil, India, China, and Singapore), we identify the most common distinguishable attributes and tactics associated with this ambiguous collection of actors. In addition to identifying how fringe fact-checkers weaponize fact-checking practices and exploit or mimic the social standing of accredited fact-checkers, we critique examples where state-supported fact-checkers associated with authoritarian governance structures fact-check for national interests. We propose a spectrum of fact-checkers including those where public or general interest fact-checkers follow journalistic ideals and align with accredited communities of practice or non-accredited peer recognition, and a collection of fringe fact-checkers ranging from “special interest” actors promoting specific political agendas to hostile actors with disruptive, destructive, and openly propagandistic interests and aims to destabilize the global public sphere. The article contributes to current research and debates about the institutionalization of fact-checking and the understudied area of fact-checking impersonation, a problematic activity associated with misinformation and propaganda on platforms and the internet.

Factors affecting Russian elites’ perceptions of civil protests: evidence from the survey of Russian elites, 2016 and 2020

ABSTRACT Which elites support civil protests, and which ones oppose them? Existing studies of civil protests in authoritarian regimes have mainly examined their triggers, effectiveness and the responses they provoke from authoritarian states. While these studies offer implications regarding the durability of authoritarian states, they have not examined elite perceptions of civil protests, which may contribute to the authoritarian reactions to such protests. Using the Survey of Russian Elites from 2016 and 2020, this paper analyses the factors that affect Russian elites’ perceptions of protests. I argue that elites’ perceptions of protests depend on their democratic value orientation, social position and media use. The findings reveal that elites who value civil liberties approve of protests, while those closely linked to the Kremlin, those who frequently use traditional media and members of the United Russia Party oppose protests. However, the effects of the independent variables differ slightly depending on the protest method’s intensity and the survey’s wave. This study sheds light on the causal relationship between Russian elites’ individual characteristics and their perceptions of protests.

Dua Dekade Kebebasan Akademik di Indonesia: Tantangan di Tengah Menguatnya Otoritarianisme dalam Model Barunya

This research focuses on analyzing the debates and roles of the academic freedom movement in Indonesia’s authoritarian politics. Numbers of scholars argued on the democracy decline and its current situation of authoritarian turn (Mietzner 2016, 2020; Hadiz 2017; Wiratraman 2018; Waburton and Aspinal 2019; and Winters 2021). Authoritarianism governance in recent politics has been worsening situation of free expression, including academic freedom. Recently, one of attacks is connected to cyber-attacks, which has been targeting journalists, academics, activists or students who defend human rights and environment, indigenous leaders, anti-corruption activists, and women's groups. This article discusses first, how has academic freedom at campuses been shaped by Indonesia's the rise of authoritarian politics; and second how academic freedom has been influenced and easily attacked in the rise of digital authoritarianism. By using an interdisciplinary approach, this article argues that there is a strong relation between the threat of academic freedom and the strengthening of authoritarianism in Indonesia, especially by disciplining campuses through a more systematic bureaucratization. While at the same time, academic freedom has been affected by stronger control of authoritarianism regime by deplying cyber troops in digital spheres. Hence, this article also discusses how human rights instruments and its institutions could promote and defend academic freedom in general.

The Weakness of Authoritarian Regimes: Rwanda as a Difficult But Convincing Case

Abstract The lack of academic attention to the functioning of authoritarian regimes has allowed an erroneous impression that dictatorships are inherently strong and stable. Marie-Eve Desrosiers uses the difficult case of Rwanda, whose 1994 genocide against the Tutsi has widely been seen as a sign of state strength, to demonstrate the fragility of authoritarian rule. Looking at the First and Second Republics, which governed Rwanda from 1962 until 1994, Desrosiers explores both the vulnerability of the regimes and how they adjusted over time in attempts to strengthen control. Desrosiers argues for greater awareness of shifting strategies and changes in governance across time, what she calls “authoritarian trajectories,” to better understand how authoritarian regimes actually work and how the public responds to them. Although not focused on the 1994 genocide, Desrosiers' analysis helps explain why genocide emerged as a strategy to shore up Rwanda's failing regime.

