Der Antike Research Articles

Dexiosis and Dextrarum Iunctio: The Sacred Handclasp in the Classical and Early Christian World

<i>Dexiosis</i> and <i>Dextrarum Iunctio</i>: The Sacred Handclasp in the Classical and Early Christian World

Spiritual Exercises in Rabbinic Culture

Pierre Hadot's formulation of “spiritual exercise” has had a tremendous influence upon the study of philosophy and religion in Late Antiquity and beyond. He argues that the well-known exercises of Ignatius of Loyola are part of an older and broader tradition that has its roots in Greco-Roman and Hellenistic schools of philosophy, and that much of ancient and late ancient philosophical speculation should be analyzed as deeply intertwined with practical goals for self-transformation. His research centers upon the Greek askēsis and meletē, which he translates as “spiritual exercise,” as well as the Latin exercitium spirituale. However, his study goes beyond occurrences of those particular terms, and he aims to develop a category that can be used in comparative and theoretical reflection.Hadot's studies of spiritual exercises run through his works, including Plotinus, or the Simplicity of Vision. Michael Chase, trans. (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1993); Philosophy as a Way of Life Arnold Davidson, ed., Michael Chase, trans. (Cambridge, MA: Basil Blackwell, 1995), esp. pp. 81–144; and The Inner Citadel, Michael Chase, trans. (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1998). An important predecessor is Paul Rabbow, Seelenführung: Methodik der Exerzitien in der Antike (Munich: Kösel-Verlag, 1954).

Nach Olympia: Hölderlin und die Erfindung der Antike by Alexander Honold (review)

MLR, 98.4, 2003 1041 ing, given the cast assembled, not to find a more consistent attempt to reflect recent scholarship. A Companion to Goethe's Faust': Parts I and II, edited by Paul Bishop, shows a similarly loose understanding of the term 'companion'. The contributions take a number ofdifferentapproaches. Some, such as Osman Durrani's helpful discussion of Mephistopheles and Ritchie Robertson's introduction to the poetic analysis of Faust, perform a pedagogical function. Interpretative essays on the notion of progress in Faust II by Franziska Schossler, on classicism by Anthony Phelan, and on tragedy by Alberto Destro, assume considerable prior knowledge. There are also essays on narrower issues, such as John Williams's account of the 'Mutter'. Ellis Dye's essay on the feminine principle in Faust provides a counterbalance to Barbara BeckerCantarino 's negative account of 'Goethe and gender' in The Cambridge Companion to Goethe. Cyrus Hamlin agrees with Jane K. Brown in The Cambridge Companion that the post-1797 'groBe Liicke' material in Faust I must be read as a response to Idealism, though this area remains highly problematic notwithstanding these two contributions. Peter D Smith shows how Faust reflects Goethe's many scientific interests and emphasizes Goethe's scientific method, as opposed to his results, as does Daniel Steuer's essay in The Cambridge Companion. As with all such attempts to defend Goethe's science as methodologically advanced, one might ask whether a good methodology is any more useful than a bad one ifyou are barking up the wrong tree. R. H. Stephenson makes sense of 'the abundance of diachronic hints' (p. 246) in Faust by arguing that Goethe means to make the reader aware of the recurrence of modes of thought through the history of Western civilization. David Luke and Robert David MacDonald offerthe results of practical engagement with Faust by a translator and a theatre director. The volume provides a lively and wide-ranging introduction to Faust. King's College London Matthew Bell Nach Olympia: Holderlin und die Erfindung der Antike. By Alexander Honold. Berlin: Vorwerk 8. 2000. 232 pp. ?19. ISBN 3-930916-51-7 (pbk). As the author warns us in his introduction, the title contains a double ambiguity. First, the genitive 'der Antike' is both subjective and objective, '[d]enn die als Errungenschaften oder Erfindungen der Antike in die Gegenwart hineinragenden Kulturphanomene sind samtlich durch den Filter einer in den letzten zweihundert Jahren ihrerseits neu erfundenen Antike hindurchgegangen' (p. 10). The inventions ofthe ancients are thus in part the inventions ofthe moderns as they reconstruct ancient civilization . Second, the preposition 'nach' is meant 'sowohl temporal als auch vektoriell', though the following explanation is less clear: 'Ankntipfend an unser aller Vorwissen um die Bedeutung eines weltweiten Sport- und Medienspektakels ? und zugleich als Vorschlag eines Wechsels der Blickrichtung: hin zur Vorgeschichte dieser Erfindung der Antike, die unter dem Namen Olympia zu einem schier unverwustlichen Exportgut werden konnte' (pp. 11-12). How exactly do these two arguments (if such they be) correspond to the temporal and spatial uses of 'nach' ?Readers would be right to stumble over this sentence, for it anticipates two tendencies that recur throughout this strange and clever book, one towards imprecision in the logical connections, and another towards vagueness in the location of its core argument and subject matter. As they work their way through Honold's three outrageously erudite chapters, dealing with Olympia respectively as Archaologie', 'Padagogik', and 'Stiftung', readers may well find themselves, as I did, turning frequently back to the introductory chapter to search for a key to what the book is actually about. 1042 Reviews What does Honold tell us about Holderlin? The firstchapter afterthe introduction unearths a new source from which Holderlin informed himself about the excavations at Olympia, so that the knowledge he displays in Hyperion can be called 'state of the art'. The next chapter concerns firstthe Olympic ideal of athletic contest (or agon) and its impact, via Rousseau's Emile, on Holderlin and the German pedagogical reform? ers. The chief text is again Hyperion, though there are now references to a number of poems. The textual evidence for the presence of the agon ideal in Hyperion is rather slender, and rests...

