Democratic Tradition Research Articles

TRANSFORMATIONS OF POLISH DEMOCRACY IN THE PERIOD OF THE XX - BEGINNING OF THE XXI CENTURY

The article is devoted to the study and scientific understanding of the process of formation and evolution of Poland as a modern democratic European state. The importance of the influence of the democratic traditions of the Polish people on the formation of the current model of the state system of the Republic of Poland is pointed out.
 The general chronological framework of each of the periods of democratization of Polish society, starting from the times of "noble democracy", has been established. The main characteristics of the stages of democratic development of Poland up to the present period are determined.
 The main factors that influenced the course of democratic transit in the Polish state have been clarified. It turns out that the peculiarities of modern Polish statehood are due to the historical traditions of Polish democracy, the mentality of the Polish people, membership in the EU and other international organizations. It is emphasized that the implementation of economic and institutional transformations in the Polish state in the post-Soviet period was accompanied by the simultaneous formation of civil society. It is established that the result of democratic transit in the Republic of Poland is a liberal democracy of the western type with a certain bias towards social democracy.
 Emphasis is placed on the decisive role of European integration processes in the establishment of the Republic of Poland as a democratic, legal and social state. Based on the analysis of current legislation and ongoing reforms in the law-making sphere, the main factors that determine the existing systemic threats to the rule of law and democracy in Poland at the present stage of its state-building have been identified.
 It is stated that Polish democracy at present shows some negative tendencies, but it is unlikely to collapse due to the current challenges, as the Republic still maintains a balance between state power and political freedom of citizens and their associations and the general atmosphere in Polish society remains open and free.

Basic Evolutionary Stages of Polish Democracy

The article is focused on studying and scientific understanding of the process of the formation and evolution of Poland as a modern democratic European state. The author has indicated the significance of the influence of the democratic traditions of the Polish people on the formation of the current model of the state system of the Republic of Poland.
 The author has established the general chronological boundaries of each of the periods of democratization of Polish society starting from the times of “noble democracy”. The main characteristics of the stages of democratic development of Poland until the present day have been determined.
 The main factors that influenced the course of democratic transit in the Polish state have been clarified. It has been proved that the peculiarities of modern Polish statehood are determined by the historical traditions of Polish democracy, the mentality of the Polish people and membership in the European Union and other international organizations. It has been emphasized that the implementation of economic and institutional transformations in Poland in the post-Soviet period was accompanied by the simultaneous formation of civil society. It has been established that the result of democratic transit in the Republic of Poland is a liberal democracy of the Western type with a certain bias towards social democracy.
 The author has emphasized the decisive role of European integration processes in the formation of the Republic of Poland as a democratic, legal and social state. Based on the analysis of the current legislation and ongoing reforms in the law-making sphere, the author has defined the main factors that determine the existing systemic threats to the rule of law and democracy in Poland at the present stage of its state-building.
 It has been stated that although Polish democracy demonstrates some negative tendencies, it is unlikely collapsed due to the current challenges, since the Republic still maintains the balance between state power and political freedom of citizens and their associations and the general atmosphere in Polish society remains open and free.

Right to Information, Media Ethics and Journalism: A Case Study of Pakistan

The independence of media signifies an open society based on democratic traditions rather than the dictates of one person. The press can only perform its duty if it is free and independent in its functions, like reporting its news and views. But like other freedoms, it should not be used as an unbridled weapon. It should be subjected to some limitations pro to the integrity of the state and welfare of the people. The media should respect the right of people involved in the news dissemination, follow the common standards of decency and be accountable for the accuracy of their news reports. Media is a double-edged sword. Media must be regulated through a well-thought-out legal regime which should shy away from clear censorship yet put a confine on the behavior of media entities through a code of ethics, good business practices and improvement in the law of Torts, specifically damages.