COVID-19 pandemic and competitive authoritarian regimes: Human rights and democracy in the Philippines and Nicaragua

How do competitive authoritarian regimes in the Global South respond to the COVID-19 pandemic? How do these policy responses facilitate human rights deterioration in societies that are already facing democratic regression during the pre-pandemic period? Examining evidence from the Philippines and Nicaragua during the COVID-19 pandemic, this article demonstrates that competitive authoritarian regimes have reinforced the deterioration of democratic processes and disregard for their human rights commitments amidst the global pandemic. First, such regimes weaponize the legal system to consolidate the powers of the chief executive and their allies. Second, such regimes systematically disregard transparency and accountability when executing state leaders’ public actions and responsibilities. Third, such regimes increasingly empower military personnel and intensify state violence at the expense of science-based approaches to crisis policies, thereby embracing militarism as an overarching orientation.

Do Fiscal Rules Tame the Political Taxation Cycles under Authoritarian Regimes: Evidence from China’s New Budget Law

Political budget cycles (PBCs) in Western democracies have been extensively examined. Yet, few studies have explored whether there exists a local political budget cycle under authoritarian regimes. Moreover, the question of whether fiscal rules effectively tame the political taxation cycles remains. Unlike previous studies, we bring the “business” back into the study of political “business” cycles. Using firm tax payments data in China, we confirm the presence of political cycles in local tax collection behaviors under the authoritarian system. However, in contrast to the fiscal manipulation behaviors during and before political elections in Western democracies, Chinese local leaders engage in opportunistic taxation behaviors in the early years after the Provincial Congress of the Communist Party (PCCP) when there are local leaders’ elections. The political taxation cycles disappeared following the implementation of China’s new budget law in 2015, demonstrating the effectiveness of fiscal rules in taming local political budget cycles in authoritarian regimes. This research extends the existing PBC theory to the context of non-Western democracies based on micro-level evidence.

Platform liability, hate speech and the fundamental right to free speech

ABSTRACT In contemporary society, the rise of social media has dramatically transformed the sharing of information, bypassing traditional editorial and governmental controls. This shift has enabled rapid global information sharing but also raised concerns about the influence of social media platforms, even in democratic societies. Legislative responses, such as Germany's Network Enforcement Act of 2017, mandated swift removal of illegal content, influencing over twenty other nations to enact similar laws. These regulations often target hate speech but risk suppressing political opposition, particularly in authoritarian regimes. The European Union’s Digital Services Act came into force in 2024 and imposes stringent removal obligations on platforms. This enhanced platform regulation pushes companies towards the use of automated content moderation for purposes of meeting those obligations. A 2024 report found a substantial majority (87.5% to 99.7%) of deleted comments on Facebook and YouTube in France, Germany, and Sweden were legally permissible, suggesting that platforms, pages, or channels may be over-removing content to avoid regulatory penalties. Against the backdrop of this recent data, the paper examines the possible impact of stringent platform liability legislation on free speech in the ambit of hate speech, focusing on the delicate balance between regulation and freedom of expression.

Revisiting the Debates on the 2010 Constitutional Referendum in Turkey: Democratic Transition or Authoritarian Populism?

This article revisits the scholarly debates on the AKP’s constitutional amendment package that was put to vote in the 2010 Constitutional Referendum. It takes the democratic theorist Andrew Arato and constitutional scholar Aslı Bali as major representatives of the two opposing views on the political implications of the reform proposal. It compares and contrasts their arguments particularly in light of their different assessments of the amendments which concern the restructuring of the judiciary, especially the Turkish Constitutional Court. It argues that their fundamental controversy with regard to the democratic or authoritarian nature of these amendments is rooted in the contrast between Bali’s predominantly contextual and Arato’s predominantly global approach. While Bali affirms the reform proposal as a democratic step forward in transcending the persistent legacy of the Kemalist authoritarian “tutelary” regime represented by the Constitutional Court, Arato interprets it as a manifestation of the global populist-authoritarian retreat that is expresses itself most visibly through assaults against the independent judiciary. After a critical reading of these two approaches, this paper finalizes by way of introducing a new framework that would counterbalance the contextual with the global and vice versa that would arguably provide a new perspective through which one could unveil the particular characteristics of the AKP’s populist constitutional politics at the time of the Referendum.