Staging Ancient Drama: The Difference Women Make

Staging Ancient Drama: The Difference Women Make Mary-Kay Gamel Sue-Ellen Case, an eminent theorist of performance, has issued a strong challenge to feminists who work on ancient Mediterranean drama.1 The ‘classics’ of Athenian, Roman and Elizabethan drama were all produced by cultures that denied women access to the stage and allowed them few legal and economic rights. The values of a patriarchal society are embedded in the texts of these periods. Female characters reflect the absence of real women from the stage and the reasons for their absence. Each culture that regards it as valuable to revive those classic plays actively participates in the same patriarchal subtext which created those female characters as ‘Woman.’ Case urges contemporary feminists to refuse to participate in this subtext. Instead they should seek to expose “the methodology and assumptions of patriarchal production” and the alliance of theatre with patriarchal prejudice …. The feminist theatre-practitioner might, for instance, understand Lysistrata not as a good play for women, but as a male drag show, with bur1 Feminism and Theatre (New York 1988) 12. Gamel: Staging Ancient Drama 23 lesque jokes about breasts and phalluses playing well in the drag tradition. The feminist director might cast a man in the role of Medea, underscoring the patriarchal prejudices of ownership and jealousy and the ownership of children as male concerns. The feminist actor may no longer regard these roles as desirable for her career. Overall, feminist practitioners and scholars may decide that such plays do not belong in the canon—and that they are not central to the study and practice of theatre.2 As a feminist, I agree that all theatrical productions—not only contemporary dramas, but “subsequent performances” of older plays—have ideological implications, whether overt or veiled. But Case’s polemic contains several overgeneralizations and mistaken assumptions . She lumps together plays which differ greatly in theme, ideology, and theatrical form. She allows for no critique of the patriarchal subtext either within ancient scripts or on the part of ancient audiences. And she suggests, by her use of the word “revive,” that all productions of ancient drama replicate the meaning of these dramas in their original performance context. Overall, Case takes far too narrow a view both of the meanings and effects of ancient drama in its original context and of the performance traditions and staging choices available to contemporary performers of that drama.3 Twentieth-century performers’ and audiences’ understanding of the effects of ancient performance can be increased by productions which include elements of ancient staging, such as performing outdoors , dividing speaking roles among three actors, and staging choral odes with song and dance. Some modern productions of ancient 2 ibid., 19. 3 Useful guides to postclassical stagings of ancient drama include J. Michael Walton, Living Greek Theatre: A Handbook of Classical Performance and Modern Production (New York 1987); Hellmut Flashar, Inszenietung der Antike (Munich 1991); Marianthe Colakis, The Classics in the American Theater of the 1960s and Early 1970s (New York 1993); Karelisa V. Hartigan, Greek Tragedy on the American Stage (Westport , Connecticut 1995); Peter Burian, “Tragedy Adapted for Stages and Screens,” and Fiona Macintosh, “Tragedy in Performance: Nineteenth- and Twentiethcentury Productions,” both in The Cambridge Companion to Greek Tragedy, P.E. Easterling , ed. (Cambridge 1997). The electronic journal Didaskalia (whose URL is http://didaskalia.berkeley.edu) regularly publishes reviews of productions around the world. 24 Syllecta Classica 10 (1999) drama use “authentic” elements in order to evoke the radical alterity of older performance texts. For example, in 1986 the New York Greek Drama Company staged Medea with the actors in masks and chitons speaking Greek in pitch accents, while the chorus choreography was inspired by Greek vase paintings. In his introduction to the videotape of this production William Arrowsmith declares that it is “meant to seem strange to us,” whereas presenting tragedy in English translation dispels “the otherness the achieving of which is presumably the chief reason for producing the play in the first place.” Other productions offer conspicuously non-authentic alterity. The Ninagawa Company of Japan toured a Medea to London in 1987 which combined Eastern and Western, ancient and modern elements. The onnagata (female impersonator) who...

