Development Aid Policy Research Articles

SDG Localisation and Decentralised Development Aid: Exploring Opposing Discourses and Practices in Valencia's Aid Sector

The approval of the 2030 Agenda and the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) has generated intense debates in the aid sector at the global, national and subnational levels. A key question is whether they can address structural problems in development aid policies and practices, such as the lack of accountability and coherence, unequal power relations, or depoliticisation. It seems that this will depend on how the agenda is adopted in the various territories as well as on the different interests at play.We address this question by studying the case of the Valencian Autonomous region. This is the territory in Spain where institutions have been the most active in establishing the SDGs at the core of the political discourses.We follow a qualitative methodology based on semi-structured interviews with key respondents from the public, civil society and university sectors, participant observation, and the analysis of secondary information. Inspired by critical discourse analysis, we explore the varying and conflicting discourses regarding the potential of SDGs to address the problems of aid, and on the impacts that its adoption are producing. We illustrate that the introduction of SDGs in aid policies is a conflictive process modelled by the power dynamics.

New Labour’s overseas development aid policy – charity or self-interest?

ABSTRACT Robin Cook argued that New Labour’s foreign policy would have ‘ethical dimensions’,(Cook, “Robin Cook’s Speech on the Government’s Ethical Foreign Policy.”) and an assumption is often made, within existing literature, that this is an accurate statement when considering the overseas development agenda of New Labour government’s between 1997 and 2010. Tingley argues that the more left-wing a party, the more likely they are to increase attention on, and funding of, overseas development aid (ODA) projects.(Tingley, “Donors and Domestic Politics.”) This article uses the New Labour governments, from 1997 to 2010, as a case study to test the argument of Tingley and determines that his conclusions are accurate in the case of the UK. This article will then argue, using the work of Breuning that the motivations of the New Labour governments, and the way they conveyed their policy to the electorate changed overtime rather than remaining morally focused for the duration of their time in power.(Breuning, “Words and Deeds.”) By focusing on the rhetoric of the Labour Party, the changes in motivation can be identified in the period 1997–2010, with a distinct move from moral justifications to more self-interested pragmatic reasoning, which confirms Breuning’s argument.

Not by CSE alone… Furthering reflections on international cooperation in sex education

ABSTRACTRecently in Sex Education authors have raised concern with regards to Comprehensive Sexuality Education (CSE) in resource-poor countries as part of Western European development aid policy. It has been argued that the agency-focused and rights-based nature of ‘northern’ sexuality education puts too much responsibility on young people’s shoulders and disregards their insecurity and shame, as well as local culture more generally. By promoting a rights-based approach to CSE in countries in the South, European development organisations would risk being insensitive to local collective concerns, networks, sensitivities and affects, not least those based in religion. In addition to concerns related to CSE content, concern has been expressed about the unequal relationships between stakeholders from the global north versus the global south in the shaping of youth sexuality education. The issues raised are important and call for further elaboration and discussion, which is what we intend to initiate here. The viewpoints we present relate, among others, to the balance between structure and agency focused perspectives in CSE; the multiplicity of needs with regard to sexual agency; the precariousness of international partnerships; ongoing national and international controversies over sexual rights; and the absolute necessity for multicomponent approaches and careful community building as part of CSE implementation and scale-up.

Probing the politics of comprehensive sexuality education: ‘Universality’ versus ‘Cultural Sensitivity’: a Dutch–Bangladeshi collaboration on adolescent sexuality education

As part of Western European development aid policy, comprehensive sexuality education (CSE) is increasingly promoted in resource-poor countries. This paper engages with CSE promotion in Bangladesh funded by the Dutch Government. It unpacks the ‘collaboration’ by looking at how a paradox is played out between the universal ideals underlying a broader transnational rights-approach and the intended cultural sensitivity by adapting CSE to the targeted context. Feminist scholarship on the ideological, moral and affective underpinnings of CSE is used to question this model’s implied universality and neutrality. The various negotiations, concerns and strategies of NGO-representatives as co-producers of sexuality knowledge in Bangladesh are focused upon. Analysis focuses on how a ‘speakable’, middle-class-oriented ‘proper’ sexuality is invented and managed through affect; how cultural insensitivity and secular normativity with respect to CSE are challenged in discussions concerned a rights-versus-health approach; and how a confident and knowledgeable adolescent or young person is imagined through the emancipatory project attributed to sexuality education. Rather than via equal collaboration, it is argued, adolescent sexuality education in these development aid settings is shaped by powerful transnational and local processes of Othering.

