Development In South Korea Research Articles

Electoral Behavior and Social Development in South Korea: An Aggregate Data Analysis of Presidential Elections

Previous articleNext article No AccessArticlesElectoral Behavior and Social Development in South Korea: An Aggregate Data Analysis of Presidential ElectionsJae-on Kim and B. C. KohJae-on Kim Search for more articles by this author and B. C. Koh Search for more articles by this author PDFPDF PLUS Add to favoritesDownload CitationTrack CitationsPermissionsReprints Share onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditEmail SectionsMoreDetailsFiguresReferencesCited by The Journal of Politics Volume 34, Number 3Aug., 1972 Sponsored by the Southern Political Science Association Article DOIhttps://doi.org/10.2307/2129284 Views: 44Total views on this site Citations: 10Citations are reported from Crossref Copyright 1972 Southern Political Science AssociationPDF download Crossref reports the following articles citing this article:Olli Hellmann High capacity, low resilience: The ‘developmental’ state and military–bureaucratic authoritarianism in South Korea, International Political Science Review 39, no.11 (May 2017): 67–82.https://doi.org/10.1177/0192512117692643Randall Morck, Bernard Yin Yeung East Asian Financial and Economic Development, SSRN Electronic Journal (Jan 2017).https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3036250Ji Yeon Hong, Sunkyoung Park Factories for Votes? How Authoritarian Leaders Gain Popular Support Using Targeted Industrial Policy, British Journal of Political Science 46, no.33 (Sep 2014): 501–527.https://doi.org/10.1017/S0007123414000349Eunjung Choi Political Issues, Generation Gap, and Voting Behavior in South Korea: The 2010 Seoul Mayoral Election, East Asia 30, no.44 (Oct 2013): 237–254.https://doi.org/10.1007/s12140-013-9197-4Jennifer Lind Democratization and Stability in East Asia1, International Studies Quarterly 55, no.22 (May 2011): 409–436.https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2478.2011.00652.xMichael C. HerronJasjeet S. Sekhon Black Candidates and Black Voters: Assessing the Impact of Candidate Race on Uncounted Vote Rates, The Journal of Politics 67, no.11 (Jul 2015): 154–177.https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2508.2005.00312.xByoung Man Ahn, Susan A. MacManus, Marian Lief Palley The return of local autonomy: An analysis of South Korea's 1991 Local Elections, Journal of East and West Studies 24, no.11 (Apr 1995): 1–16.https://doi.org/10.1080/12265089508422841DAVID BRADY, JONGRYN MO Electoral Systems and Institutional Choice, Comparative Political Studies 24, no.44 (Jun 2016): 405–429.https://doi.org/10.1177/0010414092024004001Jongryn Mo, David Brady, Jaehun Ro Urbanization and voter turnout in Korea: An update, Political Behavior 13, no.11 (Mar 1991): 21–32.https://doi.org/10.1007/BF00996997 Michael R. Coveyou , and David G. Pfeiffer Education and Voting Turnout of Blacks in the 1968 Presidential Election, The Journal of Politics 35, no.44 (Oct 2015): 995–1001.https://doi.org/10.2307/2129217

The 1969 Constitutional Revision and Party Politics in South Korea

T HE PASSAGE of the i969 constitutional amendment in the National Assembly and in the referendum marked the most significant political development in South Korea since the military coup of i96i. Often described by the opposition as the coup, the amendment has paved the way for President Park's third consecutive term. The purpose of this article is to describe the circumstances which led to the revision, to examine how and why it was passed, to analyze the five basic demands formulated by the opposition as conditions for normalizing parliamentary procedures, and to determine the effects it has had on the power-structure of the ruling Democratic Republican Party (DRP) and the opposition New Democratic Party (NDP). To understand the circumstances surrounding the revision, it is proper to begin with the factional struggle within the ruling DRP from I963 to i969.1 The first major factional group, known as the Main Current, included Colonel Kim-the architect of the coup-and his former South Korean CIA associates who secretly initiated the formation of the DRP during military rule. Their immediate objective was to monopolize power for themselves in the civilian government under President Park after the i963 general election. Their ultimate goal was to run Colonel Kim for president when Park's second term expires in I97I. The DRP was the basis of their strength and was to become the center of power so that it could be used as the key vehicle for Kim's presidential candidacy. This plan antagonized many neutral army officers as well as some of those in the junta who had engineered the coup with Kim. Although Kim's opponents initially refused to join the DRP, most of them were eventually brought into it when given some key positions in the party. Many of the anti-Kim officers became DRP assemblymen after the i963 general election; they were then joined by many old-line politicians in the Assembly, who had been elected under the DRP label. The second major group (designated anti-Main Current) was a loose