Bio-bibliographical research in garden history: annotations to garden history and open space planning in volumes 1–15 of the Allgemeines Küunstler Lexikon (AKL)

Biographical research is an essential part of the work in art history. The Allgemeines Lexikon der Bildenden Künstler von der Antike bis zur Gegenwart has served art historians for a long time. Edited originally by Ulrich Thieme and Felix Becker it appeared between 1907 and 1950 in 50 volumes. It was continued under Hans Vollmer from 1953 to 1962 as Allgemeines Lexikon der Bildenden Künstler des xx. Jahrhunderts and is still a useful instrument for the location of artists' biographies and respective special literature. The year 1968 saw preparations for a new edition and ensuing amplifications of this important enterprise by the Leipzig publisher E. A. Seemann; the first three volumes appeared between 1983 and 1990. In 1991 the project was handed over to the internationally active publisher K. G. Saur, who, under considerably improved conditions, published volume 15 in December 1996. So about one-fifth of the edition, which is expected to run up to 78 volumes, has been accomplished. Given an annual output of three-to-four volumes, the Allgemeines Kunstler Lexikon (AKL) will ultimately be published by 2015.

Der Sanitatsdienst im Romischen Reich: Ein sozialgeschichte Studie zum romischen Militarsanitatswesen nebst einer Prosopographie des Sanitatspersonals (review)

