Democracy Research Articles

The Urgency of Restorative Justice Regulation on Hate Speech

<div><table cellspacing="0" cellpadding="0" align="left"><tbody><tr><td align="left" valign="top"><p class="AbstractText">Regulations on the imposition of criminal sanctions in cases of hate speech on social media are, at some point, considered to degrade human rights to express opinions in the context of a democratic country. This research aims to provide an overview of resolving hate speech cases on social media using a restorative justice approach and how regulations should be created and developed. This research uses normative legal research methods using statutory and conceptual approaches. The concept proposed refers to the theory of restorative justice and the theory of establishing appropriate regulations. This research indicates that until now, there has been no strong and adequate legal basis for implementing non-penal resolution of hate speech cases through a restorative justice approach. In the Criminal Code, which revokes the article regarding hate speech in the Information and Electronic Transactions Law both before and after the Constitutional Court Decision, there is no reference to using a restorative justice approach in resolving existing cases. It is urgent to regulate restorative justice arrangements to guarantee legal certainty for the parties by considering recovery for damage and losses victims suffer based on a mutually agreed agreement. Restorative justice can mediate accusations of degradation of freedom of opinion and can maintain democratic values. Based on the regulatory formation process theory, some factors must be considered in designing and making restorative justice arrangements in hate speech cases.</p></td></tr></tbody></table></div>

William James' Theory of Truth and Its Relevance for Religious Education

Religious absolutism is one of the epistemological roots behind various acts of religious intolerance that threaten the order of life in a plural, dynamic, tolerant and inclusive democratic society. This research is a study of philosophical literature that explores the ideas of William James's pragmatic theory of truth and finds its relevance to religious education in order to anticipate symptoms of religious absolutism. James challenged the absolutism of truth that had been maintained for centuries in the Western philosophical tradition. Truth does not lie in ideas or notions, but rather in the process or event of verification and validation of those ideas or notions in experience. He offers a pragmatic concept of truth that takes into account the practical consequences of ideas in experience. For him, truth should be dynamic, open, continuously growing and plural. Inspired by James' ideas, the author conveys the importance of religious truth and religious education interpreted in a more pragmatic framework. Religious truth is not only built from religious dogma or doctrine but is a reflective and dialogical process through the experience of faith, which is formed in relation to other truths. In a contemporary pluralistic society, religious education cannot be reduced to simply teaching religious doctrine or dogma. Religious education needs to be carried out within a pragmatic framework as a form of religious moderation education that pays attention to efforts to develop critical-reflective abilities to grow faith in a sustainable manner, creatively interpreting human experience, as well as forming human ethical character to maintain a harmonious life together.

Being a Woman Politician on the Isle of Man: How Smallness Explains Political Culture

Abstract This article explores the distinctive experience of women as legislators in a small democracy, drawing on a multimethod study of the Isle of Man. Experiences of gender in a small democracy’s politics are not merely quantitatively different, for instance in terms of constituents per representative; but qualitatively different as a result of the interconnected ramifications of quantitative differences. We find pervasive effects from the absence of strong party institutionalization, the intersection of intimacy and vulnerability, and the constraints of strictly limited capacity. Understanding gender and politics in a small democracy is an important contribution to island feminism, and acts as a corrective to an understanding of the interrelations of gender and politics within democratic constitutions based only on the experience of women in large democracies. The study also shows the pervasive importance of smallness even for a European democracy with close cultural ties to a large democracy.

Teachers’ enactment of Freirean democratic pedagogies in primary school physical education

