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The False King Olaf and His Necklace of Letters

The False King Olaf and His Necklace of Letters

Advances in our understanding of canine atopic dermatitis.

Canine atopic dermatitis (cAD) is a genetically inherited clinical syndrome that encompasses a diversity of mechanisms and can have a variety of triggers. Development of clinical disease is the result of genetic factors and environmental conditions, which shape the resulting immunological response. Clinical disease becomes evident once a threshold of inflammatory response is achieved. Skin barrier impairment plays a role in promoting cutaneous dysbiosis and increased allergen penetration. Keratinocytes shape the response of dendritic cells and subsequent lymphocytic response. Thymic stromal lymphopoietin is one of the links between the damaged skin barrier and the modulation of a T-helper (Th)2 response. It is still unclear whether mutations in skin barrier genes exist in atopic dogs, as they do in humans, or whether the observed alterations are purely secondary to inflammation. A dysregulated immune response with increased Th2, Th17 and CD4+ CD25+ regulatory T cells has been reported. A variety of cytokines [interleukin(IL)-31, IL-34, Macrophage migration inhibitory factor] are proposed as potential biomarkers and treatment targets because they are increased in the serum of atopic dogs when compared to controls, although a correlation between serum levels of these factors and severity of disease is not always present. The main issue with many published studies is that atopic dogs are always only compared to normal controls. Thus, it is unclear whether the changes that we find are truly a signature of cAD or merely a manifestation of nonspecific broad inflammatory responses. Studies considering comparison with other inflammatory diseases different from cAD are urgently needed to correctly identify what is specific to this complicated syndrome.

Modern Türk Dillerinde tama tama köl bolur Atasözü

Turk dil ve lehceleri Pasifik’ten Baltik Denizi’ne ve Kuzey Buz Denizi’nden Basra Korfezi’ne kadar uzanan genis bir alanda konusulur. Orhon yazitlarinda birkac atasozu ve bircok deyim vardir. Orhon yazitlarindan sonraki donemlere ait Turk edebiyatinda da atasozleri bulunur. Karahanli devletinden bir eser olan Divânu Lugâti’t-Turk bircok atasozu icermektedir. Bunlardan biri de birin birin miŋ bolur tama tama kol bolur “Birer birer bin olur, damlaya damlaya gol olur”dur. Bu atasozu, Osmanli Turkcesinde Damlaya damlaya gol olur – dusman gozu kor olur ve Damla damla gol olur dusmen gozi kor olur olarak bulunur. Bu yazida modern Turk dillerindeki bu atasozunu ve ilgili sekillerini de ele alacagiz.

Anticommunism in Korea and Germany in times of cold War

Besides several themes related to burning issues on the surface of the current discourses in South Korea, this special issue of the AJGES pays attention to the fundamental problems, which are essential to understand the unique character of South Korean society as a divided nation. The in-depth analysis of some fundamental mechanisms is indispensable to develop a long-term strategy dealing with the roots of various problems. A comparison with the history of Germany as a formerly divided country is deemed helpful in order to see the problems from different perspectives and broaden the horizon. The contributions of this Thematic Series were first published in Korean by Dolgebae, Paju in 2015.Neben vielen anderen brennenden Problemen an der Oberfläche derzeitiger Debatten in Südkorea, widmet sich der Schwerpunkt dieser Ausgabe der AJGES einemgrundlegenden Problem, i.e. der einzigartige Charakter der südkoreanischen Gesellschaft als einer geteilten Nation. Die Tiefenanalyse einiger der Mechanismen ist Voraussetzung, um eine langfristige Strategie zur Überwindung der Ursachen der verschiedenen Probleme zu entwickeln. Dabei ist der Vergleich mit einer früher geteilten Nation wie Deutschland zweifelsohne hilfreich, um die Probleme aus einer anderen Perspektive zu sehen und den Horizont zu erweitern. Die Beiträge in dieser thematischen Sektion wurden zuerst auf koreanisch vom Verlag Dolgebae 2015 veröffentlicht.

‘I AM GOING TO SAY … ’: A SIGN ON THE ROAD OF HERODOTUS’ LOGOS

Er ist der Wanderer, der genau weiß, wohin er schließlich kommen will, auch genau die Hauptstationen seines Weges vorher festgelegt hat und innehält, der sich aber dabei Zeit läßt, um alles Schöne und Interessante, das die Gegend bietet, zu betrachten, und selbst lange Seitenwege zu diesem Zwecke nicht zu scheuen braucht, da er weiß, daß er die Hauptstraße am richtigen Punkte wieder erreichen wird.M. Pohlenz, Herodot, der erste Geschichtschreiber des Abendlandes (1937)Anyone familiar with Greek literature knows at once that this can describe no author but Herodotus. As readers have long recognized, travel is a crucial element of Herodotus’ persona not only as an historian and ethnographer but also as a narrator, to the extent that he has been called a tourist and a guide. Pohlenz draws his vivid metaphor from Herodotus himself, who assimilates movement through his narrative to movement through space by several well-known narratorial habits: he points out ‘paths’ of logoi (1.95.1: λόγων ὁδούς), goes out of his way to justify so-called ‘digressions’ (or Exkurse) and frequently uses verbs of movement to return to earlier narratives or to preview upcoming ones. However, most scholars have overlooked one important feature by which Herodotus creates this sense of progress through his logoi, although it appears in the programmatic sentence that begins his whole network of narrative signposts and recurs in his voice in the first half of the Histories and in important speeches in the second.

Raoul Auernheimer: Aphorismen und Gedichte ed. by Donald G. Daviau (review)