Reviewed by: Der Sanitätsdienst im Römischen Reich: Ein sozialgeschichte Studie zum römischen Militärsanitätswesen nebst einer Prosopographie des Sanitätspersonals Vivian Nutton Juliane C. Wilmanns. Der Sanitätsdienst im Römischen Reich: Ein sozialgeschichte Studie zum römischen Militärsanitätswesen nebst einer Prosopographie des Sanitätspersonals. Medizin der Antike, no. 2. Hildesheim, Germany: Olms-Weidmann, 1995. x + 314 pp. Ill. DM 68.00. The publication of this Munich Habilitationschrift will be welcomed by students of ancient medicine and of military medicine for its careful exposition of the ancient evidence for the medical personnel and organization of the Roman army. Concentrating mainly on the period 31 B.C. to A.D. 284, Wilmanns first discusses questions of military and medical organization, before passing to a prosopography of the medical personnel active in the Roman legions, auxiliaries, [End Page 329] and fleets. There are also lists of medical men by regiment, and a map locating various hospitals. Wilmanns makes many cogent points: medici ordinarii were of centurion status; although many auxiliary forts had a small hospital, not all did, and in at least one instance a hospital building was replaced by something else; some physicians joined up for campaigns, and may well have returned to civilian life once the fighting died down. Particularly impressive is the range of her information and the way in which she integrates the very latest archaeological and epigraphical information. Her comments on the evidence for hospitals drastically revise earlier lists, and it is a pity that, despite several good indexes, these observations become almost lost among the footnotes. Above all, there is a solidity about the argumentation and conclusions of both parts of the book that will make this the first resort of anyone wishing to study the medicine of the Roman army. Factual errors are very few. I would have liked a more detailed discussion of the apparently near-total disappearance from use of the legionary hospitals after 284, as well as of the common assumption of a triage system, by which only the serious wounded were sent back from campaign to a base fort hospital—the latter notion seems implausible for Britain, but a German or Danubian perspective might be different. The new Vindolanda tablets show how much sickness and how many accident-injuries there might be in an apparently peaceful period to fill some of the beds of a legionary hospital (cf. recently the sick list of A.D. 253–59 in R. Marichal, Les ostraca de Bu Njem [1992], and Pap. Yadin 723). The idea that Dioscorides might have served as a sort of inspector general of hospitals seems a somewhat far-fetched interpretation of his “life as a soldier.” A few individuals seem to have slipped through the net. The physician and pharmacologist Scribonius Largus took part in the invasion of Britain in A.D. 43, although in what capacity is not entirely clear. A mysterious Archigenes, a “camp doctor,” is recorded in the Anecdota Parisina published by J. A. Cramer, vol. 4 (Oxford, 1841), p. 404. The decoration of military accoutrements on a tomb of a physician Asclepiades at Odessa ca. A.D. 175 (G. Mihailov, Inscr. graec. in Bulgaria repertae 150) suggests that their physician owner had seen military service. Somewhat more doubtful are Glaucias of Mesembria (ibid. 315), whose portrait was either inscribed on a shield or depicted him in military clothing, and Xenocrates of Heraclea in Pontus (Bulletin épigraphique 1938, n. 459), with veteran connections (but cf. Die Inschriften von Heraklea 7). R. P. Wright, in a letter to me, also suspected that the physician at Maryport (Roman inscriptions of Britain 808) was military, but proof is lacking. But these minor criticisms should not be allowed to mar one’s gratitude for what is an excellent survey of material that is both difficult to find and refractory to interpret. Future historians of ancient military medicine will have to begin here. Vivian Nutton Wellcome Institute for the History of Medicine, London Copyright © 1997 The Johns Hopkins University Press

Die Philosophie der Antike. Band 3. Ältere Akademie, Aristoteles-Peripatos (review)