ABSTRACT Background Despite its ubiquity in education discourses, social justice is a highly contested concept that can be framed in different ways [Dowling, F., H. Fitzgerald, and A. Flintoff. 2012. Equity and Difference in Physical Education, Youth Sport and Health: A Narrative Approach. Routledge]. The ‘social’ element of social justice is always framed by broader cultural and socio-political contexts. Therefore teaching for social justice cannot be conceptualised as a single pedagogy that can be enacted without regard for the learning content and the learning context. Purpose The rationale for this research is to bridge the gap between advocacy for pedagogies for social justice and practices done in the name. The specific aim of this paper was to explore how specialist primary school physical education teachers in Spain enact democratic practices that promote social justice by engaging students in decision making in ways that ensure their voices are heard and considered. Method The research was informed by Critical Incident Technique (CIT) methodology. Data were generated through six classroom observations and stimulated recall interviews with three Spanish primary PE teachers. Data analysis was informed by Paulo Freire’s [1970. Pedagogy of the Oppressed. Seabury Press] democratic pedagogy and associated concepts of dialogue, problem posing and critical consciousness. Findings The findings demonstrate how the teachers’ PE teachers’ practices have strong roots in democratic principles that are consistent with the scholarship of Freire. The two themes; (1) ‘Student-led dialogical encounters’ and (2) ‘Pedagogy of questioning and exploration’ provide insight into how the Spanish primary school PE specialists in this study teach for and about social justice in contextually relevant ways. Discussion These findings remind us that PE provides a fertile educational context for implementing democratic pedagogies due to its interactive activity-based context and curricular focus on holistic development. The findings provide insight into both how democratic pedagogies in PE are possible even with very young students. Conclusion We argue that democratic pedagogies are essential to social justice outcomes in school PE. They can enhance student participation, foster relationships, and empower individuals to become active agents of change. Democratic pedagogies in primary schools provide a sound foundation for scaffolding a critical consciousness in secondary school PE contexts.

Dodging the autocratic bullet: enlisting behavioural science to arrest democratic backsliding

Abstract Despite a long history of research on democratic backsliding, the process itself − in which the executive branch amasses power and undermines democratic processes and institutions − remains poorly understood. We seek to shed light on the underlying mechanisms by studying democratic near misses: cases in which a period of autocratic governance is quickly reversed or full backsliding is prevented at the last minute. Building on the literature on near misses in sociotechnical systems such as nuclear power plants, we adapt the drift-to-danger model to the study of democratic systems. Two key findings emerge: First, democratic backsliding is often triggered by political elites pushing the boundaries of their power by violating norms, which are crucial yet vulnerable safeguards for democracy. Second, democratic backsliding is unpredictable and non-linear, being driven by the interaction between political elites and the public. Norm-violating elites may feel legitimized by a supportive public that sees norm violations as justified. At the same time, political elites may signal that norm-violating behaviour is acceptable, potentially leading the public to adopt anti-democratic beliefs and behaviours. We identify risk factors that make norm violations more likely and outline behavioural sciences-based interventions to address these violations.

Reconstruction of the Threshold Setting for Regional Head Candidacy in the Perspective of Electoral Democracy in Indonesia

This study explores the reconstruction of threshold regulations for regional head candidacy within the framework of Indonesia’s democratic electoral system. The threshold regulation, requiring political parties or coalitions to meet specific parliamentary support levels for candidate nomination, has been a critical yet controversial component of Indonesia’s Pilkada process. While initially designed to ensure political stability and legitimacy, this policy has faced criticism for marginalizing independent candidates and smaller parties, undermining the principles of inclusivity and proportional representation. Grounded in the Constitutional Court Decision No. 60/PUU-XXII/2024, this research analyzes the implications of threshold policies and their alignment with democratic principles such as justice, equality, and broad-based participation. The decision emphasizes reducing the threshold percentage and simplifying the requirements for independent candidates, aiming to enhance electoral inclusivity and prevent political monopolies by dominant parties. The study highlights the importance of a nuanced policy design that accommodates regional sociopolitical diversity, promoting equitable competition while safeguarding electoral justice. Additionally, it proposes strategies to encourage coalition-building among smaller political parties and amplify opportunities for independent candidates, thereby enriching democratic representation. This reconstruction is anticipated to address long-standing criticisms of the threshold system, fostering a more inclusive and transparent electoral process. By aligning with democratic ideals, these reforms aspire to improve the quality of governance and enhance citizens’ trust in the democratic process at the regional level. The findings contribute to broader discussions on policy reform in electoral systems to balance stability, fairness, and inclusivity.