Indonesian Democracy Comes When the Kingdom System Has Strong Roots: Serious Problems Leading to Simultaneous National Elections in 2024

The study of finding the right posture for Indonesian democracy has never been completed. The reason is that the history of democracy as understood in Europe and America does not have deep roots in Indonesia since long ago. Moreover, compared to 55 years since independence, Indonesia’s democracy has actually made great leaps and bounds since the start of reforms in 1998, compared to Suharto’s authoritarian (New Order) rule from 1966 to 21 May 1998, and during Soekarno’s reign from the country’s independence. from 1945 to 1966. A year after the fall of Suharto on 21 May 1998, Indonesia held its first democratic elections on 7 June 1999. The elections were participated by 48 political parties. In 2004, Indonesia held its first direct presidential election. A year later, Indonesia held its first regional head elections, in which voters directly elected governors, regents, and mayors. Thus, the elections continued until the last December 9, 2020 until they got their form later in the national Simultaneous General Election in 2024 later. The question is, is the current practice of democracy in accordance with all democratic values as intended by the Pancasila ideology as the basic foundation for Indonesia in all political actions? Pancasila as the state ideology of Indonesia contains five principles, namely: 1). The belief in one God, 2). Just and civilized humanity, 3). Indonesian unity, 4. Democracy under the wise guidance of representative consultation, 5). Social justice for all peoples of Indonesia. The founding fathers formulated an understanding of democracy based on the traditional practices of democracy at the grassroots level that have been going on for centuries throughout the country. But what is happening now, Indonesia is only imitating the posture of Western/European democracy. In the experience of Indonesian democracy, the figure of Indonesian democracy from 1945 to 2021 is quite fragile because the democratic tradition did not develop on Indonesian soil, democracy has its roots, developed in Europe and has been accepted in Indonesia since November 1945, because democracy highly respects human dignity and is a type of government that right in the modern country.

A Deviation from the Historically Given Foundation? Gendarmeries in Denmark through History

From 1838, the border between the Danish duchy of Holstein and the German <em>Länder</em> was patrolled by a corps of border gendarmes with a mixture of duties: as policemen, as customs officials, and as soldiers.^{<a id="xrn1" href="#n1">1</a>} Following the Second Schleswig War in 1864, in which the Monarchy was defeated by the German <em>Bund</em>, the duchies were ceded to the King of Prussia and the Emperor of Austria, and the Danish-German border was accordingly moved north from the Elbe to the Kongeå. So were the gendarmes. Although differently configured and under different names, the institution of a border gendarmerie continued to exist until 1969. A gendarmerie force was likewise set up in the duchy of Schleswig in 1851 as a means to subdue the political unrest in the duchy following the First Schleswig War (the Three Years’ War 1848–1851). The Schleswig gendarmes were disbanded after the Second Schleswig War (1864). Lastly, the Blue Gendarmes existed 1885–1894 to assist the police in domestic security matters. The pros and cons of a gendarmerie were discussed on several occasions in the Kingdom of Denmark during the 19^th century. On the one hand, a gendarmerie force would undoubtedly increase the police powers in general and might, in particular, serve as an alternative to having military personnel assisting the police in coping with riots and mass events. On the other hand, setting up a gendarmerie would incur large expenses, and the idea has traditionally been considered undemocratic and “Un-Danish”. This paper outlines the history of gendarmeries in Denmark and discusses this question of “Un-Danishness” from a historical as well as a contemporary, comparative perspective, drawing on recent studies of gendarmeries in other countries. We argue that the history of the Danish gendarmeries shows that establishing a Danish gendarmerie force today would indeed be “Un-Danish” and just as contrary to democratic traditions as it was in the 19^th century. It would thus represent a “deviation from the historically given foundation”.