Book Reviews Hellmut Flashar, editor. Die Philosophie der Antike. Band 3. ;4ltereAkademie AristotelesPeripatos . VOllig neubearbeitete Ausgabe. Grundriss der Geschichte der Philosophie begriindet von Friedrich Ueberweg. Basel/Stuttgart: Schwabe & Co AG Verlag, :.983. pp. xxii + 645. DM x48. For many generations of European scholars Ueberweg's Outline of the History of Philosophy has been one of the major reference works in the field of philosophical historiography. First published in three volumes between x862 and 1866, it was immediately perceived by critics as an alternative to the manuals written under the influence of Hegelianism such as the one by Johann Eduard Erdmann (Berlin, 1866), which, as one of those critics said, had a tendency to press the historical- material into the "trilogy of dialectic" (XI). Ueberweg's intentions (as reported by Dilthey, "Zum Andenken an F. Ueberweg," Preussische Jahrbuecher 28 (x87x): 3o9-*~, quoted on XI-XIII) were to follow the steps of Schleiermacher and Trendelenburg in renewing "the objectivism of Aristotle" and thus to foster a peculiar brand of "empiricism" which matched his own philosophical convictions. The result was a work that was universally acclaimed for its impartiality, thoroughness, balance, and wealth of material . Philosophical systems and schools were presented as objectively as possible and, above all, with carefully documented references to the sources. When Ueberweg died at the age of 45 in June of 187a three editions of the Grundr/ss had already appeared and a fourth one, prepared by Rudolf Reicke, was forthcoming. Between 1876 and x9o6 Max Heinze assumed responsibility for the 5th through 9th editions, which now appeared in four volumes. By xgo7 the publisher (E. S. Mitder & Sohn, Berlin) realized that, given the principle of thoroughness which the Grundriss was supposed to represent, it was no longer realistic to expect that a single scholar could assimilate and give a balanced exposition of the results of the mass of new research in the different periods of the history of philosophy. Thus, the Grundr/s, was entrusted to one or two specialists in each period. Ancient philosophy was assigned to Karl Praechter, who was then professor at the University of Halle. Praechter radicalized the use of the philological-critical method and produced in a sense a new work with merits of its own. He saw through the press the loth, 1lth, and x~th editions 09o9, 19x9, 19~6, respectively)of Vol. I (DiePhilosophie des Altertums). The book discussed in this review is part of the work designed to replace Praechter's volume. Indeed, the need for a new edition of the whole Grundr/ss had been felt for some time. Paul Wilpert of the University of Cologne had made concrete proposals for such a project before his death in 1967 ("Editionsbericht. Die [403] 404 JOURNAL OF THE HISTORY OF PHILOSOPHY e4:3 JULY 1986 Neugestaltung des 'Ueberweg'," Archiv fm,r Geschichte der Philosophie 43 (1961): 8599 ). When the present editor of the section on ancient philosophy, Professor Hellmut Flashar of the University of Munich, took over the task in 1968 it still seemed possible to compress it into one volume, but in keeping with the spirit of thoroughness of the old Ueberweg the final result will be a four volume Philosophie der Antike written in collaboration with more than eleven specialists. If one carefully observes the list of collaborators, it immediately strikes the eye that, naturally enough, Flashar has enlisted the help of K. Gaiser and H. J. Kraemer, two scholars whose names are associated with the research carried on at the University of Tiibingen in the fifties and sixties into Plato's unwritten doctrines. It should be noted, however, that their thesis that there was a body of secret, esoteric Platonic oral doctrines involving a highly elaborate philosophical system different from what appears in the dialogues has been received with scepticism or simply rejected by wellknown specialists. See, e.g., G. Vlastos's scathing review of Kraemer's book, Arete bei Platon und Aristoteles: Zum Wesen und zur Geschichteder platonischen Ontologie (Heidelberg , 1959), in Gnomon 41 (1963): 641-55 (reprifited in Vlastos, Platonic Studies [Princeton, a973], 379-98). Whether the new Ueberweg will remain indissolubly finked to the early thesis of the Tiibingen School is a matter to be decided...

Die Philosophie der Antike 2: Sophistik und Sokratik. Platon und Aristoteles (review)