Reviewed by: Raoul Auernheimer: Aphorismen und Gedichteed. by Donald G. Daviau Paul F. Dvorak Donald G. Daviau, eds., Raoul Auernheimer: Aphorismen und Gedichte. Createspace usa, 2013. 198 pp. This volume of aphorisms and poems complements the concurrent publication of Donald Davi’s Raoul Auernheimer: Reports on Austrian Writers in 1945 and Lectures in American Exileand strengthens the editor’s long- held opinion that Auernheimer deserves greater attention within the field of Austrian arts and letters. As a member of the Jung-Wiengroup close to Schnitzler, Hofmannsthal, Zweig, and others, Auernheimer subsequently shared the fate of many German and Austrian exiled artists and intellectuals during the Nazi period. The lasting impression this collection leaves on the reader is, on the one hand, that of a writer deeply rooted in the linguistic, literary, and cultural heritage of Vienna during the first third of the twentieth century. On the other, it is the palpable sense of loss caused by the physical isolation and separation from his homeland during the last decade of his life in New York and California (1938–48), despite Auernheimer’s decision to become a naturalized American citizen and to work with the government in his reports on Austrian writers while in the United States. A novelist, playwright, poet, aphorist, historian, and theater critic, Auernheimer reveals himself as a “Wiener Kind” (2) most clearly in the aphorisms he wrote over the course of his lifetime. Daviau received access to the [End Page 146]published materials from Auernheimer’s literary estate through his widow in 1966. At the time of his death, Auernheimer was planning a volume “In Worten oder was ich sagen wollte,” to be published by Ullstein in Vienna. Daviau writes that this material, a fragment of his literary estate, is close to Auernheimer’s heart as an “expression of everything that moved and reflected his life in exile.” Anxious to be remembered in his homeland, Auernheimer ultimately desired to return there but failed to realize that wish. Drawing on his extensive familiarity with Auernheimer, Daviau maintains that the author has been unjustly neglected despite his considerable contributions as feuilletonist and theater critic for the Neue Freie Presseas well as a writer of comedies, novels, and essays. In his preface, Daviau concludes that the author represented the best of the spirit of the Viennese fin-de-siècleand, like Zweig and Schnitzler, held to the Viennese lifestyle as “ein wahrer Archivist des Lebens der ‘Traumwelt Wien’” (3). Crafted much in the style of those by Hofmannsthal, Schnitzler, Bahr, Kraus, and others, Auernheimer’s aphorisms are a welcome addition to the body of examples of this popular vehicle of expression in Vienna around the turn of the century. In typical aphoristic fashion, an underlying critical tone of satire and irony lies at their core. In Auernheimer’s own words, “Es gibt allerkleinste geistige Lebewesen, die sich im Kopf, im Herzen und in der Schreibtischlade eines Schriftstellers mit den Jahren in großen Mengen anzusammeln pflegen: man nennt sie Aphorismen” (75). The author’s linguistic talent, interests, thoughts, and character are on display in the aphorisms he wrote over the course of his lifetime. Reflecting iconic themes from the Viennese fin-de-siècle, the aphorisms are grouped in categories dealing with women, love, marriage, character, ethics, society, and literature, among others. They attest to Auernheimer’s beliefs that literature should entertain as well as enlighten and also that the act of writing embodies an act of self-revelation (“Ein Schriftsteller ist ein Mensch, der sich selber schreibt,” 72). In contrast to the more philosophical, objective, and critically detached tone of the aphorisms, the poems in large part reveal more about the personal side of Auernheimer’s life in exile. They express the underlying pain and suffering of separation he experienced in his later years as he struggled with the process of adjusting fully to life in the United States. Auernheimer’s ambivalence toward his new homeland, its culture and virtues, despite his work for the government and that conducted on behalf of other emigré writers, thinly veils the deeper pain of separation from Austria and Europe he strongly [End Page 147]felt. Of historical rather...

Faust’s Begehren : Revisiting the History of Political Economy in Faust II

Economic Readings of Faust IISince the publication of Faust II, commentators interested in economic aspects of the text have focused primarily on three of its five acts. Bernd Mahl, whose work on Goethe's economic knowledge remains a standard reference, writes that the topics most frequently addressed following its publication are the creation of paper money in act 1, Faust's renewed activity in act 4, and the commercial ventures of Faust and Mephistopheles in act 5.1 More recent investigations have generally continued this trend.2 Given this lengthy history of interpretation, what is one to make of the second and third acts of Faust //with respect to economic matters? In the Okonomische Lesart (Economic Reading) section of his Faust commentary, Ulrich Gaier offers this assessment: Angesichts der Tatsache, das sich der 2. und 3. Akt in Fausts Kopf abspielen, kann es hier nicht um in der geschichtlichen Folge des Wirtschaftsgebarens der Neuzeit gehen3 (Given the fact that acts 2 and 3 are acted out in Faust's head, real economic activity resulting historically from economic behavior in the modern era cannot be at stake here). While Gaier accurately describes the tendency of literary and economic analyses of Faust II-including his own-to focus on the other three acts, his claim deserves closer scrutiny. It clearly hinges upon what he calls reales Wirtschaften (real economic activity); yet he does not define it or specify how it relates to the history of modern political economy. Admittedly, the second and third acts do not appear at first glance to contain the traditional economic elements found in the other acts. However, as I shall argue, to discount the two acts encompassing the Helena episode simply because they unfold in Faust's head severely underestimates the complexity of Goethe's political-economic thought in this significant portion of Faust //.Goethe does not simply set aside the keen insight into economic matters that he skillfully demonstrates throughout the rest of his self-described Hauptgeschaft (main business).4 Rather, he accentuates in acts 2 and 3 the subjective nature of value, particularly as it relates to the economic principle of demand. Goethe repeatedly employs and couples Wert (value) and Begebr/en (demand) in scenes leading up to and including the Helena episode. Moreover, he demonstrates in these two acts a significant change in his own approach to value, from an intrinsic to a subjective view of it.The model of subjective value Goethe presents in Faust II draws on his wide-ranging experience in Weimar as a privy councillor specializing in tax and finance matters, on the one hand, and his extensive knowledge of contemporaneous political-economic texts, on the other. In official writings from 1785 and 1793, Goethe relies on the concept of intrinsic value when addressing taxes and money, respectively. After the turn of the century, his introduction to the work of Adam Smith through Georg Sartorius demarcates a shift in his approach to value toward the subjective view that he presents in Faust II. Another, lesser-known Scottish economist likely contributed to Goethe's understanding of demand. Goethe was introduced to the work of Sir James Steuart as early as 1777. Steuart was well known in Germany at the time, and his Principles of Political Oeconomy (1767) was in fact more prominent there during the 1780s and 1790s than Smith's Wealth of Nations (1776). In Faust II, Goethe applies his practical experience and theoretical knowledge to the classical example of Helena. His point, I maintain, is that Helena does not possess any intrinsic value. Quite the opposite: she characterizes Faust's subjective valuation of her or, to put it in Faustian terms, his striving. At the same time, Helena fleetingly embodies not only Faust's but also his economic demand, as Begehr had become synonymous with Nachfrage (demand) by the middle of the 1820s. The duality of the key term BegehrenFaust describes Helena as mein einziges Begehren (7412; my sole demand/ desire [translation modified])5-allows for an economic analysis of acts 2 and 3. …

Sweetness and Power - Public Policies and the ‘Biofuels Frenzy’

Sweetness and Power - Public Policies and the ‘Biofuels Frenzy’

Die Konzeption des Messias bei Maimonides und die fruehmittelalterliche islamische Philosophie (Maimonides' concept of the Messiah and early medieval Islamic philosophy) (review)