LỊCH SỬ PHỤ NỮ: NGHIÊN CỨU SỰ BẤT BÌNH ĐẲNG VỀ ĐỊA VỊ PHÁP LÍ CỦA PHỤ NỮ MỸ THỜI CẬN ĐẠI (THẾ KỈ XVI – XIX)

Today, the values of human rights, civil rights and especially the issue of gender equality (men and women equal rights) have become an urgent and decisive requirement for social progress. However, throughout the centuries, women's legal discrimination has been a historically common phenomenon on a global scale. Even in a country as proud of its democratic traditions as the United States, women are considered “second-class” citizens and their contributions seem to “disappear” in history. It was not until the 1960s - 1970s, under the influence of the Civil Rights Revolution, that the study of American women's history as an independent field attracted the attention of scholars. Within the scope of the article, the author focuses on analyzing two main issues: understanding the “second-class” status of American women in legal terms and trying to explain what causes inequality to exist. world in such a persistent way throughout the modern period (16th - 19th centuries) in the history of this country. From there, it helps readers to systematically and objectively view the efforts of American women in the struggle for their legal citizenship later.

The State of Liberal Democracy With Regard to Elections and Political Stability in Africa: Bridging the Gap Between Theory and Practice in Tanzania and Keny

This study explores the state of liberal democracy and political stability in Africa. In particular it intends to assess what is said about liberal democracy in relation to free and fair election, political stability and the politics of ethnicity in Tanzania and Kenya and the reality happening on the ground (the practice) in East African countries. The rationale for undertaking this analysis is that the East African countries have experienced political transformation: for instance, for much of the post-colonial period East African countries tended to live under one-party regime, but since 1990s East African countries embraced multiparty system. This study pays attention to assessing the outcomes of liberal democracy in East African countries in particular examining the extent to which the liberal democracy promotes free and fair elections, political stability and the mitigation of the politics of ethnicity. This study employed a comparative analysis, in which it compared the extent to which liberal democracy is practiced in Tanzania and Kenya and how far the above-mentioned parameters are realized under the broad spectrum of liberal democracy. The methods of data collection were interviews and documentary review and the discussion of the findings was organized around the sub-themes of this study. The period covered in this discussion is the contemporary period from 1990’s to 2019. The findings indicate that even though African countries have adopted liberal democracy, in some of the East African countries like Kenya, political stability and free and fair elections have not been fully realized, while in Tanzania the experience indicates that political stability is relatively realized after elections. This study concludes that even if the institutions of liberal democracy have gradually developed with partial free and fair elections, the manifestations of political instability still exist in some of the East African countries, as shown by the election violence in Kenya comparatively to Tanzania. Therefore, the interface between the liberal democracy and political stability has not been sufficiently realized in the liberal democratic tradition. This study recommends that elections as one of the pillars of liberal democracy should be properly and fairly instituted, so that the role of liberal democracy is realized in fostering peace and tranquility.

Lastres de impunidad. Sombras de amnistía y espanto de victimarios en la España “democrática”

España experimentó una muy particular justicia transicional para la que la visibilidad de quienes fueron victimarios y de quienes sufrieron como víctimas fue prácticamente nula. No hubo ni justicia ni reparación de la memoria de las/os asesinadas/os. Se impuso desde el poder una memoria hegemónica que ocultaba a las víctimas, pero también a sus asesinos. Esta cultura memorial ha fijado unas reglas hasta nuestros días según las cuales no cabe pedir responsabilidades penales ni morales a los victimarios. Moralmente tampoco existe su arrepentimiento. La Ley de Amnistía de 1977 los ampara y no existe ninguna comisión de la verdad que señale a los asesinos de la dictadura, aunque no sean ya responsables penalmente. Muchos de esos victimarios son hoy en día espectros del pasado; ahora bien, cabe la posibilidad de que aparezcan en nuestra memoria como los “otros” negativos de nuestra tradición democrática.