The Impact of Foreign Aid in Sustainable Development in Africa: A Case Study of Ethiopia

Foreign Development Aid Policy for the “underdeveloped areas” (Third World Countries) was announced by the former United States President Harry S. Truman on January 20, 1949. The overriding goal of this Foreign Development Aid Policy was supposed to “help people help themselves”, i.e. help to self-help. But the practice or the reality on the ground of this Foreign Development Aid Policy shows clearly the opposite of help to self-help. Since this proclamation of the Foreign Development Aid Policy, thousands of Foreign Governmental and Non-Governmental Organizations are still engaged in “Development Aid Programs” in the Third World Countries for instance in the African countries like Ethiopia. Foreign Aid means, transfer of goods or services from one country to another country directly or indirectly for example bilateral from the United States of America to Ethiopia or through multi-lateral organizations such as the World Bank, the United Nations Organizations and many others. There are three different types of Foreign Aid. These are: 1) Military Aid, 2) Humanitarian Aid and 3) Official Development Assistance (ODA). ODA is the most common aid to Africa and it is more powerful economically than the other two. Therefore, the author of this research paper wants to investigate the impact of “Official Development Assistance” (ODA) in Sustainable Development in Africa: The Case of Ethiopia. However, there are three groups who argue pros and cons (“pro et contra”) on the impact of the Foreign Aid in Sustainable Development in the Third World Countries in general and in Africa in particular, in the case of Ethiopia. Therefore, this Research Paper is interested to find out scientific evidences behind the controversial debates and discussions on the impact of the Foreign Development Aid Policy for Africa, in the case of Ethiopia.

Canadian Official Development Aid to Latin America: The Struggle over the Humanitarian Agenda, 1963–1977

During the 1970s, as part of the Third Option policies of the federal government under Pierre Elliott Trudeau, Canada’s Official Development Aid (ODA) policy for Latin America was revised to give the private sector greater maneuverability within parts of Latin America and the Caribbean. This article’s focus on the internal and external institutional debates that surfaced over the shift from a humanitarian to a market-driven agenda reveals a moment in Canadian history when the nation’s external affairs cohesiveness was destabilized, marginalizing religious and humanitarian stakeholders that in the past had been instrumental in complementing and advancing Canada’s relief and rehabilitation efforts across the global South. An examination of the historical evidence suggests that Canada’s public “goodwill” of the 1950s and 1960s did not narrow in on Latin America during the early stages of ODA policy implementation; instead, it was the private sector that focused on this region. The shift in the ODA agenda was a direct response to the private sector’s regional business strategy as well as a foreign policy initiative to support US containment. The analysis concludes that this implicated Canada in the humanitarian crisis generated by the implementation of US Cold War policies in Latin America and the Caribbean during the 1970s, forcing humanitarian and religious groups to centre their attention on the region and ultimately leading to an ideological confrontation between sectors of civil society and government.

UK development policy and domestic politics 1997–2016

Debate surrounds the relative importance of development aid and development policy in donor efforts to support international development. Likewise, the literature on UK development policy points to its putative stability and consistency over time. Both perspectives, however, underplay the political contention which characterises UK development policy and its variable effects. This article, therefore, examines UK development policy between 1997 and 2016 and the varying extent to which it gave rise to contentious politics over time. It explores three politically-significant periods in the context of UK development policy between 1997 and 2016: the first between 1997 and 2003, characterised, I argue, by political consensus and managed contention; a second between 2003 and 2010, characterised by transition and emerging political contention; and a third, between 2010 and 2016, characterised by contentious politics and political fracturing. I associate the first period with effective political vision and direction and the third with a significant erosion of both, to the detriment of UK development policy and its efficacy. In conclusion, I argue that UK development policy has been most effective when it has been underpinned by a clear and consensual political vision.

