Depiction Of Alcohol Research Articles

EXPOSURE TO ALCOHOL USE IN MOVIES: FUTURE DIRECTIONS

We would like to thank our colleagues for their thoughtful commentaries on our study of alcohol depictions in movies and levels of exposure to these depictions among youth in the United States.[1] In addition to providing an international perspective on our work, our colleagues rightly call for evaluations of the psychological and behavioural results of such exposure, and an understanding of the social and psychological processes that underlie such effects. We are happy to report that longitudinal studies investigating the effects of movie alcohol exposure on alcohol use over time are underway, and several articles are in press in various journals.[2-6] These studies assess the relation between exposure to alcohol use in movies and several outcomes, including onset of alcohol use, level of use, and abuse of alcohol Also included are comprehensive meditational analyses testing several potential psychosocial mediators including attitudes, expectancies, and norms about alcohol and alcohol users. We agree that the nature of alcohol depictions may very well matter for outcomes, and look forward to experimental and quasiexperimental studies testing the impact various specific portrayals (e.g., alcohol paired with social success vs. negative consequences of alcohol use) might have on individuals’ attitudes, norms, and expectancies. However, we note also that the published research to date show a fairly large main effect for general exposure levels without subcategorizing the exposure.[4,5,7] It is understandable that movie alcohol depictions are seen as analogous to alcohol advertising—to the extent that brand appearances are paid for by alcohol manufacturers, they are indeed advertisements. Were alcohol marketing expenditures reported to governmental agencies (just as tobacco marketing expenditures in the US are reported to the Federal Trade Commission), the extent to which such appearances are paid advertisements could be more readily determined. However, we are also mindful that viewers likely approach movies quite differently than commercials, and this difference may have important implications for persuasion.[8] There are several potential differences, but the most straightforward may be the viewer’s awareness of persuasive intent on the part of the communicator.[9] An individual who sees a beer commercial on television is aware that it is an advertisement paid for by the manufacturer, and this awareness may result in more critical scrutiny and counterarguing of the message. In contrast, an individual seeing a character drink a particular brand of beer in a movie may not recognize that this has been paid for by the manufacturer, resulting in a decreased likelihood that the message will be defended against or counterargued. It may be that story-based messages are even more powerful than traditional advertising, and we look forward to research testing this possibility. Finally, we observed a striking racial disparity in exposure to movie alcohol depictions among our participants in the United States. As our colleagues pointed out, cultural and media contexts likely play a very important role in the adoption and escalation of alcohol use among young people. We look forward to cross-cultural research examining the role of media within diverse societies.

Youth exposure to alcohol use and brand appearances in popular contemporary movies

To describe alcohol use and alcohol brand appearances in popular movies and estimate adolescents' exposure to this alcohol-related content. Nationally representative, random-digit dialed survey in the United States and content analysis of alcohol depictions in the top 100 US box office hits each year from 1998 to 2002 and 34 top movies from early 2003. A total of 6522 US adolescents aged 10-14 years. Frequency of alcohol use and brand appearances in movies by Motion Picture Association of America (MPAA) rating. Estimated exposure to minutes of movie alcohol use and brand appearances among US adolescents in this age group. Most movies (83%, including 56.6% of G/PG-rated movies) depicted alcohol use and 52% (including 19.2% of G/PG movies) contained at least one alcohol brand appearance, which consisted of branded use by an actor 30.3% of the time. These movies exposed the average US adolescent 10-14 years of age to 5.6 [95% confidence interval (CI) 5.4, 5.7] hours of movie alcohol use and 243.8 (95% CI 238, 250) alcohol brand appearances (5 billion in total), mainly from youth-rated movies. Exposure to movie alcohol content was significantly higher among African American youth than youth of other races. Alcohol use and brand appearances are portrayed frequently in popular US movies (which are distributed world-wide). Children and adolescents in the United States are exposed to hours of alcohol use depictions and numerous brand appearances in movies and most of this exposure is from movies rated for this segment of the population.

Alcohol use in motion pictures and its relation with early-onset teen drinking.

