Democratization Research Articles

The Fragility of Democracy: Political Conflict in South Asia

The complex interplay between political conflict and democratic fragility in South Asia is the focus of this research paper. The study examines South Asia to understand how conflict catalyzes and hinders democratic progress. The research delves deep into the root causes of conflict, including socio-economic disparities, ethnic and religious tensions, and institutional weaknesses. It analyzes how conflict can trigger democratic reforms through popular mobilization and erode governance and institutions. The study highlights the fragility of democratic systems in the face of deep-rooted conflicts and the challenges of balancing competing interests. It underscores the need for South Asian nations to address underlying grievances to strengthen democratic institutions and foster inclusive dialogue to navigate conflict constructively and secure a stable democratic future. The research employs a qualitative approach, relying on a comprehensive literature review and case study analysis to draw insights into the multifaceted relationship between political conflict and democratic development in the selected region.

Islamic Movements Face an Emerging Threat and Tunisian Political Environment: Presidential Coup, Democracy, and Aristocracy

In 2011, the popular revolt brought about change in the Tunisian presidential palace as it transitioned from authoritarianism to a condition of liminality. However, following the Tunisian President's proclamation, only the democratic success story of the Arab Spring is under jeopardy after ten years of democratic transition. This article seeks to show how the President has increased his authority by invoking Article 80 of the Constitution. It also explains how this action violates the constitution and has a detrimental effect on the political environment. As a result, Tunisia's Islamic movement has dominated the political landscape of the nation since the 2011 uprising and is seen as the leader of the Islamic identity and democratic movement. Finally, it comes to a conclusion that a coup from the Tunisian president occurred amid Rashid Al-Ghannouchi, the Movement's founder and speaker of the Parliament, showing leniency toward Islamic doctrine. Although it appears that the situation is still precarious, Al-Nahda leadership is once again playing a crucial role in fostering a stable political environment through discussion. The main and secondary data in this article have been evaluated using the Discourse Analysis method and its Critical Discourse Analysis method.

THE PRACTICAL EXPRESSION OF THE PRINCIPLE OF 'HUMAN DIGNITY' IN PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION AND ITS CONSTITUTIONAL-LEGAL FOUNDATIONS

This article examines the practical expression of the principle of "human dignity" within the context of public administration, focusing on its constitutional and legal foundations. By analyzing the role of human dignity in the governance model of Uzbekistan, the study highlights how democratic reforms and social policies prioritize individual rights and freedoms, thereby enhancing the welfare of citizens. The article delves into key constitutional provisions that emphasize human dignity as a fundamental value, reflecting the state's commitment to uphold justice, equality, and social well-being. Furthermore, the work explores the implementation of this principle through initiatives aimed at improving public administration efficiency and facilitating social justice. Special attention is given to the interconnection between human dignity and the "social state" concept, which underscores the state's responsibility to ensure equal opportunities and living standards for all citizens. The study concludes by affirming the centrality of human dignity in shaping public policies that promote individual and societal progress, thereby contributing to the overall development of the country. ‎

External factors in democratic transition in Pakistan in 2008: an analysis of the US supporting role

The political history of Pakistan has seen ephemeral intervals of democratic rule while protracted periods of military rule. A landmark development happened when a peaceful democratic transition from the authoritarian rule of General Musharraf was held in 2008. The internal factors for this transition were an independent judiciary, vibrant media, civil society, and political consensus between major political parties. This article meticulously investigates the significant role of the US as an external factor in supporting the democratic transition in Pakistan in 2008. Data is collected from secondary sources like newspapers, journal articles, books, and websites. The US supported General Musharraf's regime as part of its war on terror strategy but also urged him publicly to restore democracy. The Bush administration encouraged negotiation between Benazir Bhutto and General Musharraf and supported a political reconciliation between them, which shaped the politics of Pakistan in a new direction. When General Musharraf adopted authoritarian means, the US pressured him to democratise by different means to reinforce its interest in counterterrorism. Under heavy pressure, General Musharraf resigned as army chief and lifted the state of emergency. Later, he resigned from the presidency to escape the humiliation of impeachment, and democracy was restored in Pakistan.