Reviewed by: Die Konzeption des Messias bei Maimonides und die fruehmittelalterliche islamische Philosophie (Maimonides' concept of the Messiah and early medieval Islamic philosophy) Esther Seidel, Independent Scholar Die Konzeption des Messias bei Maimonides und die fruehmittelalterliche islamische Philosophie (Maimonides' concept of the Messiah and early medieval Islamic philosophy). By Francesca Yardenit Albertini. Berlin: De Gruyter, 2009. Pp. xxiv + 472. Francesca Albertini's voluminous study, Die Konzeption des Messias bei Maimonides und die fruehmittelalterliche islamische Philosophie, wishes to put a fresh emphasis on the link between Maimonides' concept of the Messiah and his ideal of the leader as a political figure. For Maimonides, Albertini argues, the arrival of the Messiah will be realized only through human effort and appropriate behavior: it is man who bears responsibility for this event through his moral actions. The Messiah, on the other hand, as the leader of the community, seeks to implement the new order in society through which Divine Law will be established and followed precisely. Hence, the Messiah's arrival is not an apocalyptic, eschatological event as understood by Christians. Instead, it marks a new era of restoration of the Law, which alone guarantees a well-ordered society as the necessary precondition for knowing God (p. 7). This wide study demands the reader's full concentration for a number of reasons: the style of writing, although it covers much ground, is compact, and the amount of historical and philosophical material (e.g., Aristotle's eudaimonia, shariʿa and fiqh in Islamic law, principles of faith in early Kara'ite writing, Plato's philosopher king, and prophecy and politics in Alfarabi), not to mention the changing religious conceptual contexts and nuances of meaning, all feature in different chapters to elucidate the main theme, but the leitmotif is not always clearly visible. While the reader may derive benefit from various chapters, in particular the one on early Islamic thought and its influence on Jewish Kara'ite thought and Maimonides' own thinking, shorter summaries and relevant conclusions would have provided some welcome guidance through this expansive study. Also, "Muʾtazil" has been clumsily translated into German (I suggest: "der, der sich absetzt" rather than "zurücksetzt"), and the whole case for reason and rational debate within Islam could have been put more strongly. Nowhere is there a recognition that it was precisely Islamic thought that forced Jewish thinkers into taking a more rational approach themselves with regard to their own belief. In addition to the issue of convoluted presentation, another more urgent concern is the subject matter itself and how it has been studied and depicted here. Albertini herself recognizes some of the difficulties. She points out that Maimonides himself made no clear differentiation between the terms "Messiah," "Messianism," and "Messianic Age" (p. 427), and perhaps more worryingly—in view of her own stated aim in this study—that Maimonides focused his attention precisely not on the Messiah's political role, but on the significance of the Messiah's announcement of the new period in time (ibid.), by which he meant a period when human beings dedicate themselves to acquiring knowledge of God (p. 430). [End Page 723] Although Albertini acknowledges the latter as Maimonides' aim, she continues throughout her study to emphasize the practical and political against his rational outlook. And yet, she admits herself, there is "a danger—proportional to ignorance—to put too much emphasis on the messianic age, which for Maimonides produces wrong ideas of God" (p. 430). How, then, are we to interpret Maimonides' own discomfort with the notions above referring to the Messiah and notions such as "bodily resurrection," and how does Albertini explain Maimonides' own hesitancy to address these concepts conclusively? Some of the answers to these questions lie in Albertini's assertion of a fundamental division in Maimonidean scholarship represented by two camps of interpreters (p. 276). The first group prefers to judge each work produced by Maimonides as a separate entity, written at a given time and under particular circumstances, so that it allows them to take into account Maimonides' own development in character and personality. The second group of interpreters, among whom Albertini places herself, makes a claim to Maimonides as a "systematic thinker" and purports...

Profezie di riforma e idee di concordia religiosa: Visioni e speranze dell’esule piemontese Giovanni Leonardo Sartori (review)

Reviewed by: Profezie di riforma e idee di concordia religiosa: Visioni e speranze dell’esule piemontese Giovanni Leonardo Sartori Matthew Vester Profezie di riforma e idee di concordia religiosa: Visioni e speranze dell’esule piemontese Giovanni Leonardo Sartori. By Lucia Felici. [Studi e testi per la storia religiosa del Cinquecento, Vol. 16.] (Florence: Leo S. Olschki Editore. 2009. Pp. xi, 370. €39,00 paperback. ISBN 978-8-822-25822-9.) Specialists in Sabaudian institutional history know of Giovanni Leonardo Sartori, a ducal secretary from Chieri and treasurer of the county of Asti during the early-sixteenth century, last mentioned in bureaucratic records from 1541. Historians of heterodox sixteenth-century Italian religious figures are familiar with Johannis Leonis Nardi (sometimes also referred to as Sertorius or Sartorius), a visionary who, in the early 1550s, opposed coercive, institutionalized religion and sought to inaugurate a new age of a universal, invisible church. Lucia Felici, a historian of the Italian Reformation, argues (against Delio Cantimori) that these two individuals were the same person. Strangely, although this discovery appears to be the central contribution of this book, Felici buries the evidence for it in a footnote on page 252, which cites a chronicle entry by the Bernese theologian Johannes Haller: in 1554 “Joannes Leo Nardus, der sich auch Mosen secundum nampt, was vorzejten ein secretarius dess fürsten von Saphoij,” visited the city. Eight pages later, a second piece of evidence from Strasbourg city council records makes a similar identification. This evidence appears to seal Felici’s argument, but it is frustrating for the reader not to learn about it earlier and to have to take for granted the identification of Sartori and Nardi until the final twenty pages of the text. This finding also could have been more forcefully exploited for its relevance to Sartori’s thought (beyond the notion that Sartori opposed social disorder), or to the intellectual development of heterodox thinkers generally. How many radical Reformers were there who had begun their careers as state officials, and how did this affect their religious positions? Exploring these [End Page 592] questions could have enlivened debates in Italian religious history of the early sixteenth-century. Despite these missed opportunities, Felici offers an interesting study of Sartori’s life and ideas. After retiring from ducal service, Sartori returned to Chieri, where he likely encountered Reformed preaching, and then crossed the Alps to Geneva in late 1550 or early 1551. Thence he traveled to England, Flanders, back to Geneva, Lausanne, Basel, Berne, Zürich, Strasbourg, and Stuttgart, claiming to have been appointed by God to spread a message of universal religious concord. This message was articulated in a series of texts: the Tabularum duarum legis evangelicae, gratiae, spiritus et vitae libri quinque (Basel, 1553), the Revelationes factae Iohanni Leonis Nardi (1554, a set of manuscripts in the Zürich state archives), and others that were lost. Along with a portion of the Tabularum, part of the Revelationes was published for the first time as an appendix to this book (the only citation to the text’s archival location is in a footnote on p. 217). For Sartori, being filled with the Holy Spirit was crucial for Christians, who together composed the true church, independent of any organized ecclesial structure (which was a mark of the antichrist). In contrast to many radical Reformers, Sartori affirmed Trinitarian doctrine and believed that a correct reading of the Koran and the Old Testament pointed to Christ’s position in the Godhead. For all believers, outward (although nonformulaic) behavior was the crucial sign of one’s spiritual position: Sartori did not believe that everyone would be saved. He was eventually captured on Sabaudian territory and, while his heresy trial was being prepared, died in prison in 1556. Felici wants to counterbalance a historiographic emphasis on social disciplining and confessionalization, seeing Sartori as a resister of discipline whose nonconformity could be related to Enlightenment Deism. However, Sartori’s radical individualizing of spirituality might be viewed as a necessary complement to the well-documented process of bodily disciplining in early-modern Europe. Matthew Vester West Virginia University Copyright © 2011 The Catholic University of America Press