Little is known about the impact of viewing depictions of alcohol in entertainment media on adolescent drinking behavior. Our aims were to assess drinking in a sample of popular contemporary movies and to examine the association of movie alcohol exposure with early-onset drinking in an adolescent sample. We conducted a school-based cross-sectional survey (N=4655) with longitudinal follow-up of never-drinkers (N=2406) involving adolescents ages 10-14 years and recruited from 15 New Hampshire and Vermont schools. Screen depictions of alcohol use were timed for each of 601 popular contemporary movies. Each adolescent was asked if he/she had seen a unique list of 50 movie titles, randomly selected from the larger pool. Movie alcohol use was summed for movies the adolescent had seen, adjusted to reflect exposure to the larger pool and modeled as a continuous variable. Ninety-two percent of the movies in the sample depicted drinking; median screen time for movie alcohol use was 2.5 minutes (interquartile range [IQR]: 0.9-5.0 minutes). Median exposure to movie alcohol use from the 601 movies was 8.6 hours (IQR: 4.6-13.5 hours). Overall 23.1% of the cross-sectional sample had tried alcohol, and 14.8% of initial nondrinkers had tried alcohol at the follow-up assessment. We found statistical evidence to support a curvilinear association between higher exposure to movie alcohol use and increased risk of prevalent and incident alcohol use, with a statistically significant linear and quadratic effect, and suggesting a higher dose-effect relationship at lower movie alcohol exposure levels compared to higher levels. The linear and the quadratic associations remained strong and significant in cross-sectional and prospective models after controlling for sociodemographics (grade in school, school, gender, parent education), personality characteristics of the adolescent (sensation seeking, rebelliousness, self-esteem), school performance, parenting style, and smoking experimentation, suggesting that exposure to movie alcohol use is an independent risk factor for early-onset alcohol use. This study provides the first evidence for an association between exposure to movie alcohol use and early-onset teen drinking. The association is moderate in effect size and independent of a number of potential confounders. Because exposure to movie alcohol use is common, it may have important population implications as a potentially modifiable risk factor.

Televising sin: efforts to restrict the televised advertisement of cigarettes and alcohol in the united states, 1950s to 1980s

Near the end of 2001, the National Broadcasting Company announced a departure in its advertising policy: the network would effectively break the taboo against spirits advertising on television by a...

Violence in E-rated video games.

Children's exposure to violence, alcohol, tobacco and other substances, and sexual messages in the media are a source of public health concern; however, content in video games commonly played by children has not been quantified. To quantify and characterize the depiction of violence, alcohol, tobacco and other substances, and sex in video games rated E (for "Everyone"), analogous to the G rating of films, which suggests suitability for all audiences. We created a database of all existing E-rated video games available for rent or sale in the United States by April 1, 2001, to identify the distribution of games by genre and to characterize the distribution of content descriptors associated with these games. We played and assessed the content of a convenience sample of 55 E-rated video games released for major home video game consoles between 1985 and 2000. Game genre; duration of violence; number of fatalities; types of weapons used; whether injuring characters or destroying objects is rewarded or is required to advance in the game; depiction of alcohol, tobacco and other substances; and sexual content. Based on analysis of the 672 current E-rated video games played on home consoles, 77% were in sports, racing, or action genres and 57% did not receive any content descriptors. We found that 35 of the 55 games we played (64%) involved intentional violence for an average of 30.7% of game play (range, 1.5%-91.2%), and we noted significant differences in the amount of violence among game genres. Injuring characters was rewarded or required for advancement in 33 games (60%). The presence of any content descriptor for violence (n = 23 games) was significantly correlated with the presence of intentional violence in the game (at a 5% significance level based on a 2-sided Wilcoxon rank-sum test, t(53) = 2.59). Notably, 14 of 32 games (44%) that did not receive a content descriptor for violence contained acts of violence. Action and shooting games led to the largest numbers of deaths from violent acts, and we found a significant correlation between the proportion of violent game play and the number of deaths per minute of play. We noted potentially objectionable sexual content in 2 games and the presence of alcohol in 1 game. Content analysis suggests a significant amount of violence in some E-rated video games. The content descriptors provide some information to parents and should be used along with the rating, but the game's genre also appears to play a role in the amount of violent play. Physicians and parents should understand that popular E-rated video games may be a source of exposure to violence and other unexpected content for children and that games may reward the players for violent actions.

Depiction of alcohol, tobacco, and other substances in G-rated animated feature films.