Negara Bayangan Cenderung Korupsi, Sisi Gelap Otonomi Daerah

Abstract: Good Governance is crucial for the attainment of development goals and delivering the promises of democracy. However, it cannot be understood apart from the political regime and the political dynamic within which it exists. establising good governance in a traditional democracy such as Indonesia has its additional challenges. specifically, it attempt to show that currently low quality of governance in provinces accross Indonesia might be linked to the existence of shadow state. The shadow state phenomenon is a characteristic of the administration of governance in the post-New Order democratic transition period. Banten Province, led by the Governor of the Ratu Atut Chosiyah, is a perfect example of a shadow state. This paper is the result of a long research on the shadow state phenomenon in Banten, which is not far from Jakarta. The research method uses a qualitative approach using various literature sources with the phenomenological type. To achieve data validation, a continuous triangulation process was carried out. The substance of the material in this paper will try to explain the opportunities and challenges in developing the concept of good governance in the socio-political reality shadowed by a shadow country that is prone to corruption.

Policing by social skills: the importance of empathy and appropriate emotional expressions in the recruitment, selection and education of Danish police officers

ABSTRACT Motivated politically by an interest in a friendlier, more service-minded police force, the Danish police have changed profoundly in recent decades. With a relatively low crime rate, strong democratic traditions, and exceptionally high levels of trust in the police, Denmark offers an interesting case for examining how a service-minded police force is created. The ideal, professional Danish police officer is supposed to engage in equal dialogue with citizens. When recruiting and educating police officers, considerable emphasis is placed on assessing and developing social skills, empathy in particular. Analysing interviews, fieldwork and documents, focussing on recruitment, selection, education and the assessment of Danish police recruits, the article explores how the shift towards service-mindedness is sought achieved, as well as some of the challenges and tensions involved in pursuing this ideal. Theoretically, the analysis draws on Hochschild’s concepts of feeling rules and emotional labour together with Illouz’s perspectives on the demands for communicative and emotional skills in modern working life. These let us understand modern policing as regulated and performed through emotional and embodied practices.

Institutionalizing Radical Democracy: Socialist Republicanism and Democratizing the Economy

ABSTRACT This article proposes a reorientation of the radical democracy research programs toward a greater attentiveness to the institutional realization of its principles. It does so by bringing the radical democratic tradition into conversation with socialist republicanism. I argue that the struggle against domination requires engaging with political and economic institutions to extend democratic principles from the governmental sphere to broader sectors of society. By combining insights from both traditions, the article suggests shifting attention from an emphasis on disruption and insurgent uprisings to the goals of equalizing power between citizens and instituting democratic ownership and control over the economy. This framework enables radical democracy to respond to long-standing criticisms concerning the need for a more robust articulation of the injustices caused by capitalist relations of production.

The evolution of democratic tradition and regional variation in resistance in Nazi Germany

AbstractAre deep‐rooted democratic traditions related to geographical manifestation of resistance to authoritarian regimes? We address this question by studying the regional pattern of the most serious form of resistance experienced in prewar Nazi Germany, namely, those acts of resistance that resulted in arrest for treason and high treason. Specifically, we examine whether spatial variations in participation in one of the significant events of the German Revolution of 1848, the Second Democratic Congress, and voter turnout in the 1924 Reichstag election are associated with precinct‐level variations in arrest for treason and high treason. We also explore whether regional communist traditions are likewise associated with later resistance. We find that each additional precinct delegate at the Congress, the presence of a past communist uprising in the precinct, and each percentage point increase in the voter turnout is associated with 0.40, 4.35, and 6.16 additional unconditional expected charges per 100,000 inhabitants respectively.

What Makes a Demagogue? The Figure of the Rhetor in the Closing Years of the Peloponnesian War

It is usual to associate the word “demagogue” with bad political leadership. At worst, it is also usual to think about a leader that uses deception and feeds on the more primal emotions of the people to get what he wants. But, in reality, answering the question of what a demagogue was is far from easy. Thus, this paper hypothesizes that there is no substantial difference between a demagogue and a rhetor in Athenian democracy. As its method, the paper analyses the context of use of the term by the different actors as to shed some light on their intentions. First, the paper examines the concept of “demagogue” and how the term appears in the democratic tradition, by focusing on its usage in the works of authors such as Aristophanes, Lysias and Thucydides. Next, it refers to the way in which adversaries of Athenian democracy, especially deriving from philosophy, used the term. As this paper will show, there is a significant difference between the two usages, the former being descriptive and the latter pejorative. Finally, the paper concludes that both in the descriptive and pejorative sense, being a demagogue meant to be a rhetor, a leader of the demos .