In analisi con Freud nel 1921: diario di una paziente

- The author, who is a psychoanalyst, recounts how she discovered the diary in which her grandmother, who was a psychiatrist, described her four-month analysis with Sigmund Freud in Vienna in 1921. Some biographical data about the patient are presented, and five extracts of the diary are reported. This diary, although at irregular intervals, reports the detailed interventions made by Freud and the patient in the course of the analysis. Finally, conclusions on how Freud worked with patients at that period, particularly insofar as transference is concerned, are drawn. (The complete diary, with comments by various authors, is published in German in the book edited by Anna Koellreuter "Wie benimmt sich der Prof. Freud eigentlich?": Ein neu entdecktes Tagebuch von 1921 historisch und analytisch kommentiert. Giessen: Psychosozial, 2009).KEY WORDS: Sigmund Freud's technique, transference, interpretation, history of psychoanalysis, diary of a psychoanalysis

Aquinas on the Natural Desire for the Vision of God: A Relecture of Summa Contra Gentiles III, c. 25 Après Henri De Lubac

The Thomist 73 (2009): 523-91 AQUINAS ON THE NATURAL DESIRE FOR THE VISION OF GOD: A RELECTURE OF SUMMA CONTRA GENTILES III, c. 25 APRES HENRI DE LUBAC REINHARD HOTTER Duke University Divinity School Durham, North Carolina Thomas ist ein schwieriger Denker, der sich im Licht verbirgt und niemals seinen ganzen Gedanken auf einmal sagt.1 Josef Pieper lOSEF PIEPER'S apt observation has special pertinence when one approaches the interpretive as well as the speculative challenge of comprehending Aquinas's thought on the natural ire for the vision of God. This teaching was contested among interpreters of Thomas Aquinas long before Henri de Lubac contributed to the debate in 1946 with his influential and controversial study Surnaturel.2 William O'Connor, in an unjustly forgotten, instructive study from 1947, The Eternal Quest: The Teaching of St. Thomas Aquinas on the Natural Desire for God,3 argued that since the days of the principal sixteenth-century commentators on Aquinas's thought on the natural desire for the vision of God, one can usefully distinguish between a tradition of minimizing and a 1 "Thomas is a demanding thinker who so conceals himself in the light that he never reveals his complete thought at once without remainder." 2 Henri de Lubac, Sumaturel: Etudes historiques, ed. and intro. by Michel Sales, S.J. (Paris: Desclee de Brouwer, 1991). On the background of the controversy that erupted shortly after the publication of Sumaturel, see Aidan Nichols, O.P., "Thomism and the Nouvelle Theologie," The Thomist 64 (2000), 1-19. 3 New York and London: Longman, Green, and Co., 1947. 523 524 REINHARD HUTTER tradition of maximizing interpreters. These two tendencies of interpretation draw in differing ways upon two series of texts in the vast corpus of the angelic doctor. In the first series of texts, Aquinas understands the desire to know the essence of the First Cause as a natural desire; in the second series he holds that the desire to know the divine essence is supernatural. Both series of texts run from the early through the later works and Aquinas sees no need anywhere to reconcile them.4 O'Connor argues that the tradition of "minimizing" interpretations has its roots in the commentatorial work of the Italian Dominican theologian Thomas de Vio Cajetan (1469-1534) and of the Spanish Dominican theologian Dominicus Banez (15281604 ), while the tradition of "maximizing" interpretations emerges from the commentaries of the Italian Dominican theologian Sylvester of Ferrara (1474-1528) and the Spanish Dominican theologian Dominicus Soto (1494-1560).5 Cajetan and Banez strongly privilege the first series of texts and prefer to interpret the natural desire in terms of an "obediential potency," a nonrepugnance or even a suitability in the created spiritual nature for the vision of God as he is in himself. Sylvester of Ferrara and Soto, on the other hand, read Aquinas as teaching a genuine natural desire for the vision of God, although with the significant difference that Soto understands this desire primarily as a "pondus naturae," a profound, innate natural impulse toward the vision of God as true human beatitude, while Sylvester of Ferrara takes the genuine desire to be not an innate, but an elicited desire that follows upon cognition. All four interpreters of Aquinas react to the profound impact Duns Scotus had on this debate with his strict Augustinian insistence that God in his divine substance is the natural end of the human being. All human volitions, Scotus argues, are ordained 4 O'Connor, The Eternal Quest, 7-23. For a complete listing of all the relevant passages in Aquinas's writings, see Jorge Laporta, La destinee de la nature humaine selon Thomas d'Aquin (Paris: J. Vrin, 1965), 147-61. 5 O'Connor, The Eternal Quest, 24-39, 55-72. For a concise introduction to these eminent interpreters of Thomas Aquinas, see Romanus Cessario, O.P., A Short History of Thomism (Washington, D.C.: The Catholic University of America Press, 2005). NATURAL DESIRE FOR THE VISION OF GOD 525 to the divine substance as to their ultimate end. Scotus's doctrine had such discursive weight that it inevitably impacted the subsequent interpretations of Aquinas's thought, especially in the fifteenth...