Adaptation “De Facto” ou Retour à l’Envoyer L’Aide Déliée en Débat

The debate on aid effectiveness has been going on for some time especially in an environment of budgetary pressure on the various economies of CAD (Comité d’Aide au Développement) countries. This article questions the place of untied aid in development aid policies towards the African continent and gains in efficiency. If it is clear that the disbursement of Official Development Assistance has not reached its targets, it has adapted and evolved. The article analyzes the different implications of untied aid in terms of development and questions whether its emergence within the debate on the effectiveness would not be a smokescreen. For untied aid to be effective, some inherent contradictions have to be addressed. Untying aid in practice is subject to other constraints in recipient countries, and even untied aid finds itself in some way tied de facto.

Explaining child rights mainstreaming in EU external policy

This article examines and explains child rights mainstreaming in European Union (EU) external affairs. It provides a within-case comparison of how children’s rights have been mainstreamed in development aid, common foreign and security policy (CFSP) and external trade policy. While most mainstreaming research have studied mainstreaming as a process of norm socialization, this article draws on hypotheses concerning bureaucratic self-interest that have thus far not been tested in the EU mainstreaming literature. The article finds support for rational functionalist assumptions that actor preferences, external policy competences and resource exchanges between EU institutions and child rights organizations together help explain variations in child rights mainstreaming across sectors and over time. Rationalist functionalism is found useful in explaining under which conditions at sector level mainstreaming is likely to succeed or fail.

A mile wide and an inch deep: analyzing Europeans’ attitudes toward development aid by using a multilevel model

Today, European countries actively promote Official Development Assistance (ODA) policy. A basic resource for promoting Development Aid (DA) policy is support from the public. However, there are very few systematic analyses about determinants of Europeans’ attitudes toward DA. Based on the survey data and the multilevel analysis, our study aims to examine how the independent variables i.e., life satisfaction, knowledge, awareness, policy efficacy, and trust at the individual level, and post-materialism, ideology, religiosity, and GDP per capita at the country level – influence the attitude toward DA, such as personal values toward development aid, willingness to pay (WTP), support for budgetary spending on DA, and support for DA as a policy priority. Our study shows that knowledge, policy efficacy, and trust at the individual level consistently influence the four attitudes. At the country level, right-wing ideology has a negative impact on support for budgetary spending on DA and support for DA as a policy priority. GDP per capita has a positive impact on WTP.

Development Diplomacy. Development Aid as a Part of Public Diplomacy in the Pursuit of Foreign Policy Aims: Theoretical and Practical Considerations

This article’s aims are twofold. Firstly, it endeavours to define the concept of development diplomacy (that is, diplomacy done through development aid) as a part of public diplomacy that realises its aims thanks to soft power re- sources. Several theoretical sources are recalled and reflected upon in order to come up with a vision of the role of development diplomacy within public diplomacy. Secondly, this article focuses on the role of development diplomacy in the context of the foreign policy aims. Theoretical reflection on this issue is followed by illustrative examples of documents, actions and research, where practical linkages between development aid and foreign policy’ aims where made. It leads to conclusions regarding the practicalities and effectiveness of embracing development aid under the public diplomacy and thus also under foreign policy umbrella.

The Health Policy Process in Vietnam: Going Beyond Kingdon's Multiple Streams TheoryComment on "Shaping the Health Policy Agenda: The Case of Safe Motherhood Policy in Vietnam".