422 JOURNAL OF THE HISTORY OF PHILOSOPHY 23:3 JULY 1985 the ES, and the dramatic interaction between them (esp. 61-69). One does not have to accept everything that Rosen says about this matter to realize that Plato does portray Socrates as partly suspicious of the ES and as holding him at arm's length, and that there is ground therein for doubting that the ES is simply Plato's mouthpiece . The chief virtue of the book is that it forces us to confront the possibility that the ES's account of falsity is at best only a part of Plato's realist conception of falsity and truth. If one finds it implausible (as I do) that Plato gave that conception up in his later works,5 then this book is a useful stimulus to further thought about how the contents of the Sophist are related to it. NICHOLAS WHITE The University of Michigan Andreas Graeser. Die Philosophie der Antike 2: Sophistik und Sokratik. Platon und Aristoteles . Vol. 2, Geschichte der Phitosophie in zwOlf B~nden. Reihe Beck'sche Elementarb~cher. Edited by W. ROd. M0nchen: C. H. Beck, 1983. Pp. 345. DM 38,oo. Within a 12 volume history of philosophy, Graeser's book covers the "classical" period of Greek Philosophy; it treats, in four chapters, of (1) the Sophists, (2) Socrates and some of his followers, (3) Plato, and (4) Aristotle. Graeser's style is lively and, for the most part, makes for easy reading. When he discusses competing interpretations of a philosopher's teaching, he can quite frequently base this on his own research. In a general introduction to the volume, the author draws attention to the historical setting against which the philosophical movements of 5th and 4th century Greece have to be seen. "Sophistik": The particular virtue of the chapter on the sophists is the emphasis on their significance for the history of philosophy. Graeser takes these philosophers seriously , although, understandably, he shows more respect for their questions than for their answers. Protagoras, e.g., presents us with questions as up-to-date as the following : What is the relation between what seems to me to be true and what is true? What forms of relativism or subjectivism, if any, are tenable? Or take the section on Gorgias: What are the objects of perception and of thought? How can something mean something else? How can we talk about what is not? Can your sense-impressions be compared with mine? (This section, by the way, is a little laborious to read. The inadequacy of the sources seems to lead Graeser to somewhat shaky and hazy interpretations here.) The individual contours of each sophist emerge quite distinctly. At the same time, Graeser is aware that the sophists' topics and even their positions exhibit a considerable convergence, apparently owing to a shared misunderstanding of language : words, esp., predicates, and even sentences tend to be construed as names of 5 See my Plato on Knowledge and Reality. This is not to deny that Plato changed some features of the theory that embodied that conception. BOOK REVIEWS 423 things (See 48 f.). Recurring themes are: (1) The problem of understanding "is" in sentences like "The man is wise," i.e., either we should never use such a form of proposition or else we are saying what is false, viz., that man = wise. (2) Accounts of knowledge on the model of seeing. (3) The possibility of negation and of falsehood. There is, of course, another area of thought where the sophists easily get in touch with more recent philosophers: questions of unconditional norms of behavior and of the foundations and function of legislation. I found particularly illuminating the pages on Thrasymachus (77-8o). According to Graeser's analytical treatment, his position concerns not so much the nature of justice as its intrinsic relationship with "the anatomy of social reality" (79). The second chapter, "Sokratik," deals with Socrates, Euclid of Megara, Antisthenes and Aristippus. In comparing Socrates with Aristotle (94 f.), Graeser observes that Socrates is the more critical moral philosopher of the two in regard to accepted moral values. The larger part of the book is taken up by two extensive...