Winds of change: democratic transitions and long-term democratic support

ABSTRACT Do democratic transitions affect citizens’ subsequent support for democracy? We propose that the type of democratic transition (citizen-centered vs elite-centered) shapes citizens’ support for democracy through the investment created by citizen participation in the transition and the expectations this generates about the future under democracy. We test our hypotheses using democratic transitions data from Geddes et al. (2014) and harmonized survey data of citizens’ support for democracy from nearly 500,000 respondents in 78 established and new democracies over the period 1946–2015. Our results show a consistent negative effect of elite-centered transitions on support for democracy, while the effects of citizen-centered transitions are less robust and much more context-dependent. Using an augmented difference-in-difference estimation we can underpin these findings by isolating the causal effect of transitions. Our results indicate the political socialization effect and long-lasting impact of major political events on individuals’ democratic attitudes.

Концептуальные аспекты противодействия электоральному экстремизму

Manifestation of extremism elements in the course of preparation for and holding of elections and referendums can trigger destructive consequences irreversible for the state and society: from social upheavals and "orange revolutions" to disruption of the constitutional order and forced seizure of power. The electoral system of any civilized state not only creates conditions for the democratic transition of power in accordance with the will of the people but is also aimed at maintaining stability and law and order in complicated conditions of the transitional electoral cycle including combating manifestations of extremism in the course of electoral procedures and prevention of election of extremists to positions of authority. Extremism that is most aggressively, strongly and dangerously manifested in electoral procedures requires government authorities to take precise and coordinated action to assure and protect electoral rights and freedoms of citizens from illegal encroachments. Legally consolidated authorities and functions of election organizers in the extremism combating issue give an opportunity to suggest a new form of manifestation of political extremism during preparation for and holding of elections and referendums, which is electoral extremism. In this publication, the author makes an attempt at conceptual justification of electoral extremism and giving an author’s definition thereof for the purpose of further analysis of ways of combating electoral extremism to assure free elections and electoral sovereignty of the state from encroachments of political radicals who are often sponsored by intelligence services of hostile foreign states.

South European studies from the democratic transitions to the covid-19 pandemic

Cet article retrace les tendances de la recherche sur l’Europe du Sud au cours des dernières décennies. Il s’appuie sur les archives de la revue South European Society and Politics et du Standing Group on Southern Europe de l’ECPR en présentant des données quantitatives pertinentes. Trois phases thématiques sont identifiées, respectivement représentées par les mots-clés démocratisation, européanisation et crise. Cet article montre aussi que les contours de l’Europe du Sud ont été redéfinis du fait de l’européanisation et de l’élargissement de l’UE puis comment les points géographiques focaux de la recherche sur l’aire ont changé sous l’impact des crises. Sont également étudiés les tendances en termes d’auteurs, en soulignant le rôle moteur des auteurs basés en Europe du Sud elle-même dans la production de la recherche sur la région.

The transition to direct mayoral elections in clientelistic environments: Causal public spending and service delivery effects

We examine the impact of the transition to direct mayoral elections on district spending and household public service access in Indonesia during a period of momentous national democratic reform. We leverage the arguably exogenous timing of direct local elections to specify a staggered difference-in-differences model, which we estimate using the latest methods to plausibly identify causal effects. We find that the transition to direct elections led to a consistent and large decline in capital spending in both pre- and post-election years. We also determine that the transition resulted in a moderate decrease in household service access in the post-election period. Pre-election capital spending impacts are a function of both general disruptions associated with the transition and emerging clientelism. Service access effects are completely explained by the relative extent of clientelism across districts. We conclude that the local democratic transition in Indonesia had a mostly negative impact on key spending and service outcomes, at least in the short-run and for those districts in which clientelistic practices were especially pronounced.