TRACTARIAN SÄTZE, EGYPTIAN HIEROGLYPHS, AND THE VERY IDEA OF SCRIPT AS PICTURE

Is it possible for a writing system to be based on pictures? In the philosophical literature, the hieroglyphic writing system of the Ancient Egyptians is sometimes taken as the example par excellence of a purely pictorial script. The hieroglyphs are assumed to be signs that do not indicate how they are supposed to be pronounced, as do the signs of the alphabets of, among other, the Indo-European languages; instead, they depict what they mean. Most prominently, Ludwig Wittgenstein draws an analogy between the pictorial semantics of the Tractatus Logico-Philosophicus and the alleged pictorial script of hieroglyphic writing:

Sammlung zur heiligsten Aufgabe: Politische Künstler und Intellektuelle in Klaus Manns Exilwerk by Karina von Lindeiner

MLR, I03.3, 2oo8 903 inCanetti's works. Preece also observes areas of contention in the fields of politics, gender, or world literature.He generally remains a very factual reader; judgements about style, literaryquality, or aesthetic innovations are extremely rare. Overall, this book provides at least three important insights: itclarifies the com plexity of a very intricatepersonal relationship and productive literarycollaboration as well as rivalry; itdiscusses extensively and in an exemplary manner the difficult position of a Jewish, socialist woman writer during the I930S and the London ex ile; and itpresents the hitherto widest-ranging thematic analysis ofVeza's literary production with a strong emphasis on biographical, historical, and factual evidence. None of the quotations or titles remains inGerman; Preece forces us to return to the archive inZurich ifwe want to follow up the unpublished material he used. One of his central points, thatCanetti's 'depiction ofTherese Krumbholz [inDie Blendung] was his original crime against Veza' and 'her revengewas to startwriting' (p. I27), is a challenging invitation for furtherdiscussion. UNIVERSITY OF BRISTOL ALEXANDERKOSENINA Sammlungzur heiligstenAufgabe: PolitischeKiinstler undIntellektuelle in Klaus Manns Exilwerk. By KARINA VON LINDEINER. Wiirzburg: K6nigshausen & Neumann. 2006. 228 pp. ?29. ISBN 978-3-8260-3448-c. This latest addition to the growing corpus ofmonographs on themost literary of Thomas Mann's children does not immediately set out to catch the eye. The title as abbreviated on the spine, 'Sammlung zur heiligsten Aufgabe', would not look out of place in theTheology section, while the cover illustration eschews theobvious in favour of an unidentified Central European edifice reflected in an inverted puddle. This is all themore astonishing when one considers that themuch-photographed Klaus Mann was one of a small number of individuals, including Kafka and Picasso, who had the unsettling ability of staring unflinchingly into the camera as if to bare their innermost soul. As theargument unfolds, thepicture remains insoft focus in spite of the assiduous ness with which Karina von Lindeiner conducts her research.The underlying subtext is familiar: thatKlaus had no specific ideology, thathe abhorred the political Right and came to reject theLeft, retreating into an elitist aestheticism thatwas fundamen tallyout of alignment with the realities ofpost-war Europe. The vaguely sketched-out ideals towhich Mann Junior committed himself may even, the author argues, have been a response to the deliberately mushy concepts evoked by theNazis: 'Aufderen (teilweise absichtlich) schwammig gehaltene Begriffe antwortete ermit nichtminder weitgefassten moralischen Uberbegriffen (auBer der "Vernunft" zum Beispiel "Bil dung", "Fortschritt", "Kultur", "Toleranz", "Wahrheit" und "Zivilisation")' (p. 39). This essentially defeatist introduction to the subject ('Manns sozialistischer Hu manismus entzieht sich der apodiktischen Definition', p. 46) precedes a refreshingly livelyand informativediscussion ofher subject's journalism and novels. In the second half of this study, theauthor comes intoher own as a competent guide to threenovels, Flucht indenNorden, Mephisto, and Der Vulkan. Here she identifies real and potential rolemodels among the marginalized characters of Johanna,Otto Ulrichs, and Kikjou. Yet theoverall historical perspective remains somewhat fuzzy,aswhen Aldous Hux ley,for example, is identified as one of several 'communist' influences (p. 55). It is hard to accept thatKlaus's views on the propagandist role of literature should be likened to those of theNazis ('Es istnicht zu iubersehen, dass sein Kunstverstandnis [... .]auch formaleAhnlichkeiten mit dem nationalsozialistischen hatte') and thathe should stand accused of using his literary colleagues inmuch the same way as the Hitler state exploited Gottfried Benn and Gerhart Hauptmann (p. 87). 904 Reviews Von Lindeiner rightlyacknowledges that the range ofKlaus's interestswas broad and his concerns were surprisingly altruistic inone suspected of elitism. He tirelessly advocated co-operation between exiles of very different persuasions and was quick to acknowledge the need forgreater understanding between emigres and their host countries. In all this, the titlechosen forhiswartime journal, Sammlung, issignificant, implying both meditation and mediation, along with a rallying of resources. Yet the resulting product isultimately foundwanting: the journal remained 'wenig aktuell, wenig eindeutig, [... .]wenig tagespolitisch' (p. S7), itseditor providing 'kaummehr als DenkanstoBe' (p. 62), which turnout tobe 'zwangsweise vage' (p. 74). This book began life as a doctoral project, and it is perhaps unfair to expect the author to have progressed much beyond Marcel Reich-Ranicki's categoric assess ment: 'In keinem einzigen seinerWerke...

The Rereading of Willy Münzenberg's and Margarete Buber-Neumann's Lives in Antonio Munoz Molina's Novel Sefarad (2001)