Gullimair travels east: drivers of party system institutionalization in Asia in comparative perspective

ABSTRACT In this article, we apply Mair’s concept of ‘party system closure’ to Asian party systems, with particular comparison with his native continent, Europe. Building on Mair’s (2001) conceptualization and Casal Bértoa and Enyedi’s (2021) operationalization of party system institutionalization (PSI), which demonstrates the importance of looking at the supply-side of PSI and the superiority of closure over electoral volatility as a measure of PSI, this article is the first to examine the determinants of party system closure in Asia. Introducing and analyzing a new dataset covering 136 elections and 235 cases of government formation in 23 Asian democratic party systems, and using Casal Bértoa and Enyedi’s (2022) original dataset for Europe, we find that (1) the negative effect of direct presidential elections is significantly higher in Asia than in Europe, (2) in contrast to Asia, where historical legacies have a detrimental impact, they are not statistically significant in Europe, and (3) parliamentary fragmentation hinders systemic closure to a similar extent in both continents. Our analysis has important implications for the future stability of party systems in both Asia and Europe where the number of (new) parties has exponentially increased in recent years.

Engaging youth students in community issues: The efficacy of a citizenship education programme in Kenya

This article explores the implementation and impact of a local democracy programme as a citizenship education framework in Kenya. Focusing on the pedagogical approach of ‘Transmission, Transaction and Reflection’ in Kenya, it examines how secondary students engage with local democratic governance and societal issues by creating and distributing reports in their newsletters. The study reveals the benefits and challenges of integrating citizenship education into the curriculum, highlighting the gap between theoretical knowledge and practical application, and demonstrates that experiential learning activities, such as student-led reporting, can significantly enhance students’ understanding of democratic values and active citizenship. It underscores the necessity of bridging the theoretical–practical divide to effectively prepare students for their roles as engaged, empowered and ethical citizens. These valuable insights into pedagogical strategies can foster more inclusive and participatory citizenship education in Kenya and similar African contexts.

The Italian political class: two multilevel datasets on the profiles and opinions of elected politicians

Abstract The datasets on the Italian political class provides two sets of information: (a) census data on a broad spectrum of individual-level variables on elected politicians, offering an updated mapping of the characteristics of more than 20,000 Italian representatives at all governmental levels; (b) survey data on politicians' attitudes towards elections, participation, public opinion, several national and international policy issues, and their views of political representation. Between September 2020 and January 2021, 2134 elected politicians at the local (n = 1917), regional (n = 128), national (n = 75) and European (n = 14) levels were interviewed, making this one of the largest surveys of the Italian political elites ever conducted and a valuable resource for researchers interested in the study of democratic representation.

Measuring “what matters” in 21st-century policing: partnering with civilian oversight to assess procedurally just policing in Philadelphia

ABSTRACT Police oversight bodies routinely audit body-worn camera (BWC) footage for binary policy compliance (e.g., Was the camera activated per policy?), and police performance assessments traditionally focus on quantifiable outputs. In both cases, the ‘process domain’ that reflects service quality is largely ignored, resulting in impoverished metrics. In partnership with the Philadelphia Police Department and the Citizens Police Oversight Commission, we conducted a systematic social observation (SSO) of BWC footage from 233 randomly selected traffic stops to evaluate a protocol for measuring procedurally just policing (PJP). Rater consistency and validity assessments showed that coders provided reliable ratings, capturing elements of participation, dignity/respect, and trustworthy motives, with lower correlations for neutrality. Mean PJP scores varied with suspect tone, supporting predictive validity and aligning with procedural justice theory. The PJP protocol enables oversight entities to assess service quality and alignment with democratic policing values, though refinements are needed to address the range of police–citizen interactions. We discuss our findings and their implications for automation.

Misinformation: The Greatest Threat to Democracy-Empowering K-12 Teachers to Build Critical Media Literacy Skills in Students

Misinformation poses a significant threat to democratic societies by undermining public trust, increasing polarization, and obstructing informed decision-making. This paper explores the pervasive impact of misinformation on democracy and emphasizes the critical role of K-12 educators in fostering media literacy skills among students. By equipping students with the ability to critically evaluate information, educators can help build a more informed citizenry capable of resisting the influence of falsehoods. The paper discusses strategies for teachers, including building media literacy, teaching critical evaluation methods, leveraging technology responsibly, and fostering a culture of critical thinking and civil discourse. Practical resources for teachers are also highlighted to combat misinformation effectively