"China and Russia Strengthen Strategic Alliance: A United Front over U.S. Dominance"

If Russia does not swiftly enact democratic reforms, China and Russia will continue to battle for dominance of the world order for the next ten years. It is anticipated that it will involve the Global South and turn into a confrontation between the forces attempting to preserve the status quo. Leading the effort to overthrow the US-centered current order are China and Russia. It is expected that the result will be known with certainty once both teams have increased their level of competition. Rather, as the argument rages on, feelings will most likely begin to show. Effective competition management is essential for both parties to prevent destabilising factors such as inadvertent confrontations and unanticipated escalation. Whether or not China can be prevented from using force to alter the status quo unilaterally will be the primary element determining how the battle for international order plays out in the future.

The Challenges of “Renewed” Enlargement to the Western Balkan Countries

In the last two decades, acting as an anchor for a transition to democracy and a market economy, the EU has given membership perspectives to the Western Balkan countries of Albania, Serbia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, North Macedonia, Montenegro, and Croatia. At the outset, the EU triggered democratic reforms, empowered civil society organisations, and established democratic rules in those countries. However, on Croatia’s joining the EU in 2013, the Union demonstrated what can be best described as apparent enlargement fatigue and took a break from the widening of Western Balkan countries for the five subsequent years. However, the Russian invasion of Ukraine in February 2022 revitalised the EU enlargement policy towards Western Balkan countries for security and geostrategic considerations. In that purview, this paper seeks to explore contextual constraints associated with the EU’s renewed enlargement policy towards Western Balkan countries. Using the conceptual framework of Alcaro and his co-authors (2022), it is argued that the EU renewed enlargement operates in a context driven by the following three key processes: (1) multi-actor geostrategic competition; (2) regional fragmentation; and (3) intra-EU contestation. In this context, considering international, regional, and institutional contextual constraints, the EU’s leverage on the Western Balkan countries would not be taken for granted, suggesting that the EU needs to develop hybrid strategies transcending classic tools of enlargement.

The Legal Profession in Battle: Cause Lawyers Versus State-Embedded Lawyers in Hong Kong's Democratization

The existing literature has long recognized that cause lawyers play important roles in fighting for political justice. However, the implications of how the state responds to these lawyers have yet to be comprehensively explored. This article argues that the state in Hong Kong has co-opted “state-embedded lawyers” against cause lawyers for the counter-mobilizing of public opinion. Thus, both cause lawyers and state-embedded lawyers engage in political battles with polarized objectives, either for democratic reform or regime stability. Theoretically, this paper contributes to analyzing the state's response to cause lawyering and its counter-mobilization actions by developing state-embedded lawyers. Empirically, the case of Hong Kong helps enrich the existing literature by exploring the confrontational relations within polarized legal professions. The conclusion shows that such tensions can stimulate further polarization with different business paths between lawyers, consumption patterns among citizens and understanding of the rule of law and responses from mainland China.

Vietnam’s new leadership slate

A new state president and party general secretary have been appointed following the death of long-time leader Nguyễn Phú Trọng in July 2024. The takeover of Vietnamese politics by the security forces has several implications. Most obviously, it means there is little chance of further political liberalisation. Internationally, the intentions of the new leadership are harder to read, but their political instincts are likely to lead them closer to their comrades in Beijing and away from Western-style democracies.

Decolonization and Democratization in African Countries: The Impact of Liberal Democracy on Political Stability

Since the 1990s, the African continent has experienced dramatic changes in the political sphere. Specifically, as mentioned by Samuel Huntington in The Third Wave: Democratization in the Late Twentieth Century, many Sub-Saharan African countries have undergone democratic transitions, marked by reforms from one-party systems or military rule to multiparty systems with regular elections, a process that prominently features characteristics of Western-style liberal democracy. Despite the fact that African countries employing Western-style democracy have made certain progress in political development and social governance, many African countries that have undergone this political transformation exhibit a lack of political stability. As such, this article studies the development of liberal democracy and political stability in Kenya against the backdrop of the third wave of democratization. Through analyzing the historical and socio-economic contexts of African countries, it argues that the winner-take-all logic of the western representative democracy contradicts with the cultural tradition in African countries, which emphasizes social consensus and consultation. Considering the historical problems left since the colonial era, it adds to the difficulty of applying the western democracy in contemporary African countries, and thus results in the incompatibility between the liberal democracy model and the reality of African social contexts. Consequently, it is argued that the democratization process in Africa requires further exploration and more appropriate combination of advanced political institutions and the local contexts.