My Country, Right or Wrong: Education, Accumulated Democratic Experience, and Political Socialization of Blind Patriotism

Although educational attainment has been identified as a significant factor that reduces uncritical positive attachment to one's country (i.e., blind patriotism), little is known about whether the remedial effect of education on uncritical patriotism is universal across countries with different histories of democratic rule. This article examines the extent to which democracy stock (the accumulated amount of democratic traditions, legacies, and experiences consolidated over time) conditions the relationship between education and blind patriotism. Using international data from 33 countries, the article shows that the remedial effect of education is more pronounced in countries with larger stocks of democracy than in countries with higher levels of democracy (current or recent). The results imply that the political socialization of critical patriotism is a cumulative process in which citizens internalize their potentially democratic competencies (e.g., knowledge, skills, and dispositions) and develop a sense of national attachment based on critical reflection on government policy and practice (i.e., critical loyalty) over an extended period of time.

Freedom of Expression, Honor, and Judicial Independence in Mandate Palestine

Honor, freedom of expression, and judicial independence are core values in modern societies. The latter two are associated with democracy and liberalism, while the roots of honor lie in the need for recognition. The British in Mandate era Palestine came from a democratic tradition, but it is unclear whether, and to what degree they intended the locals to enjoy these values. The article analyzes a series of defamation cases which shed light on the way the British Mandate courts balanced these concepts when plaintiffs sued after being accused of loyalty to the British. Such cases were unique in requiring judges to exert independence in their balancing of the plaintiff’s honor, the defendant’s freedom of expression, and the courts’ willingness to accept loyalty to the Crown as negative and offensive. This was a three-dimensional test case of British attitudes towards the three values. We show that at least some of British judges in the lower courts perceived themselves as independent and were willing to set aside the honor of the British government in order to allow the local inhabitants to defend their own honor. This adds to our understanding of the roots of judicial-independence and honor in (pre)-State Israel.

Democratic Traditions of the European Universities as the Development Assurance of Ukrainian Higher Education Institutions in Interwar Period

The article deals with the study of the Ukrainian scientists’ activities in one of the largest and most notable centres of Ukrainian political emigration since the early twenties of the 20th century – in the Prague one. It has been pointed out that the Ukrainian intellectuals in foreign countries did not abandon their thoughts about the restoration of a united sovereign state. The Ukrainian state and legal thought development were associated both with the functioning of the Ukrainian Free University as well as other higher education institutions and with the broad involving of European democratic traditions during the emigration period. The professors had to solve such important and difficult tasks as: to create independent university courses on many disciplines for Law Department which programmes had already been significantly expanded in Prague. Having a complicated scientific and methodological work the Ukrainian scientists performed a responsible task successfully; dozens of legal courses were compiled and partially published, most of the specializedcourses differed in originality and made a significant contribution to the development of legal thought and science. Regarding the teaching activity of scientists in emigration, and in the past many of them were lawyers-practitioners and statesmen, we should note that their reports and lecture materials are characterized by deep preparation, content, thoughtfulness and consistency of the basic idea development. The training of Ukrainian youth in higher education institutions in Czechoslovakia was completely saturated not only with European worldview and methodological approaches, but also retained progressive national-state traditions. The forced situation, in which legal scientists got, brought them to such a theoretical and practical level of training of legal staff, to which we are only approaching today. This stage was viewed by young people as temporary and did not even imagine that they would remain in the West forever; prepared to “return home not empty-handed”. Thus, modern legal education and science need advanced more thorough research on the legal refinement of legal scholars in exile. University students and postgraduate students should take an active part in events where scientists and students of law faculties of Ukrainian higher schools in Europe are popularized. It is advisable to organize discussions about state-legal, socio-political views, cultural activities of figures. It is also necessary to intensify the individual search for the scientific activities of Ukrainian emigration in certain areas of law.