ADOLF Endler, in his journal Tarzan am Prenzlauer Berg (1994), mentions a picture album belonging to the poet Kurt Barthel, from 1952 to 1954 president of the East German Writers' Organization and notorious for his enthusiastic support of Stalin. In some photographs, consisting mainly of group pictures of Barthel with other communists from former periods of his life, some of the faces are missing: Kuba [Spitzname fur Kurt Barthel] hatte tatsachlich aus all diesen Beweisstucken fur seinen 'Aufstieg' in den vierziger, funfziger Jahren all jene beruhmten Kopfe heraustranchiert [...], welche sich seiner oder der Meinung der Partei zufolge als Verrater entpuppt hatten, als Renegaten und Revisionisten, kurz als 'ekles Geschmeiss' [...] / (Kuba [nickname for Kurt Barthel] had indeed cut out from those pieces of proof of his 'career' in the 1940s and 1950s all the famous heads that according to his or the Party's opinion had turned out to be 'traitors,' 'renegades' and 'revisionists,' in short 'disgusting beasts' [...]). (197, all English translations are mine) That Kurt Barthel had cut out the faces of some of the famous communists from the photographs is symbolic of the discourse of orthodox Marxism as it was practiced mainly in the GDR and in the Soviet Union before the fall of the Berlin Wall and the end of the Cold War. For instance, names like Willy Munzenberg, a renowned German communist who was considered a traitor by the Communist Party, were excluded from the history of the Communist movement. This note will show that Antonio Munoz Molinas's novel Sefarad inserts back some of the missing faces into the history of German communism, especially those of Willy Munzenberg and Margarete Buber-Neumann. The great value of the novel consists not only in a subtle and sensitive reading of the lives of different European Jews during the years of the Holocaust, but also, intertwined with it, a reading of German victims of both Nazism and Stalinism. The author renders personal stories of people whose lives were deeply influenced by the politics and history of the twentieth century and attempts to describe how they felt certain historical events. Among those people are Willy Munzenberg and Margarete Buber-Neumann, who were communists and, at the same time, victims of the witch-hunting for the heterodox within the Stalinist system. Buber-Neumann, who lived in exile in the Soviet Union, was even turned over to Hitler after the German-Soviet Non-Aggression Pact of 1939 and barely survived the Ravensbruck concentration camp. As a consequence, until the end of the Cold War, Munzenberg's and Buber-Neumann's lives were largely excluded from orthodox Marxist discourse--as if speaking of them would have been politically incorrect. Antonio Munoz Molina, by crossing geographic and cultural borders, succeeds in breaking this taboo. The novel Sefarad with the subtitle novela de novelas / (a novel of novels) consists of seventeen chapters, which, at first glance, seem to be completely unrelated. They tell stories of Jews, of communists, of people from Andalusia who feel homesick living in Madrid, of drug victims, or of the narrator's feelings of exclusion during his childhood--in short of human beings who are exiled or feel exiled in one way or another. Only one chapter describes the expulsion of the Jews, whose Spanish name is Sefarad, from the Iberian Peninsula and their later fate. Therefore, critics called the structure of the book a cajon de sastre / (box of the tailor) (Neuschafer 158) in which you put everything that is unorderly lying around at the moment. However, a closer look reveals that, as Sabine Friedrich stated, im Kontext des Romans wird Sefarad [...] zum Inbegriff fur die verlorene Heimat, nach der sich die Exilierten zurucksehnen / (in the context of the novel, Sefarad becomes a symbol for the lost home to which the exiled are longing to return) (316). This note will examine chapter seven of the novel, which deals with the existential uprooting in the lives of Willy Munzenberg and Margarete Buber-Neumann. …

Fending Off Idolatry: Ceremonial Law in Mendelssohn's Jerusalem

Did any Jew prior to [the Western Orthodoxy and the liberalism of the reformers of the nineteenth century] really think—without having the question put to him—that he was keeping the Law, and the Law him, only because God imposed it upon Israel at Sinai? Actually faced by the question, he might have thought of such an answer; and the philosophers to whom the question has been put because they were supposedly ‘professional’ thinkers, have always been fond of giving this very reply. From Mendelssohn on, our entire people has subjected itself to the torture of this embarrassing questioning; the Jewishness of every individual has squirmed on the needle point of a “why” [und als von Mendelssohn ab unser ganzes Volk sich der Folter all dieser wahrhaft peinlichen Fragen unterzog und das Judesein jedes Einzelnen nun auf der Nadelspitze eines Warum tanzte, da mochte es an der Zeit sein]. Certainly, it was high time for an architect to come and convert this foundation into a wall behind which the people, pressed with questions, could seek shelter. But for those living without questions, this reason for keeping the Law was only one among others and probably not the most cogent. No doubt the Torah, both written and oral was given Moses on Sinai but was it not created before the creation of the world? Written against a background of shining fire in letters of somber flame? And was not the world created for its sake? And did not Adam’s son Seth found the first House of Study for the teaching of the Torah? And did not the patriarchs keep the Law for half a millennium before Sinai?”1

Sacher‐Masoch's Utopian Peripheries

Das Wesen Osterreichs ist nicht Zentrum, sondern Peripherie. -Joseph Roth Leopold von Sacher-Masoch, the controversial Austrian author of Venus im Pelz (1870) and countless other erotic novellas, is little known for his political utopianism. I seek to read Sacher-Masoch not only as a writer with a distinctive Utopian vision of a multi-cultural, property-free, communal Empire, in contrast to the Habsburg state's self-serving image as a politically stable Central European country, but also as a writer, focused on the Austrian Empire's ethnic diversity and gender conflicts. As Sacher-Masoch foresees it, the German language would serve as a common denominator to allow the various Habsburg nations to communicate with each other more effectively. Accordingly, much of his work espouses a paradoxical Germanlanguage Pan-Slavism, when he writes: Wir werden das Oesterreicherthum vertreten als eine politische Nationalitat, in der sich die naturlichen Nationalitaten, jede im vollen Genuse ihrer Rechte und Freiheiten, vereinen lassen. (Sacher-Masoch: Materialien 337) Despite the controversial political implications of his Germanic Pan-Slavism, his exciting, page-turning novellas, set at the colonial borders of the Hapsburg Empire, have usually been read in the context of sexual transgressions and dominating female figures, of which Venus im Pelz is merely the most prominent example. More recently, Barbara Hyams, Michael Gratzke, Barbara Mennel and others have explored the relationship of Sacher-Masoch's sexual politics and his political aesthetics in their groundbreaking works.1 However, his radically Utopian political program is less often considered: for instance, Albrecht Koschorke argues in his influential literary biography Sacher-Masoch: Die Inszenierung einer Perversion (1988) that the most truthful revelation of Sacher-Masoch's determinism lies in the nihilism, asceticism and renunciation of his protagonists. Koschorke brings in a verdict of depravity when he writes: Unversehens geht der Impetus einer grundsatzlichen Gesellschaftskritik in Demonstration einer sundenfallmasgen Anlage der Welt und der Menschen unter. Schon der Titel Das Vermachtnis Kains verleiht der diagnostizierten Schlechtigkeit eine religiose Weihe. (55) And shortly before in the same context: Wenn auch die Weltanschauung, die Sacher-Masoch skizziert, manches zu seiner Zeit ausnehmend Fortschrittliche weitertragt, wenn sich dort Spuren von Stirners Der Einzige und sein Eigentum mit Ideen eines slawischen Urkommunismus-man hat hierin eine Geistesverwandtschaft mit Tolstoi sehen wollen-kreuzen, so bleibt der Grad der intellektuellen Durchdringung der plakativ aufgezeigten Miftstande doch aufterordentlich gering. (54) Hence, Koschorke sees Sacher-Masoch's social criticism and political convictions as no more than ornamentation adorning the insidious aestheticism of cruelty in his gory stories. This has been addressed by literary scholars such as JohnNoyes (1994), Michael O'Pecko (1994) and Kai Kauffmann (2001). Their research has shown, for example, that Sacher-Masoch's politics are always coextensive with private, and particularly, sexual power relations (Noyes, Historical Perspective 16). A reading of his seminal novellas reveals that Sacher-Masoch's playful imagination posits an enactment of gender reversals and sexual negotiation that allows the author and his readership to explore the boundaries of permissiveness within the societal order at the borders of the Habsburg Empire. Whereas his masochistic protagonists seek to obtain pleasure by disavowing and suspending reality, his empathie description of multiethnic society in Galicia portrays the sadistic institutional power tormenting peasants and minorities such as Jews. The suspension in fantasy allows Sacher-Masoch not only to invert sexual power relationships, but also to stylize the periphery as a repository of deeply held fears of emasculation. …

