Developments In Phonological Theory Research Articles

Tibetan Phonology

The germ of Tibetan phonology appeares first in the Sum cu pa composed by Thon mi sambhoṭa (7th century). At the end of the Sum cu pa, Thon mi states that the pronunciation of each syllable (/ka/, /ki/, /ku/, /ke/ etc.) should be learned in accordance with the method of pronouncing phonemes (nga ro, *svara) in the correct position of articulation. However, since Thon mi did not give a detailed explanation of Tibetan phonology in his Sum cu pa, Tibetan grammarians in later periods had to develop a theory of pronunciation of their language with the help of their knowledge of Sanskrit phonology. Among them, Si tu paṇ chen (1699/1700–1774) gives an explanation of Tibetan phonology in his Si tu’i ’grel chen on the basis of the Sanskrit phonology described in Candragomin’s Varṇasūtra. What emerges from Si tu’s explanation is the development of phonological theory that is characteristic to Tibetan but not found in Sanskrit. In addition, he reveals both the applicability of Sanskrit phonology to Tibetan and the limitations of its application. The purpose of this paper is to clarify the major characteristics of Tibetan phonology by examining Si tu’s explanation based on the Varṇasūtra and comparing it with the explanations given by other Tibetan grammarians.

The perfect prosodic word in Danish

The Danishstød, a kind of glottal prosody associated with certain syllables, as inbarʔn‘child’ (cf. stødlessbarnlig‘childish’), has long been the target of intense phonological investigation. In this paper, we show that its analysis requires an understanding of the prosodic constituent structure of Danish, and of the essential role of theperfect prosodic word(coextensive with one foot). After motivating this notion on independent grounds, both in other languages and in the context of acquisition, we show that the Danish stød system, analyzed in Optimality Theory, provides a window on the workings of the perfect prosodic word, regulating the presence and absence of stød in some of the much-discussed cases in the literature. In conclusion, we discuss the status of the perfect prosodic word in the light of recent developments in phonological theory, such as Match Theory.

Quantity and the Three‐Syllable Window in Dutch Word Stress

AbstractThis paper considers the state‐of‐the‐art in the (generative) study of Dutch word stress. In the past 25 years, consensus has been reached on a number of properties of the Dutch stress system, such that it obeys the so‐called three‐syllable window and that it is quantity sensitive. However, not all of these arguments are equally convincing in the light of modern developments in phonological theory, in particular since experimental data on native speakers’ intuitions are missing. Although there is strong evidence for quality‐sensitivity (in particular to the quality of schwa), the evidence for quantity‐sensitivity is not so strong, given that the main sources of loanwords (which are usually argued to be quantity‐sensitive) themselves are quantity‐sensitive.

A Reconsideration of Yokuts Vowels

One aspect of the Yokuts vowel system which has played a prominent role in the development of phonological theory is the claimed disparity between underlying and surface vowels. A widely held view is that the quality contrast between two long vowels, o: and u:, is neutralized on the surface, due to a context‐free rule of long vowel lowering. In this study, I return to primary data from Yokuts showing that paradigmatic relationships between verbs show maintenance of the o: vs. u: contrast and that there are instances of surface long high vowels in native and nonnative words. Some implications of these findings for phonological models are discussed. In a number of cases, these reiterate points made by Hockett (1967; 1973) which were largely ignored by early proponents of generative approaches.

Foreign accent syndrome: A review of contemporary explanations

This paper presents an overview of the cases of the so-called foreign accent syndrome (FAS) which have appeared in the literature during the last ten to fifteen years and discusses the explanations that have been offered to account for the anomalous phonetic/phonological features of the patients speech. Explanations for the underlying nature of the production disorder in FAS have been given in terms of phonetic setting, in terms of mechanisms for the control of speech motor behaviour, in terms of cognitive processing and in terms of phonological theory. FAS can be seen as an apraxic condition where the ability to control and coordinate the various laryngeal and supralaryngeal features of speech has been damaged. Recent developments in phonological theory, models where the distinction between a phonetic and a phonological level of analysis is less clear cut than in most models, offer interesting perspectives on the description and analysis of FAS.