These People Have Always Been a Republic: Indigenous Electorates in the U.S.–Mexico Borderlands, 1598–1912 by Maurice Crandall

Reviewed by: These People Have Always Been a Republic: Indigenous Electorates in the U.S.–Mexico Borderlands, 1598–1912 by Maurice Crandall Flannery Burke These People Have Always Been a Republic: Indigenous Electorates in the U.S.–Mexico Borderlands, 1598–1912. By Maurice Crandall. ( Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2019. Pp. 384. Illustrations, notes, bibliography, index.) These People Have Always Been a Republic is an ambitious, comprehensive account of the long history of Pueblo, Hopi, Yaqui, and O'odham electorates in what is now northern Mexico and the southwestern United States. The book is also a bold argument advocating that historians use a different frame to understand democracy. Historians of the United States pride themselves on their thorough explorations of democracy and its origins. Crandall asks that scholars widen their view. "The Anglo-American tendency to look from east to west, against which Herbert Eugene Bolton battled so long, persists to the present day" (5), he observes. Crandall reminds [End Page 99] us that democracy is not a possession of the United States. He does so by neither ignoring nor centering colonialism. Spanish, Mexican, and U.S. colonists are powerful figures in Crandall's narrative, but they are not the protagonists. Drawing on hemispheric historiography, Crandall argues persuasively and emphatically that the constant in electoral activity in the U.S.–Mexico borderlands "was the desire by Pueblos, Hopis, Yaquis, and Tohono O'odhams to protect their rights as sovereign Native Nations" (289). Pueblos, Hopis, Yaquis, and Tohono O'odhams are the key agents in Crandall's narrative even when they are not visibly active. Indeed, one of Crandall's key insights is that voting—perhaps the most visible element of electoral activity—could be both a tool of colonialism and a tool of independence. O'odhams who refused U.S. citizenship and enfranchisement baffled even those U.S. officials who considered themselves Indigenous allies, but Indigenous electorates closely guarded their community decisions from the eyes of outsiders, not out of a dedication to secrecy per se, but out of a commitment to their own freedom to make decisions for themselves. As such secrecy indicates, voting (or not voting) for particular leaders was just one of the ways that Indigenous electorates protected their sovereignty. Hybridized forms of Indigenous government also addressed independent religious practice; the return of women and children stolen from their communities; service on juries and in the military; the location, delivery, and content of education for Indigenous children; responses to internal instances of violence; and, always passionately, the potential alienation of tribal land. Indigenous electors responded to these issues within the constraints and legacies of Spanish, Mexican, and U.S. colonialism, but they did so by preserving and adapting their own democratic practices toward the end of community perseverance. Colonization "neither destroyed nor replaced Indigenous forms of democracy traditionally rooted in concepts of consensus, dialogue, persuasion, and the power of words" (6). Indeed, in the Pueblos' case, they continued to practice their own democratic traditions during Spanish colonization even when their Spanish neighbors held no rights to do the same. Crandall's narrative addresses abstract concepts: democracy, the franchise, and independence, but it is also filled with human and material stories. In the Cantón Rebellion of 1837, Pueblo Indians briefly led "the most inclusive government New Mexico has ever seen—past or present" (133). In 1848, a Hopi woman and several Hopi children were returned to Oraibi after Mexicans brutally took them captive and sold them as genízaros because Hopi leadership pleaded with Mexican officials for their return. Yaqui leaders reminded themselves of their obligations with the oath "the sierra does not have a voice, but you do" (81). Historians presently observe some of the most significant challenges to U.S. democracy in the nation's history. They would benefit from broad studies of democracies [End Page 100] that heed the insights and concerns of Indigenous electorates. U.S. democracy itself could benefit as well. Flannery Burke Saint Louis University Copyright © 2021 The Texas State Historical Association