Accommodating Journalism in Authoritarian Political Regimes. The Interventionist and Loyal-Facilitator Roles in Cuba and Venezuela

ABSTRACT This study examines the relationship between accommodating journalism and journalistic roles in authoritarian regimes, focusing on Cuba and Venezuela. Through content analysis of news from influential media outlets in both countries, the study assesses professional roles including loyal facilitator, watchdog, civic, infotainment, service, and interventionist roles. In particular this study aims to measure the presence of the loyal-facilitator and interventionist roles in the media of Cuba and Venezuela; to explore potential differences between both countries; and to contrast whether media ownership influences the performance of interventionist and loyal facilitator roles. Findings show similar patterns, but they especially indicate significant differences between Cuba and Venezuela, with Cuban journalism showing higher prevalence of interventionist and loyal facilitator roles, while the other roles are more frequent in Venezuelan journalism. Media ownership can also influence the adoption of journalistic roles: while in Cuba accommodating discourses are not only dominant in state-owned media, in the case of Venezuela private and civil society media tend to show a more critical discourse compared to state-owned ones. These findings contribute to understanding journalistic roles in authoritarian regimes, supporting the existence of accommodating journalism in these contexts, but with a somewhat more independent journalism in Venezuela.

Authoritarian governance of academia in Central and Eastern Europe: Chances of a European counter-culture

Abstract This article highlights the challenges of external reactions to authoritarian higher education governance in certain Central and Eastern European countries, especially Hungary and Poland. It interprets the political change in these countries as an authoritarian cultural backlash, which is not just a legal or political problem, but a kind of post-fascist cultural revolution contesting the liberal script. First, the article explains the framework of authoritarian policing in academia based on the more general works of Bob Altemeyer and Zeev Sternhell. Second, it tries to answer the question: What tools could counter these tendencies from the perspective of the European Union? As the article interprets the rise of authoritarianism as a phenomenon rooted in the cultural deficit of the countries concerned, it argues that a programme for a democratic and pluralist cultural counter-revolution should be implemented. However, no nation can be democratized solely by external actors, and the basics of democratic thinking should be developed from the grassroots level. If the crisis in academia is rooted in a value-crisis within the societies concerned, then measures countering this phenomenon should also include promoting Enlightened pluralism at all levels of these societies.

Portrayals of Indigenous peoples and the development of multiculturalism in Taiwanese citizenship education

ABSTRACT This article investigates how Indigenous peoples have been portrayed in citizenship education in Taiwan since the downfall of the authoritarian regime in 1987. The trajectory of citizenship curriculum development elucidates how attitudes towards cultural citizenship and multiculturalism came into play to form the narratives we find in schools. Four versions of the official curriculum from 1983, 1999, 2010 and 2019 and the textbooks authorised for use with each are examined. Interviews with curriculum developers are also conducted to provide explanations behind the curriculum design. Through content and discourse analysis, it is discovered that Taiwanese citizenship education has evolved along conservative, liberal, pluralistic and critical multicultural constructs, and that portrayals of the Indigenous population have swung from depicting invisible, archaic and mythical figures to showing visible contemporary faces. The latest curriculum has adopted ‘question-based’ and ‘inter-curricular communication’ strategies to go beyond simplistic carnival-like multicultural celebrations. These thought-provoking and counter-narrative features aim to bring out critical perspectives in class though the latest curriculum still has room for improvement in terms of its subtlety of intersectionality and its action-oriented design. This Taiwanese case can be an example to young democracies in how a critical framework can be incorporated into the curriculum-making process.