Die literarische Übersetzung in Deutschland: Studien zu ihrer Kulturgeschichte in der Neuzeit (review)

Reviewed by: Die literarische Übersetzung in Deutschland: Studien zu ihrer Kulturgeschichte in der Neuzeit Jean M. Snook Armin Paul Frank and Horst Turk, eds. Die literarische Übersetzung in Deutschland: Studien zu ihrer Kulturgeschichte in der Neuzeit. Göttinger Beiträge zur Internationalen Übersetzungsforschung 18. Berlin: Erich Schmidt, 2004. 355 pp. ISBN 3-503-07906-8. This book is not for practical translators. Edited by two professors emeriti at the Georg-August-Universität in Göttingen, it deals almost entirely with the methodology of their twelve-year study funded by the Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft. An undisclosed number of scholars worked together for twelve years in Sonder-forschungsbereich 309, yet the reader is told nothing about them, not even about the ten who contributed reports to this book. The content remains as shadowy and elusive as the authors. It refers in theoretical language to other publications that apparently contain the substance of the study. In the lengthy introduction, Frank and Harald Kittel make tantalizing references to translations of T. S. Eliot, but provide no examples, nor do the reports that follow, most of which are devoid even of tantalizing references. Slowly but surely, the reader begins to identify with Kafka's K in his frustrated attempts to reach the castle. At the end of the volume, one reads that Sonderforschungsbereich 309 will be continuing its work as Sonderforschungsbereich 529. They received more funding? It is all very abstruse and, judging by the closing sentence of the introduction, just now on the verge of making some discoveries: "Die Übersetzungsforschung steht vor Entdeckungen, die sich der Schulumgang mit Übersetzungen nicht träumen läßt" (63). The book is divided into three sections, each containing four or five reports: the results of completed projects; the results of continuing projects; and studies of anthologies and series of world literature in German translation. Few of these reports offer enough concrete detail to be intellectually accessible to anyone outside the working group. From these, it becomes evident that the project's purpose was massive data compilation. Armin Paul Frank and Brigitte Schultze summarize one working group's results as "Kometenschweifstudien" and provide an overview in two informative tables (82–83). For seven works of American literature published between 1791 and 1903, including Edgar Allan Poe's "The Murders in the Rue Morgue" and Jack London's The Call of the Wild, they document the number of words in the original, the number of different translations (which is distinct from those marketed as different!), and the dates when the earliest and the most recent translations appeared. From this data, they extrapolate the frequency of translation in the first five years following publication, in the years following the Second World War, and the overall frequency. With few exceptions, the translators emerge as an unsavory group who blanket copy from each other, adopt pseudonyms (Fanny Fitting and Hanny Kitting) in order to sell identical translations to unsuspecting publishers, omit clues in murder mysteries, rush their translations towards the end to meet deadlines, and write untrustworthy introductions. Wilhelm Graeber's report on the prevalence of second-hand translations prior to the romantic movement is also entertainingly informative: "Englische Übersetzer aus dem Französischen: Eine Forschungsbilanz der Übersetzungen aus zweiter Hand." The French translated very freely from the English, the Germans then copied very freely from the French translations, and the final product bore little resemblance to the original. [End Page 80] The most interesting application of the enormous study undertaken by Sonderforschungsbereich 309 is the linguistic detective work referred to all too briefly in Fritz Paul's report on individual styles: "Übersetzer und Individualstil im Spannungsfeld verschiedener Sprachen, Literaturen und Kulturen." By compiling statistics on two separate translators' prosody, their use of rhyme and metaphor, the working group was able definitively to rule out one of the translators as the possible author of an anonymous translation (118). Finally, Bernd Weitemeier's report on "Übersetzungsserien im deutschen Sprachraum 1820–1910" also offers enough detail to be comprehensible to someone not steeped in translation theory. After carefully defining the criteria used by the working group to determine what constitutes a literary translation series and what constitutes an anthology, Weitemeier describes how they laboriously searched...

Sachlichkeit und elegischer Ton: Die späte Lyrik von Gottfried Benn und Bertolt Brecht: Ein Vergleich by Simon KarcherPaul Celan und Gottfried Benn: Zwei Poetologien nach 1945 by Agis Sideras