Introduction to the Special Issue: ‘The public good of higher education: A comparative study’

AbstractThe Special Issue provides the first consolidated outcomes from a large cross-country research project, conducted by the UK-based Centre for Global Higher Education, on the contributions of higher education to public good outcomes. The public good outcomes of higher education are outcomes other than private pecuniary benefits like individual earnings, employment or social status: (a) shared collective social goods, such as the contributions of higher education to social tolerance, or democratic governance and (b) non-pecuniary individual goods such as the lifetime contribution of higher education to the subjectification (self-formation) of students and to their socialisation as citizens in relational settings. This non-pecuniary domain is underplayed or hidden in those economic policies in the Anglosphere that imagine social life in exclusively transactional terms and model students as consumers, universities as businesses and higher education systems as competitive markets, suggesting the need to move beyond the Anglosphere. The research studies reported here compare approaches to public good outcomes (or their nearest lexical equivalents) in Chile, China, Finland, France, Japan and Poland, as well as Canada and England. This introduction explains the project and presents the country studies, also acknowledging the limitations of the research. It concludes with a summary of the research outcomes across the eight countries, including similarities and differences, and a generic transpositional analysis that integrates the separate findings into a single overall picture of the contribution of higher education to the public good in the eight countries.

Walking a mile in their shoes —How local politicians reason about trade-off decisions

ABSTRACT In times of increased financial constraints and ageing population, politicians must make difficult trade-off decisions that challenge their legitimacy in the eyes of the public. This is not least the case at local level where policy issues tend to be more immediate and comprehensible to individuals than policy decisions at the national level. Analysing originally collected responses from over 800 Swedish local politicians through free-text questions, we examine the perspectives of those responsible for making difficult trade-off decisions, as well as their strategies for generating public acceptance. Our findings show that politicians are prepared to make difficult trade-offs, but also that they expect the public to do their part by engaging in constructive dialogue and accepting reasonable justifications. The study thereby provides a practice-based understanding of the considerations of local politicians that can inform contemporary debates on democratic representation and the role of citizens in political decision-making.

Critical Provocations for Synthetic Data

Training artificial intelligence (AI) systems requires vast quantities of data, and AI developers face a variety of barriers to accessing the information they need. Synthetic data has captured researchers’ and industry’s imagination as a potential solution to this problem. While some of the enthusiasm for synthetic data may be warranted, in this short paper we offer critical counterweight to simplistic narratives that position synthetic data as a cost-free solution to every data-access challenge—provocations highlighting ethical, political, and governance issues the use of synthetic data can create. We question the idea that synthetic data, by its nature, is exempt from privacy and related ethical concerns. We caution that framing synthetic data in binary opposition to “real” measurement data could subtly shift the normative standards to which data collectors and processors are held. And we argue that by promising to divorce data from its constituents—the people it represents and impacts—synthetic data could create new obstacles to democratic data governance.

Social Media, Misinformation, and Attitudes Towards Democracy in Germany During the Covid-19 Pandemic

ABSTRACT Social media platforms are a double-edged sword, serving as sources of both critical information and harmful misinformation. This duality has sparked debates about their potential role in threatening democracy, boosting radical parties, and amplifying authoritarian and populist attitudes. While much research has focused on how misinformation and social media usage can influence voting for radical and populist parties, research on how diffuse and specific support for democracy are affected by the level of misinformation is more scarce. This study examines how satisfaction with democracy, democratic legitimacy, and adherence to liberal democratic principles are shaped by social media usage and citizens’ susceptibility to misinformation. Employing novel data from an online survey conducted in Germany in June 2021, we show that political information sources and misinformation exposure have a greater impact on perceptions of democratic functioning than on support for democracy as a political ideal. Furthermore, for citizens prone to believing misinformation, media consumption habits have no significant impact highlighting a critical blind spot in addressing democracy’s resilience in the digital age.