Can information transparency strengthen authoritarian accountability? An empirical study of open-government-information litigation in China (2008–2018)

China’s 2008 national regulation on open government information (OGI) triggered a new wave of administrative litigation against governments calling for their release of classified information. Many scholars have debated the effects of OGI regulation and litigation on government accountability. Thus, this study examines 19,076 first instance OGI cases from 2008 to 2018 and proposes a typology of accountbility to explore whether and how information transparency can strengthen authoritarian accountability in China. The data suggests that information transparency boosts the amount of litigation and increases the plaintiffs’ winning rates against the state, which seems to fit the conventional-wisdom However, the interpretation of such patterns needs to incorporate two contingent conditions. First, China’s OGO litigation centers around urbanization-related disputes, such as housing demolition and land acquisition. The data futher reveals that urbanization stimulates OGI litigation but decreases the plaintiffs’ winning rates, and information transparency also has no impacts or even negative association with their winning rates, suggesting that OGI litigation mainly serves as a channel to release public grievances (as pressure-releasing accountbility). Second, our data also shows that plaintiffs’ winning rates are much higher when citing procedural clauses than content clauses in the OGI Regulation, suggesting authoritarian accountability is more procedural than substantive. Our findings offer a nuanced discussion on authoritarian information governance and accountability.

Workload, Legal Doctrine, and Judicial Review in An Authoritarian Regime: A Study of Expropriation Judgments in China

This paper contributes one of the first systematic studies on how courts adjudicate expropriation disputes both in the absence of judicial independence and in the face of resource constraints, extends the study of judicial workload into an authoritarian context, and demonstrates the complicated and dynamic interactions between apolitical and political aspects of courts in authoritarian regimes. Our results demonstrate that legal doctrine can check the abuse of government power even in situations where it is least expected. Specifically, we examined how Chinese courts, faced with an explosive increase in workload caused by a legal reform in 2015, adjudicated expropriation disputes between the government and property rights holders. Employing a difference-in-differences method, we found an increased judicial workload to improve property rights holders’ chances of winning their case against the government. We discovered that judges’ use of hard-edged legal doctrine—administrative procedures, in particular—to save time constrained judicial discretion, which is prone to arbitrary political influence in authoritarian regimes.

Dictatorship, Health and Propaganda: The National Immunization Program (PNI) and the media campaign for compulsory vaccination

This article analyzes the films produced and broadcast between 1976 and 1978 by the National Agency and the Public Relations Office (ARP) for the campaign to publicize the mandatory vaccination that was instituted by the National Immunization Plan (PNI), created in 1975 and regulated by Decree No. 78,231 of August 12, 1976. The objective is to understand the narrative constructed through images and speeches aimed at convincing the population to make vaccination a culturally accepted practice. To achieve this, we examine the legislation on the subject during the period under analysis, namely the civil-military dictatorship. The dictatorial regime is approached based on the conceptual aspects that guide the analysis of the appropriation of health campaigns as propaganda and investments in a private and curative health model. We can therefore conclude that the initiative to create the PNI is a hiatus in this process of privatizing health, since it is not an action guided by the dictatorship's responsibility for the health of the population, but an action that involved the management of multiple actors in the health field, and which was embraced by the regime because it was a process directly linked to interests connected to the country's conservative modernization project.

From Public Health to Political Repression: COVID-19 Lockdown Measure in Hong Kong's Opposition Districts

Repression comes with costs, such as reducing regime legitimacy and citizen conformity. The COVID-19 pandemic was an opportunity and a pretext for authoritarian regimes to repress their populations at a low cost. This paper examines the case of Hong Kong, where restriction-testing declarations (RTDs) were used as a lockdown measure to facilitate mandatory testing for the virus from January 2021 to September 2022. Despite the government’s claim that RTDs were implemented for public health reasons, statistical analyses showed that Hong Kong districts that opposed the regime or those with a mobilization legacy were more likely to be subject to RTDs, with the opposition district effect present only when COVID-19 infections were low. These RTDs highlight the authoritarian regime’s tradeoff in using a nonpolitical measure to achieve its political aims and illustrates the enduring impact of past election and mobilization activities on the choice of selective repression sites in Hong Kong.