"Jener" in Modern Standard German

Pneumahauch Geist Regel Zustand idee Gebiet Form Klasse Ausdruck Weisheit System Bild/Bilder (im Gehirn, 4x) Spiel Satz Periode inhalt Abschnitt Begriff (2x) Anteilnahme Gegend (im Sternenhimmel) Tag Wiedererkennung Befehl Concrete Spiegel Ding Kranker (Mensch) Kiuze (komische Menschen). Even in case of four concrete nouns, (jener Kranke, jener Spiegel, jenes Ding, jene Kauze) reference is not to objects present in environment, to which speaker might, for example, be pointing. JENER, unlike English THAT, which is almost always said to be its translation, is not a demonstrative or deictic pronoun. 5.4. Dieser-Jener. There are 35 instances (10%) where a noun originally in a jener phrase has undergone deletion. Invariably in these cases noun phrase with stranded jener has been preceded by a similarly stranded dieser. We are dealing in these cases with dieser-jener construction usually translated into English as the one, or the former, latter. 5.5. Adjectives. There are many examples of sentences where noun determined by jener is additionally modified by an adjective: Am Abend jenes ersten Tages Jenes skandal6se Schauspiel Zu jenem grogen Trupp Jene andere Welt Jene verdammte Interesselosigkeit There is of course nothing to prevent modifier in such a noun phrase from being a so-called attribute or extended modifier: 17. Auch die Prizession der Tagundnachtgleichen, jene hauptsichlich durch Mond und Sonne bewirkte Anderung der Erdachsenrichtung im Raume, wird . durch die Planetenanziehung mitbestimmt. 18. In dieser . . . Nation entwickelt sich auch innerhalb der Literatur jenes vor allem gesellige Element, dessen Grundlage . . . wechselseitige Rivalitit ist. It appears from these examples presence or absence of long attributes or of adjectival modifiers of any sort is without significance for syntax or semantics of jener. 5.6. That Over There. We now come to a small but significant number of examples (3: around 21 This content downloaded from 207.46.13.186 on Tue, 19 Jul 2016 05:09:49 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms 22 1% of total) in which jener does mean that over there, interpretation put on it by many textbooks. 19. Aber ohne dies Blatt wiren all meine Lehrjahre, alle die Vorbereitungen fur diesen Flug genau so richtungslos wie jene Rauchsiulen Ober dem Tal in Neu-England eben. 20. Wenn der Motor versagt, lande ich dort in jenem jungen Kiefernschlag. 21. Den Leuten in jenem Dorfchen aus Holzhiusern hinter mir an der Kuste diirfte ein Flugzeug wohl kaum ein alltaglicher Anblick sein. It is striking these three quotations are consecutive in outputall from same work and by same author. The passage from which they are drawn turned out to be Charles Lindbergh's Mein Flug Ober den Ozean, translated from English(!). Under impact of English, translator may have used jener in a way which, while entirely comprehensible in German, represents a noticeable departure from its use in other 350-odd sentences. As a rhetorical device author is treating reader as though he were with him in his aircraft. In these examples, village, column of smoke, grove of trees, and speaker as well as listener are all at same location. The situations in all other hundreds of sentences are quite different, however. Speaker and listener, at least from point of view of speaker, are at one location, but noun determined by jener is presupposed to be elsewhere-and in very many cases not even in real geographical space, but in realm of abstract, known and above-mentioned. Jener tends to be used for abstract objects, particularly those not in immediate environment: jener Begriff, jener Zustand, jener Held der Antike Athanathos von Hyperbola. 5.7. Not Classified Eleven of examples (3%) have not been dealt with for various reasons: some of them were fragments which were impossible to interpret in absence of a large context; several were excluded on grounds they were drawn from poems.

Door Magic and The Epiphany Hymn

The existence of Otto Weinreich's excellent Türöffnung im Wunder-, Prodigienund-und Zauberglauben der Antike, des Judentums und Christentums continues to make an apology necessary for any re-examination of texts in which doors are made, or encouraged, spontaneously to open, to admit a divinity or, occasionally, to speed his departure. But what little fresh sustenance remains to be sucked from some of these well-gnawed bones may now be usefully supplemented with comment on a number of more recently suggested examples.