This commentary reflects upon the article along three broad lines. It reflects on the theoretical choices and omissions, particularly highlighting why it is important to adapt the multiple streams framework (MSF) when applying it in a socio-political context like Vietnam's. The commentary also reflects upon the analytical threads tackled by Ha et al; for instance, it highlights the opportunities offered by, and raises questions about the centrality of the Policy Entrepreneur in getting the policy onto the political agenda and in pushing it through. The commentary also dwells on the implications of the article for development aid policies and practices. Throughout, the commentary signposts possible themes for Ha et al to consider for further analysis, and more generally, for future research using Kingdon's multiple streams theory.

Introducing payment for performance in the health sector of Tanzania- the policy process.

BackgroundPrompted by the need to achieve progress in health outcomes, payment for performance (P4P) schemes are becoming popular policy options in the health systems in many low income countries. This paper describes the policy process behind the introduction of a payment for performance scheme in the health sector of Tanzania illuminating in particular the interests of and roles played by the Government of Norway, the Government of Tanzania and the other development partners.MethodsThe study employed a qualitative research design using in-depth interviews (IDIs), observations and document reviews. Thirteen IDIs with key-informants representing the views of ten donor agencies and government departments influential in the process of introducing the P4P scheme in Tanzania were conducted in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania and Oslo, Norway. Data was collected on the main trends and thematic priorities in development aid policy, countries and actors perceived to be proponents and opponents to the P4P scheme, and P4P agenda setting in Tanzania.ResultsThe initial introduction of P4P in the health sector of Tanzania was controversial. The actors involved including the bilateral donors in the Health Basket Fund, the World Bank, the Tanzanian Government and high level politicians outside the Health Basket Fund fought for their values and interests and formed alliances that shifted in the course of the process. The process was characterized by high political pressure, conflicts, changing alliances, and, as it evolved, consensus building.ConclusionThe P4P policy process was highly political with external actors playing a significant role in influencing the agenda in Tanzania, leaving less space for the Government of Tanzania to provide leadership in the process. Norway in particular, took a leading role in setting the agenda. The process of introducing P4P became long and frustrating causing mistrust among partners in the Health Basket Fund.Electronic supplementary materialThe online version of this article (doi:10.1186/s12992-015-0125-9) contains supplementary material, which is available to authorized users.

The European Union's “Comprehensive Approach” in Chad: Securitisation and/or Compartmentalisation?

The European Union (EU) aims for a comprehensive approach to security in developing countries. As a result, attempts have been made to enhance the nexus between the EU's security policy and other policy areas, particularly development, humanitarian assistance, and democratic governance. This article analyses the EU's comprehensive approach in the case of Chad, focusing on two questions. First, has the EU's comprehensive approach been able to supersede the compartmentalisation of the EU's political system? Second, has it led to the securitisation of non-security policy areas? These questions are answered by investigating the nexus between the EU's security, democracy, development and humanitarian aid policies in Chad from 2006 onwards. This analysis confirms the compartmentalisation scenario, especially regarding development and humanitarian aid where the relation with security policies was at times openly conflicting. While the EU's democracy promotion policies are found to be securitised, this is not the case for development and humanitarian aid.

Russia: Development Aid Policies and Perspectives

After more than twenty years of independence, Russia has recovered from economic and political shocks and demonstrates its commitment to gain new political and economic role in the global development aid architecture. International development assistance provided by Russia to other countries has increased from USD 100 million in 2004 to USD 610 million in 2013. The Concept of Russia's participation in the international development assistance, approved in 2007 and updated in 2014, outlines Russia’s priorities in the international aid sphere. Based on review of this concept, available official statistics and expert estimates, this paper provides qualitative and quantitative analysis of the dynamics and perspectives of Russia’s transformation from the international aid recipient into one of the donor countries. The results indicate that there is a large gap between Russia’s political ambitions and actual development aid policies; moreover, there is a shift towards a “soft power” concept in political decision making. At the same time, the potential of Russia’s embedding into the international development aid system remains high.

Does the European Union's development aid policy require a major policy rethink?