Political Parties and Political Development in South Korea

A REVIEW OF RECENT studies on South Korean politics indicates that there have been really no systematic attempts either to study parties empirically or to view them analytically in the context of For example, one is struck with the inadequate attention given to the vital question of why parties in South Korea have been so ineffective in the process of and social change. This article attempts to fill some of these gaps. It is generally agreed that the origin of parties is closely bound up with the general process of modernization and that the degree of development of a party system can serve as a useful institutional index of a level of development.1 To be sure, there exists a wide variety of assumptions about the meaning of and the attempt to devise a unified and objective conception of development is not an easy task. Despite increasing acceptance of the term political development, or political modernization, in recent years, its currency is still not universal even among scholars, and its meaning is not always made precise by those who accept the word.2 But there is nothing to be gained at this point by attempting a systematic definition of the term political development. For the moment it is probably most useful to isolate some selected problems of such as the crisis of participation.3 For it is precisely in this area that parties can play a crucial role by linking the individual citizen to the government. Thus the emergence of a party, whether in democratic or totalitarian systems, clearly implies that the masses must be taken into consideration by the ruling group. What is im-

Economic Development in South Korea: Prospects and Problems

Economic Development in South Korea: Prospects and Problems

Economic Development in South Korea: Prospects and Problems

In the twelve years since the armistice in the Korean War, Korea has scarcely lost its reputation as a cold, barren, and economically bleak country. Reports from U.S. servicemen still stationed along the lonely and near-isolated Demilitarized Zone, seem to confirm that reputation borne of the experiences of the war. And yet Korea has in fact undergone substantial change in the post-war period and is now-in the opinion of most close observers-on the verge of an economic break-through similar to that experienced on Taiwan and one which would make it along with Taiwan one of the more positive examples among developing countries. Speculating on the prospective economic success of any less developed country which, like Korea, has a standard of living still so grossly inferior to most Western or other industrialized nations, inevitably gives rise to some misunderstanding and misinterpretation-and not only between economic observers and the soldier on the DMZ. As the indicators of the Korean economy become more and more promising, Koreans themselves have been inclined to find outside observers, and particularly Americans, overly optimistic; such observers-in their opinion-fail to see some of the serious problems that persist in the economic and socio-economic scene. There is the feeling, moreover, that official American optimism at least may be colored by a desire to reduce the level of U.S. economic aid. On the other hand, it sometimes appears to Americans that Koreans are overly pessimistic: for every problem that is getting better, the Korean seems to find two that are getting worse. The difference in approach may be understandable, but it is important to try to narrow the gap of misunderstanding. The Korean economy has real strengths which have in the past often been discounted. At the same time, it contains real weaknesses, some of which touch upon deep and serious social and political problems. Since recent events in South Korea have generated so much optimism about its future, it seems timely to try to assess these strengths and weaknesses in some perspective. Throughout the period since the end of the Korean War, Korea has known substantial if uneven growth. A large part of the growth, however, was absorbed in the reconstruction and recovery of war damage. Another significant element went into the reestablishment of basic infrastructure that had been lost to South Korea with the division of the country: power,

Ideology and Political Development in South Korea

S OUTH KOREA, as one of the developing areas, shares with other members of the same group such general characteristics as a predominantly agricultural economy, with a low level of productivity, and a relatively sudden disruption of the old order which also meant an entry into the modern world of nation-states with inadequate preparation. In contrast to most countries of Asia and Africa, however, the Republic of Korea lacks nationalism' and, as will be shown later, also a revolutionary ideology. This fact makes South Korea an anomaly among the developing countries not only in the descriptive sense but more crucially in the analytic sense as well, because it can be argued that both ideological elements are basically functional requisites.2 Political development demands them. From the perspective of a participant, political development is essentially a process of extending the focus of one's loyalty and allegiance from a subnational unit to a progressively larger entity, in our time usually a nation. Nationalism is an articulate expression of such an experience and also a community's demand for such an experience. Its significance therefore varies with the historical context. If nationalism may be viewed as a negative force from the perspective of European history, which has seen nationalism do its proper work well before this century, its significance for new peoples of Asia and Africa today lies precisely in its positive and integrative effect. For peoples emerging out of their traditionally sub-national communities, the necessity of providing a new symbol and focus of loyalty is painfully evident. Theoretically, it is conceivable that a viable political system can function without the support of a national community; Canada may indeed prove to be a case in point. Historical experience so far, however, suggests that political integration is usually preceded by social integration. It is for this reason that the absence of nationalism in South Korea demands an explanation. The function of a revolutionary ideology is a more subtle one. It is more difficult to identify because, unlike the role of nationalism, the chief signifi-