En Seiger fra Ålborg

A "Seiger" from Aalborg In the spring of 1961 excavations were made in the square in front of the Saint Budolphi cathedral in Aalborg, the ancient commercial town on the Liim Fiord in the northern part of Jutland. The earth that was dug up was removed to the garden of Mr. Paul H. Rasmussen, engineer, in the suburb of Vejgaard. Mr. Rasmussen is president of the Aalborg branch of the Jutland Archaeological Society, and during the spring members of this society, having sifted the heaps of earth in collaboration with the Historical Museum of Aalborg, found a great many interesting objects from the millenarian community. Among other things they found the object depicted in fig. 1, which has been most skilfully identified by the Aalborg archaeologists as being a "seiger". It is a coin-balance with which full weight coins and overweight coins could easily and quickly be picked out. Made of bronze, it is collapsible and adjusted for coins weighing about 1.3 grammes and over. A similar balance of unknown provenance lay for many years in the National Museum (fig. 2). In 1931 it was dealt with and its use explained in "Fra Nationalmuseets Arbejdsmark" (Yearbook, Danish National Museum). In this connection attention was drawn to a 13th century stained glass from the Cathedral of Le Mans, the capital of Maine, the former county in France. The ancient donor, the moneychanger Franco d'Alonnes, had had three pictures (fig. 3) painted of the activities in his shop. The first of these pictures has long been misinterpreted as a mint master stamping out coins on a machine (!), see the "Revue Numismatique" 1840, the great work on Norwegian mediaeval coins 1865 and even "Die Technik der Antike und des Mittelalters" 1931 by Feldhaus. Yet the correct interpretation had been given as early as in 1851 and again, in more detail, in 1864 by M. Hucher, curator of the museum in Le Mans whose interpretation has been reprinted in extenso above. Franco is unmistakably described as a money-changer (scambiator) and not as a mint master. The coins he is weighing may be from the county of Maine, but they are more likely to be gros tournois, the international trade coin introduced in 1266 by Louis IX the Saint. Franco's business must have been entirely legal. Perhaps he had a connection with the mint of the neighbouring city of Tours. If persons other than mint masters (and money changers attached to the mint) picked out current coins on a "seiger" it was considered harmful to the community and they were punished with loss of life and properly in the same way as counterfeit coiners. Municipal laws were quoted from Freiberg, Erfurt (1329) and Augsburg (1498); German Coinage Acts were passed in 1385, 1551 and 1559 all to this effect. Nevertheless this illegal practice continued and culminated in the "Kipper-Wipper time" from 1619 to 1622. This was due to the rough-and-ready weighing and adjusting of coins al marco. Coins were not weighed one by one, but when, for instance, 240 pennies altogether weighed one mark the ordinances were complied with. It would then be a lucrative business for an acquisitive tradesman to pick out the heaviest coins and melt them down: the resulting debasement of the coinage was a serious blow to the lord of the mint and his subjects. The "seiger" from Aalborg was adjusted for coins weighing some 1.3 grammes, and this weight exactly fits the Hanseatic "witten"s which were struck in Lubeck, Hamburg, Wismar, and Lunenburg from 1340 onwards. These coins were current particularly in Denmark, and one may suppose that a coin balance was lost by a tradesman in Aalborg in the 14th century. As above mentioned by M. Hucher, similar balances have been in use in our own time too, thus the last picture (fig. 8) represents a gold coin balance from the National Bank of Denmark which was in use until 1931 when the Danish gold 10 and 20 kroner coins were withdrawn from circulation. In this case the purpose was to select the coins that had become too light through use and which were to be melted down.Georg Galster.

Kampfgruppe und Kämpfertypen in der Antike. By Oscar Bie.

Previous articleNext article FreeReviews and Notices of BooksKampfgruppe und Kämpfertypen in der Antike. By Oscar Bie.K. WernickeK. Wernicke Search for more articles by this author PDFPDF PLUS Add to favoritesDownload CitationTrack CitationsPermissionsReprints Share onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditEmail SectionsMoreDetailsFiguresReferencesCited by Volume 7, Number 3September 1891 Article DOIhttps://doi.org/10.2307/496097 Views: 2 Journal History This article was published in The American Journal of Archaeology and of the History of the Fine Arts (1885-1896), which is continued by American Journal of Archaeology (1897-present). Copyright © 1891 by the Archaeological Institute of America. All rights reserved.PDF download Crossref reports no articles citing this article.