Становлення та розвиток громадянської освіти в США

The article highlights the genesis of the formation of American civic education and summarizes its main achievements in higher education in the United States today. It is noted that the United States is the world's oldest constitutional democracy with developed political institutions, the philosophical foundations of which serve as a model to follow, and the pedagogical experience in the field of civic education is useful for study and following. The contribution of the field of law to the formation of civic education in the United States and providing it with a qualitatively new vector of development is outlined. It is emphasized that in a constitutional democracy, effective civic education is a necessity, as it provides the development of the ability to think critically and act consciously in a pluralistic world, as well as competent and responsible participation in the life of both the local community and the state. It is noted that the active civic involvement of student youth requires the acquisition of civic knowledge, the development of intellectual and “soft skills”, as well as certain character traits, including moral and reasonable adherence to the fundamental values and principles of American constitutional democracy. It has been found that civic education in the United States, based on the intellectual and democratic traditions that link the modern era with the history of the American state, is the basis of both a country's democracy and the development of social responsibility of its citizens. In the late XXth – early XXIst century in the United States, there has been an increasing participation of students, university and college professors, the legal profession, and other public and private sector volunteers in the public and political life of American society. Accordingly, it contributes to a significant improvement of the content and organizational aspects of civic education, which is ensured by the quality of educational materials, the introduction of interactive teaching methods and the training of teachers for the field of civic education.

Identity, Recognition and Culture

One of the concerns in the modern democratic state is what place there should be, if any, for the recognition of cultures and cultural identities. Should a democratic state concern itself with the preservation of culture? Should it recognize or promote a national culture – a German culture in Germany, for example, – or should it recognise or promote some kind of national cultural pluralism or multiculturalism? Should a culture or one’s cultural identity have special protections or rights in the state? In this paper, work towards answers to some of these questions. I begin with a brief statement of what I call the ‘modern’ liberal democratic view, and present how it generally understands the place of cultural identity and culture. I then consider a response to it – a view that has been called ‘communitarian.’ Following this, I present an alternative to both views that situates itself within ‘postmodern’ liberal democratic tradition and, again, see how it understands the place of cultural identity and culture. I argue that this latter view, and indeed all three views, neglect some key issues on the nature of identity and, by extension, culture. It is only by being attentive to these key issues that we can arrive at a plausible and practicable statement of the place of cultural identity and of culture in the modern democratic state.

ОСОБЕННОСТИ ВЗАИМОДЕЙСТВИЯ ПОЛИТИЧЕСКИХ, ЭТНИЧЕСКИХ И РЕЛИГИОЗНЫХ ФАКТОРОВ НА СЕВЕРНОМ КАВКАЗЕ

The article analyzes the dialectic of the three most important factors of identification of a person and society - political, ethnic and confessional. They are always inextricably intertwined, but they interact especially closely in the North Caucasus. Attention is drawn to the inadmissibility of underestimating any of them and to the harmfulness of various extremes in the action. It is proved, that the influence of religion on ethno-social processes in certain spheres is manifested with varying degrees of intensity. Religious influence is least noticeable in the financial and economic sphere, since it mainly operates universal and national mechanisms. Some ways of optimizing confessional ethnic and social interaction at the present stage are listed. Among the objective and subjective reasons, that hinder the harmonization of interaction between ethnic, political and religious processes in the region, the lack of stable democratic traditions and civil society institutions is indicated; social and property polarization among various social strata, which leads to the practical absence of the “middle” class, which is a reliable support of society and the state; deformations in the social structure, primarily associated which a significant decrease in the share of the Russian and Russian-speaking population.