To quantify and characterize the depiction of alcohol, tobacco, and other substances in G-rated animated feature films. The content of all G-rated animated feature films released in theaters between 1937 and 2000, recorded in English, and available on videocassette in the United States by October 31, 2000, was reviewed for portrayals of alcohol, tobacco, and other substances and their use. Duration of scenes depicting alcohol, tobacco, or other substances; type of characters using them (good, neutral, or bad); and correlation of amount and type used with character type and movie type were evaluated. Of the 81 films reviewed, 38 films (47%) showed alcohol use (mean exposure: 42 seconds per film; range: 2 seconds to 2.9 minutes) and 35 films (43%) showed tobacco use (mean exposure: 2.1 minutes per film; range: 2 seconds to 10.5 minutes). Analysis of time trends showed a significant decrease in both tobacco and alcohol use over time (both corrected for total screen duration and uncorrected.) No films showed the use of illicit drugs, although 3 films showed characters consuming a substance that transfigured them and 2 films showed characters injected with a drug. Analysis of the correlation of alcohol and tobacco depiction revealed several scenes in which alcohol and tobacco were shown in use in the same scene and that bar scenes in these movies depict a significant amount of drinking, smoking, and violence. Three films contained a message that a character should stop smoking but none contained messages about restricting consumption of alcohol. The depiction of alcohol and tobacco use in G-rated animated films seems to be decreasing over time. Nonetheless, parents should be aware that nearly half of the G-rated animated feature films available on videocassette show alcohol and tobacco use as normative behavior and do not convey the long-term consequences of this use.

Consumption imagery in New Zealand music videos

Attempts to investigate differences in marketing imagery that exist between New Zealand produced and foreign music videos. Explores marketing imagery and role‐model behaviour differences by genre. Looks at culture by genre differences in consumption imagery. Indicates that New Zealand videos contained fewer depictions of alcohol, or weapons, drugs and tobacco or heavy rock and rap music than in foreign videos. Suggests that, by genre, rap has more sunglasses, earrings and jewellery than heavy rock or pop music. Provides directions for future research.

Alcohol portrayal in Australian prime time television in 1990 and 1997

ObjectiveThis study examines the frequency of scenes involving alcoholic and non-alcoholic drinking acts in Australian TV serials in 1990 and 1997. MethodIn 1990 and 1997, 87.5 and 85 hours (respectively) of prime time Australian serials were video taped. Tapes were coded using a standard protocol, including visual or verbal references to alcoholic beverages and the act of consuming or preparing to consume any type of beverage. ResultsIn 1990 and 1997, prime time viewers saw on average 2.6 acts of alcohol consumption per hour. There was a statistically significant threefold decrease in the total number of references to alcohol on prime time Australian serials (primarily accounted for by a significant reduction in the incidental depiction of alcohol), an almost halving of the number of episodes that made some reference to alcohol and less consumption of beverages (both alcoholic and non-alcoholic) in 1997 compared with 1990. ConclusionsThe decrease in incidental references to alcohol was not due to an obviously more socially responsible depiction of alcohol. In both 1990 and 1997, uncritical viewers could conclude from watching Australian TV serials that alcohol is everywhere, is there to be drunk, is used and accepted by all ages and both sexes and is rarely associated with any negative consequences. ImplicationsThe portrayal of health or risk-taking behaviour on television may influence the perception of viewers that certain behaviours are ‘normal’, common or acceptable, may encourage modelling of that behaviour and may indirectly influence the policy agenda.

Tobacco and alcohol use behaviors portrayed in music videos: a content analysis.

Music videos from five genres of music were analyzed for portrayals of tobacco and alcohol use and for portrayals of such behaviors in conjunction with sexuality. Music videos (n = 518) were recorded during randomly selected days and times from four television networks. Four female and four male observers aged 17 to 24 years were trained to use a standardized content analysis instrument. All videos were observed by rotating two-person, male-female teams who were required to reach agreement on each behavior that was scored. Music genre and network differences in behaviors were analyzed with chi-squared tests. A higher percentage (25.7%) of MTV videos than other network videos portrayed tobacco use. The percentage of videos showing alcohol use was similar on all four networks. In videos that portrayed tobacco and alcohol use, the lead performer was most often the one smoking or drinking and the use of alcohol was associated with a high degree of sexuality on all the videos. These data indicate that even modest levels of viewing may result in substantial exposure to glamorized depictions of alcohol and tobacco use and alcohol use coupled with sexuality.