This essay attempts to establish whether the current development aid policy of the European Union would need a major policy rethink. In fact, in a period of austerity, fiscal consolidation is prima facie understandable, and hence cuts on foreign aid funds. However, is it really about cutting on aid? Or is it about aid effectiveness and the challenges posed by the new emerging economies? Scholars have been pointing out the need for a cohesive aid structure, because at present the shared competence between the EU and the member states is creating a fragmented European aid agenda. For the purpose of this essay, I will strictly consider the impact that the European development aid policies have on its image abroad. I will answer the abovementioned questions by asserting that a major rethink of the EU development aid policies should be accompanied by a win-win situation for donor and recipient countries by investing in the private sector. This new approach will solve the lack of effectiveness of the current patchy European aid projects, and also the challenges posed to the EU aid regime by the emerging economies. Moreover, this essay argues that cutting on aid could be perilous for the future of the EU, especially when such cuts will affect African recipients

植民地統治における開発への思想的転換

This article will show how the paradigm of development emerged in the British Empire in the 1930s. Some existing works on development seek to describe the power structure of ‘depoliticization’ in developing countries by analyzing development aid policies after decolonization. However, they hardly explain when and how the depoliticization of poverty and development began. This article will demonstrate that when the paradigm of development emerged in the 1930s, poverty and development were depoliticized from the very beginning. In the late 19th and early 20th century, British colonial administration was based mainly on the colonial philosophy of ‘indirect rule.’ However, in the 1930s, poverty was found by new experts such as social anthropologists and biologists in the British colonies. By using scientific methods, they constituted the paradigm of development which required social policies in dependent territories. In this process, the structure of depoliticization was established.

Socialist Parties’ agenda-setting in European community development aid policy in the early 1970s: Objectives, strategies and limits of implementation

This article addresses the role of transnational socialist party cooperation in setting the agenda of the European Community (EC) in the policy field of development aid in the early 1970s. Although agenda-setting has a high relevance for understanding why certain issues are successfully inserted in the EC (later the European Union) policy-making cycle while others not, this important stage of political decision-making often tends to escape our attention. The article argues that socialist transnational party cooperation through networks on the European level developed various strategies for placing development aid issues on the EC agenda. However, the article also shows that with a view to implementation there were several reasons that made it difficult for transnational socialist party cooperation to push forward development aid issues in the cycle of EC policy-making beyond agenda-setting.

Gender Equality in International Aid: What has Norwegian Gender Politics Got to Do With It?

Norway is often seen as a “world champion” in gender equality. Norwegian aid policies on gender often emphasize how lessons can be learned from “the Norwegian model” and experiences. This article explores the extent to which Norway’s domestic gender policies have influenced the country’s aid policies. The analysis, which is based on literature review of Norwegian gender equality history and discursive analysis of the current gender and aid policy documents, reveals that the essence of Norwegian domestic gender equality politics—social policies that address the relationship between care and breadwinning—is largely missing in Norway’s aid policies. While we doubt whether a specific model can be exported, we suggest that Norwegian experiences may provide valuable inputs for development aid policies. Since Norwegian aid policies tend to reflect the dominating international aid discourse, our analysis has relevance beyond the particular Norwegian case. We argue that policies of care, motherhood and fatherhood, should be at the heart of the Norwegian and international aid policies.

Stökiga platser, utbildning, ekonomi och politik i globala diskurser om förändring

In this article, I have shown how different economic discourses, with different understandings of education and children's roles, exist in a single Pakistani village. The plurality of discourses is seen as a condition for political activity. It is obvious for the villagers that life can be organized in different ways. As a nation, Pakistan, also displays a variety of discourses, one of which, the neoliberal discourse for development aid is an example of the desire for a monolithic organization where pluralistic political fields are not recognized. Residents are turned into objects rather than interpellated as subjects by development aid policy initiatives. Thus, the article stresses the importance of diversity of discourses for the creation of political fields, as well as recognition of these different discourses’ agonist positions. The latter also implies the importance of discourses that through interpellation enable residents to recognise themselves as political subjects.