The Volebny Kompas Datasets on Slovak Voter and Party Positions

Three decades after the fall of socialist regimes in Central Europe, the successes of democratic transition face threats from broader trends toward skepticism, disengagement and distrust across Europe, though perhaps more intensively in the East. This backdrop, especially evident in Slovakia, underscores the need for comprehensive data on voter and political party positions during elections, a key opportunity for democratic renewal. Our article introduces two datasets from the Volebný Kompas project: the first, is a collection of 134,699 voter responses on 39 key issues, obtained through the Volebný Kompas voting advisory application for the 2023 snap Slovak Parliamentary Elections. The second dataset details the positions of 11 political parties on the same issues. Together, they provide a comprehensive view of Slovakia’s political landscape before a pivotal election which resulted in a dramatic change in government composition. As freely available and validated resources, these datasets can serve as an essential tool for understanding and navigating the evolving landscape of post-socialist democracies.

Scholars as political influencers: celebrity, social media and political movements in Thailand

ABSTRACT The early twenty-first century witnessed a significant surge in democratisation movements against unjust dictatorships worldwide. In Thailand, political protests across the nation have captured considerable attention in recent years, primarily led by students and young people advocating for democratic reforms, with support from scholars and professionals. Despite this, studies of Thai politics have largely overlooked the role played by Thai scholar celebrities. While some critics have examined the rise of influencers in the online era, few have contextualised them within the political sphere. This article aims to address these gaps by elucidating the concept of celebrity culture within the political arena. The paper comprises three main sections. The first section delves into the notion of celebrity, celebrity culture, and, more specifically, scholar celebrities. Following this, a concise overview of the Thai socio-political landscape is provided, with particular emphasis on the ongoing political conflict dating back to 2006. The third and final section scrutinises Thai scholars as political influencers, exploring their relationship with and contribution to the Thai political movement. Additionally, it investigates the distinctive characteristics of these social media political influencers compared to traditional media influencers, particularly regarding their interactions with their fan bases. Contrary to prevailing beliefs regarding the negative ramifications of celebrity and fame, this study posits that scholar celebrities, irrespective of public agreement or dissent, serve to spotlight specific issues and instigate public discourse or national dialogue, thereby conferring a vital advantage to political movements.

THE EVOLUTION OF MULTIPARTY POLITICS IN UZBEKISTAN: CHALLENGES AND OPPORTUNITIES FOR POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT

This article examines the development of the multiparty system in Uzbekistan, highlighting the key stages and milestones since independence. It outlines the role of political parties in fostering democratic governance and representing the interests of diverse social groups in society. The paper explores the historical formation of political parties in Uzbekistan, from the cessation of the one-party system to the establishment of legal frameworks that empower political parties in shaping state power. The emergence of the Ecological Party of Uzbekistan is discussed as a significant event in the country’s evolving political landscape. Furthermore, the article addresses the current challenges faced by political parties, including the lack of political ideology, limited public awareness of political rights, and the need for improved competition among parties. The author argues that enhancing the legal foundation of parties and increasing their involvement in governance is essential for deepening democratic reforms. The article concludes with recommendations to strengthen political party participation, foster public trust, and promote active competition in Uzbekistan’s political system.

Outlining a Democratic Transition in Iran: The Significance of a Non-Dominant Social Contract and the Expansion of Universal Rights