MLR, I02.2, 2007 577 and nineteenth-century formulations of his core categories-but just for two pages (pp. 265-67). Above all,Nietzsche andWagner are barelymentioned; yet theExpres sionist sense both of aesthetic redemption and of theprimacy ofmusic/revolutionary sound-all that surely points to the historical originating power ofNietzsche's Die Geburt der Tragodie and the Wagnerian Gesamtkunstwerk. The 'closure' of Krause's structuring argument bears real fruitwhen he arrives at Kafka's animal figures and their embodiment of the very categorical circle that generated modernism's paradoxical energy: 'Kafkas Tiere sind nicht nur Meta phern desemantisierter Leiblichkeit, sondern auch zu einer sprachlich-reflexiven Selbstverstiindigung verurteilt, der sich der Sinn von Prozessen kiinstlerischer Dis semiose entzieht' (p. 222). And when he finally reaches Kurt Pinthus's introduction toMenschheitsdammerung, with its brilliant evocation of radical sounds, the reader almost wishes the book had started there.The categories of theMessianic and the sceptical, which are treated both as a priori and as embedded in the scholarly tradi tion, can become suddenly vivid, even exciting, when shown being acted out in the originating textsof the era. For all thevital literaryvisions he explores and analyses, Krause's insistence on scholarly framing isultimately constricting and devitalizing. DUKE UNIVERSITY JAMES ROLLESTON Sachlichkeit und elegischer Ton: Die spdte Lyrik von Gottfried Benn und Bertolt Brecht- ein Vergleich. By SIMON KARCHER. (Der neue Brecht, 2)Wiirzburg: Konigshausen & Neumann. 2006. 330 pp. ?39.80. ISBN 978-3-8260-3344-5. PaulCelanund GottfriedBenn: ZweiPoetologien nachI945. ByAGISSIDERAS. (Epis temata: Reihe Literaturwissenschaft, 545) Wiirzburg: Konigshausen & Neu mann. 2005. 2i8pp. ?24.80. ISBN978-3-8260-3093-2. In comparing Gottfried Benn's work with thatof two,at firstsight,markedly different poets, these new studies seek toplace it in themainstream ofmodern poetry. Simon Karcher's dissertation is based on detailed research, with 685 footnotes, many cross-references, and informative surveys of secondary literature, thoughmany repeated arguments and extended references could have been pruned. Karcher brings Benn and Brecht together as a 'Dichterpaar' (p. I3) and focuses on Benn's relatively neglected later poems to revise their reception as polar opposites, and the tradi tional labels of 'Artistik' and 'Engagement'. Describing the panorama of German lyricpoetry after I945, he highlights the importance to both poets of the search for new meaning amid the ruins of Berlin. Despite parallels inuse of language, Brecht's insistence on thedialogic character of lyricpoetry separates him fromBenn's theories about monologue and a formof absolutism. Karcher insistson Benn's call forrealism and application to the present, but wrongly suggests that research has ignored his themes of ageing and a definitive 'Alterswerk'. Brecht is cast as a writer of private lyrics,whereas Benn is said to have sought a balance between thewriter and a contemporary world aware of its past. Karcher interpretsBenn's lyrics as Neue Sachlichkeit Phase Two, showing how themodern pessimistic world fascinated him, whereas Brecht believed in a Socialist utopia based on thewisdom of the people. Seeking a formula to unite these contrasting poets, Karcher suggests the 'Riuckzug ins Private' (p. I56) supported by their use of cata logues of simple experiences, despite Benn's cynical tone.Their poems on restaurants, travel, and love in fact reveal strikingdifferences thatKarcher prefers to subsume as 'breitgefachert' (p. 204). After a short excursus on the elegy in general, Karcher shows how both Benn and Brecht adopted an elegiac tone in their late poetry. Stylized autobiography, with 578 Reviews remorse and premonitions of death, characterizes some of Benn's latework, while Brecht's shows the contrast between reality and utopia. Karcher identifies amixture of feelings in both poets, showing how they sought to assuage the sense of ageing with formsof the elegiac song in simple modern styles.Although he wrote in a style close to the Volkslied, Brecht's relatively early death meant that he avoided some of themelancholy found inBenn's works. Drawing a parallel between Benn's estrange ment from theNazis and Brecht's disillusionment in theGDR, Karcher interprets Benn's 'Den jungen Leuten' as a statement of disappointed hopes and an attempt tomislead his critics. Insisting thatBenn's laterworks sprang frompersonal embit terment that theNazis had not honoured his commitment to the regime, he favours Brecht's Buckower...

Zeit im Roman: Literarische Zeitreflexion und die Geschichte des Zeitromans im späten 18. und im 19. Jahr hundert by Dirk Göttsche (review)

MLR, 98.4, 2003 1051 Zeit im Roman: Literarische Zeitreflexion und die Geschichte des Zeitromans im spaten 18.undimig.Jahrhundert. By DirkGottsche. (Corvey-Studienzur Literaturund Kulturgeschichte des 19. Jahrhunderts, 7) Munich: Fink. 2001. 848 pp. ?83.20. ISBN 3-7705-3560-x (pbk). Dirk Gottsche's Habilitationsschrift is bound to become a reference work for nine? teenth-century German studies, whether literary, political, or cultural. Its aim is to contribute to the 'Revision des Fehlurteils, der deutschsprachige Roman des 19. Jahrhunderts habe sich infolge seiner Fixierung auf den Bildungsroman nicht mit der gesellschaftlichen und geschichtlichen Wirklichkeit seiner Zeit auseinandergesetzt' (p. 17). The evidence to the contrary is indeed weighty. In a meticulously structured survey, a huge corpus of mostly unknown Zeitromane, published between the 1790s and the 1890s, is presented, often by detailed content summaries and evaluations, complete with eighty pages of bibliographical information and indexes. Ironically, the very same historical Umbruche that gave rise to so many novels about the times were also partly responsible for the oblivion into which these works sank once conditions had changed. This is true ofa whole body of German Zeitromane from the era ofthe French Revolution. They were not remembered during the Restoration when the model of Goethe's Bildungsroman became dominant, and thus the Young German project of the 'zeitgeschichtlicher Sittenroman' in the 1830s was perceived (by contemporaries and later historiographers alike) as a completely new departure. The failure of the 1848 revolution did not mean that the Zeitroman, flourishing dur? ing the Vormarz, disappeared from the scene, but that it was adapted in ways that suited the new 'biirgerlicher Realismus'. Although this placed strong emphasis on the moral, domestic, and economic virtues of the middle-class individual (as an act of post-revolutionary bourgeois self-assertion), Gottsche argues that the bulk of fiction from the 1850s onwards cannot be described as 'Individualromane', but as a hybrid between this genre and that of the 'Gesellschaftsroman'. Nevertheless, panoramic novels offering a multitude of social portraits and perspectives, such as Gutzkow's Die Ritter vom Geiste, were clearly the losers in a post-revolutionary climate where the aesthetic debate was dominated by neo-classical notions of 'Geschlossenheit'. Gottsche quotes Gustav Freytag to illustrate how these poetic norms were underpinned ideologically by the 'Ideal des "volle[n] runde[n] Menschen", der sich "durch eine ausdauernde und mannliche Thatigkeit in die groBe Kette der kraftigen Men? schen als ein niitzliches Glied" der biirgerlichen Gesellschaft "einfugt"' (p. 51). The production of more relativistic, panoramic forms of the Zeitroman (and one assumes these would have been perceived as comparable to contemporary European develop? ments) did not dry up, but it constituted a second strand, almost entirely represented by Gutzkow and Spielhagen. Interestingly, Gottsche sees Fontane as the heir to this tradition of the 'Vielheits-Roman' (p. 735). The reader is left with a sense that canonical nineteenth-century literature from the German-speaking world, with its preponderance of short narratives as well as lyrical and dramatic works, and with its focus on individuals in their interplay with social reality, must represent one of the most selective textual bodies in any canon. Gutzkow and Spielhagen, Louise Aston, Berthold Auerbach, Caroline Fouque, or Sophie Mereau may just about be known (but will usually not have been read). Gottsche's study would be rewarded by recruiting a readership forthese authors alone, not to mention obscure ones such as Friedrich Albert Karcher (Die Freischdrlerin: Eine Novelle aus der Pfalzer Revolution von i84g (Kaiserslautern, 1851)), Ludwig Rellstab (Die Julius tage (Berlin, 1831)), or Friederike Lohmann die Altere (Jacobine: Eine Geschichte aus der Zeit des Baierschen Successionskrieges (Leipzig, 1794)). University of Exeter Martina Lauster ...