Onion Services in the Wild: A Study of Deanonymization Attacks

Tor, the leading anonymization network, routes traffic over multiple relays to ensure client anonymity. Its Onion Services allow users to host services within the Tor network without revealing their location. While these techniques are crucial for users in authoritarian regimes and whistleblowers, they are also exploited by criminals. This paper diverges from the common focus on the technical vulnerabilities of the Tor protocol and instead explores the practical aspects of deanonymizing Onion Service users and operators. Despite Tor's robust security mechanisms, human errors in its usage and operation frequently lead to deanonymization. This study models law enforcement agencies as powerful attackers and evaluates documents from 136 court cases to determine investigative methods. We find that investigators employ different methods depending on the offense, with user mistakes being the dominant angle. Technical attacks, though comparatively rare, are highly effective and can potentially impact a large number of users simultaneously. Attacks on the well-researched Tor protocol are exceptionally rare, but their impact is even more significant. We argue that the human aspect of using Tor is the most critical deanonymization angle and that tailored guidelines for ethical users can help protect them from oppressive retaliation while still enabling the prosecution of criminal activity.

Iberian Vistas: Franco, Salazar, and American Conservatives

The article takes both a historical and a present-oriented look at the influence of the twentieth-century authoritarian Iberian regimes—including their leaders, Franco and Salazar—on the American conservative movement. It explores the political and religious motivations and major narratives driving Hispanophilia and Lusophilia, and their main advocates. Furthermore, and with a comparative approach, the text analyzes the past and current arguments—in magazines, books, and social media—favoring both regimes, especially in the light of the revival within American conservatism of Catholic Integralism and the defense of alternative representative systems, such as corporatism, that could usher in a new postliberal political regime. The article further explores the potential impact—and inherent limitations—of such strategies and projects, and shows that the revival of interest in figures such as Franco and Salazar is significant not only in terms of a reinvigorated criticism of the political and moral philosophy of liberalism but also regarding the search for new political forms and regimes.

The Fiocruz archives: sources for research on science and health during the military dictatorship (1964-1985)

The scope of this paper is to analyze the relationship between the country's political redemocratization process from the 1980s onwards and the issue of identification, preservation and access to the archives of information and security bodies that worked to combat the opponents of the authoritarian regime during the military dictatorship (1964-1985). It addresses the dictatorship's action on university and scientific institutions, to highlight the importance of the archive of the Oswaldo Cruz Foundation, as well as the personal files maintained by scientists and donated to Casa de Oswaldo Cruz. It features archives and collections organized and available for public consultation, which can serve as research sources for historical studies on science and health during the dictatorship.

Electoral Systems and the Autocrat’s Trade-Off: Evidence from the Russian Duma

abstract: Legislative elections sustain authoritarian regimes, but distinct electoral systems simultaneously benefit and hurt the political prospects of those regimes. The author theorizes about a trade-off between electoral systems that facilitate information on local elite preferences, and systems that maintain legislative control. An electoral system can achieve either, but not at the same time. The author undertakes an empirical study of Russian federal deputies, half of whom are elected in single-member districts, the other half on a nationwide closed-party list. Candidates can register on both lists (N = 515), and district results determine final list affiliation. Electoral incentives change abruptly for deputies who are barely winning or losing their district, a fact that the author exploits to identify the effects of local representation on pro- and antiregime parliamentary behavior. The results support a trade-off: district-list deputies convey more information on local preferences in their speeches than party-list deputies do, but they oppose law proposals more frequently. How autocrats weigh this trade-off determines the electoral system and illuminates electoral reform in autocracies.