Amidst significant upheavals in Iran, the "Woman Life Freedom" movement has emerged as both a call for social justice and an opportunity for Iranians to discuss a new social contract for the country. This paper draws on Philip Pettit’s philosophy of "New Republicanism" and Danielle Allen’s notion of "Justice by Means of Democracy" to propose a foundation for this new social contract. The central idea is “non-domination”—the principle that a society should be constructed so that no individual or group can exert arbitrary power over another. From this perspective, the “Woman Life Freedom” movement seeks not just the overthrow of the existing regime but the creation of a society where the rights and freedoms of all citizens are equally guaranteed and promoted. Alongside advocating for gender equality including LGBTQ rights, this paper emphasizes the necessity of guaranteeing life with dignity, the freedom of religious practice, and political autonomy for Iran's diverse regions in a new Iran. Achieving this requires a new social contract based on dialogue and collective participation, forming the bedrock for a new Iranian society and political regime. This paper is structured as follows: It begins by defining what a social contract entails and how it differs from a constitution, arguing that constitutions often fail without a preceding social contract. It illustrates this by reviewing constitutional developments in Iran up to the 1979 revolution. The paper then explores how a new social contract can be formulated for Iran and outlines its primary principles. Finally, it discusses the concrete political, social, and economic structures that this new social contract would establish in a post-Islamic Iran.

Challenges and Triumphs of Democratisation in Mongolia

The major socio-political change in Mongolia was the change of political system from one-party socialist to multi-party democracy in 1990s. The political liberalisation of ideas- the change of economic system, inauguration of the new constitution in 1992 and the first ever free parliamentary elections are the key features of the Mongolia’s Democratic revolution. The importance of researching democratic consolidation in Mongolia can be underscored in several keyways. Firstly, Mongolia serves as an exemplary case of a nation that has transitioned positively towards democracy in a global landscape where democracy often remains an outlier rather than the norm. From the events that Mongolia had to overcome and the knowledge that was gained, there is much to learn on how democratisation processes could be maintained in transitional societies. Qualitative research approach is fitting for this study since it enables the researcher to gain an insight into subjective experiences as well as perceptions of those who are either involved in or affected by a democratic transition in Mongolia. Findings of this research highlights Mongolia's democratisation process both possibilities as well as difficulties involved. Mongolia has done fairly well in terms of institutionalising democracy, but numerous challenges are still persistent which require continuous attention and concerted efforts being made towards addressing them. By introducing strategic reforms, endorsing comprehensive development, fostering transparency culture and nurturing a sense of accountability within state institutions Mongolia can reinforce further consolidation of its democratic gains.

The use of intersectional tactics by Tunisia’s multicultural movement to build social capital and sustain collective action: It is not what we say or think that defines us but what we do

ABSTRACT Multicultural movements can pursue strategies, like utilizing intersectionality, to overcome collective action problems created by diversity. Scholarship has shown how intersectionality has inspired the creation of common ideological frames among marginalized groups who come to see their causes as intertwined, but such rhetoric is insufficient for sustaining collective action when social capital is lacking. This is relevant in contexts where activists have never collaborated such as a democratic transition. Activists need to see that others practice what they preach so that trust can develop across communal networks. Intersectionality, as I will demonstrate, also inspires social-movement tactics that target intersectional minorities as beneficiaries and encourages activists from different backgrounds to coordinate resources. This builds social capital by strengthening trust and reciprocity across social networks – thereby, sustaining collective action. To demonstrate this, I analysed collective action processes within Tunisia’s multicultural movement after the revolution in 2010 by using historical process tracing and elite interviews. I show how a diverse movement representing women, racial minorities, migrants, and the LGBTQ community utilized intersectional tactics to build social capital and sustain collective action during a democratic transition.

Democracy and ethnic inequality: a comparative case study

ABSTRACT Recent studies have found that democratization and reductions of socioeconomic ethnic inequality generally show a positive association. Yet, the causal mechanisms behind the co-variation are not well understood. Moreover, the identified relationship covers considerable heterogeneity, with some transitions to democracy being followed by significant distributive change and others not. To shed additional light on the relationship, this article examines the political and social dynamics related to five democratic transitions. Three led to reduced socioeconomic inequality across ethnic groups, two did not. The “positive” cases (Bolivia, South Africa, and Nepal after 2006) reveal that political empowerment of socioeconomically disadvantaged groups and consequent changes in policies constitute important drivers of reduced ethnic inequalities. In contrast, the “negative” cases (Guatemala and Nepal 1991–2002) demonstrate that democracy only leads to reduced ethnic inequality if democratization is followed by effective mobilization by the previously excluded group(s), and this step might be obstructed by traditional elites.