Head–dependent asymmetries in phonology: complexity and visibility

Developments in phonological theory have led to the recognition that phonological representations have a layered constituent structure. Many, perhaps all, of these constituents contain elements which can be identified as heads. Heads enter into various kinds of relations with their dependents. In this article, we identify a phenomenon which is quite pervasive in every part of phonology which has heads and dependents, namely, the existence of head–dependent asymmetries (henceforth HDAs). While various particular manifestations of these asymmetries are well known and have been much studied, this is the first attempt, to our knowledge, to unite a broad range of seemingly different phenomena under one heading. We identify various types of HDAs, and propose constraints on possible HDAs. Most importantly, we distinguish between HDAs that involve complexity, and those that involve visibility. These have properties which potentially contradict each other. We propose that they apply in fundamentally different types of cases: unlike complexity HDAs, visibility HDAs are limited to mappings from one phonological plane to another, and so are related to the notion of projection (cf. Vergnaud 1977). We also wish to show that an understanding of HDAs reveals general structural principles that play a role in diverse phenomena at various levels of the phonological hierarchy. For example, the fact noted in the Optimality Theory literature that certain positions tend to be more ‘faithful’ to underlying specifications (Beckman 1998) is a consequence of the fact that heads allow more complexity. These principles act as constraints on possible constraints, and on possible mappings from one plane to another.

Effects of Focus Distribution, Pitch Accent and Lexical Stress on the Temporal Organization of Syllables in Dutch

Abstract In recent developments in phonological theory two independent representations for prosodic prominence are needed in languages such as Dutch and English. A nonculminative auto-segmental structure with high and low tones accounts for pitch accents in focused constituents, whereas a culminative metrical structure which is phonetically coded in relative duration accounts for the lexical stress position in a word. The most farreaching consequence following from this proposal is that relative temporal structure of a word does not change if a pitch accent is shifted to an unstressed syllable. Our results show that, if a pitch accent is shifted (through focus manipulation) from the stressed onto the unstressed syllable, rhyme durations are more or less inverted. Therefore, the assumption of completely independent tonal and metrical structure is largely untenable. However, our results also show a small residual effect of the original stress pattern after the accent shift, which can be accounted for by a metrical grid representation.

Another Look at Coeur d'Alene Harmony

1. Much of the work done on Coeur d'Alene (Salish) since the publication of Reichard's (1938) comprehensive grammar has focused on the analysis of the complex retracting harmonies in this language (Cole 1987:77-103, Johnson 1975, and Sloat 1966; 1971; 1972; 1980). These efforts have resulted in a much clearer picture of the harmony processes than that presented by Reichard but still inadequately explain the data. In this paper, I make use of recent developments in phonological theory to provide a complete account of Coeur d'Alene harmony, demonstrating that what were thought to be irregularities are in fact the result of regular phonological rules applying to underspecified vowels. The analysis depends on a nonterminal Pharyngeal node (McCarthy 1988) in the feature hierarchy (Sagey 1986) which may be used to specify primary or secondary articulation. In 2, I present a brief description of the Coeur d'Alene vowels and the effects of the harmony processes; in 3, I review the various analyses that have been published and discuss the production of retracted segments; in 4, I describe the harmony processes; and in 5, I examine a number of forms that have proved difficult to account for in other analyses.

Notes on the development of phonological theory.

An analogy is drawn between the recent history of (generative) phonology and the history of the philosophy of mathematics. It is suggested that the formal project of Chomsky and Halle's Sound Pattern of English is closely parallel to the axiomatization of mathematics proposed by Whitehead and Russell. In these terms, the development of such restrictive theories as that of Natural Generative Phonology — and in general, the work characterized in Basbøll's Status Report as "substance—based" — represents a reaction similar to that of the Intuitionist school of mathematics. As such, it has a certain intrinsic interest, but its difficulties in reconstructing the full range of material usually considered part of phonology suggest that a modification of the interpretation of the "formalist" program represented by the standard theory is ultimately more satisfactory.