Back to the Future? The Electoral Breakthrough of Far-Right Parties

Abstract In contemporary Europe, far-right parties threaten liberal democratic principles such as pluralism, media freedom and minority rights. Despite the stigma they normally face, far-right parties have experienced electoral breakthroughs even in countries where they remained electorally marginal such as Germany, Portugal, Spain and Sweden. We advance the idea that this happened because the level of stigmatization faced by these parties decreased before their electoral breakthrough. Therefore, we form a theoretical framework based on a threefold mechanism: far-right parties manage to reduce the stigma they face because of a reputational shield or by moderating their message; the media help the far right gain visibility and legitimacy by accommodating its views; established parties accommodate far-right parties without ostracizing them. Then, we test the framework by looking at the electoral breakthroughs of four parties: the results confirm the expectations except for the role of established parties, which is inconclusive.

“Novo” constitucionalismo, velhos problemas: democracia e autoritarismo na América Latina

The present work aims at analyzing two problems, which have been verified for a long time in Latin America, and the proposal for their overcoming from a specific epistemology: the lack of consolidation of democracy and authoritarianism, seen from the so-called “new” Latin constitutionalism. American From the research problem (“has the 'new' Latin American constitutionalism been able to solve the historical problems related to democracy and authoritarianism in Latin America?”), the objective is to verify how the region and its institutions have sought to maintain democratic values. Indeed, Latin America has in its history long periods of dictatorships, false democracies, oligarchic and autocratic governments, interspersed with brief periods of democracy. As theoretical references, the works of Roberto Gargarella (La sala de máquinas de La Constitución: dos siglos del constitucionalismo en América Latina (1810-2010)) and Waldo Ansaldi and Verónica Giordano (América Latina: la construcción del orden) are adopted. As a method of approach, the methodology of historical sociology is chosen, which acquires relevance to think about the processes of Latin American democracy and authoritarianism in a long-term logic, capable of demonstrating whether the political problems of the region constitute, or not, historical regularity. It is concluded that Latin American constitutionalism has not been able to overcome the historical culture of authoritarianism in the region. The absence of deeper ruptures with established power structures and the lack of true democratization of political and social processes have resulted in a fragile democracy subject to constant crises.

Actual Issues of Reform of Georgian National Security Sector’s Accountability and Oversight System

By its nature and specific obligations, the security assurance system contradicts external control, oversight and accountability principles, because its significant part and decisions are related to secret activities and documents. Therefore, in the democratic governance of national security and oversight of the activities of security institutions, the role of the Parliament, as the highest standing political authority, acting for the interests of the people is extremely important. The Parliament, as the highest legislator sets scopes for the activity, accountability and control of security institutions. Efficient parliamentary oversight increases the quality of accountability of security institutions and protects the society from arbitrary, inappropriate or repressive governance. A democratic governance system requires efficient oversight of secret activities. This objective can be achieved, first of all, via independent, powerful institutions and the system that provides oversight of personal data collection. The oversight is not limited to parliamentary oversight only, the development of governmental, judicial and independent institutions is not less important. This Paper presents experience and analysis of the development of the oversight system over the activities of the security institutions of Georgia and other democratic countries. The Paper provides the comparative analysis of experiences of Georgian and foreign countries about the oversight of the activities of security institutions and personal data protection in secret activities. The Paper puts some issues for discussion concerning the actual matters of the reform of the control system over the activities of security institutions, providing the considerations about establishing new, independent oversight institutions.

Democratic justice and status inequality in temporary labor migration

ABSTRACT This paper argues against the claim that liberal democratic societies’ commitment to political equality requires them to offer a path to citizenship to temporary migrant workers (i.e. the democratic justice argument). I advance two arguments against this claim: (i) that access to citizenship is neither sufficient nor necessary to reduce temporary migrant workers’ exploitation and (ii) the democratic justice argument hinges on an untenable conception of status inequality. The paper fleshes out these two reasons in detail to then present an adequate analysis of the status difference that temporary labor migration programs (TLMPs) give rise to. I conclude that TLMPs’ restriction of their participants’ rights and access to citizenship can be compatible with democratic principles and, particularly, with political equality.

Privacy and Personal Data Protection v. the Protection of National Security and the Fight Against Crime: An Analysis of EU Law and Judicial Practice

Considering the risks that accompany technological progress, the need for personal data protection has significantly increased in today’s world. While digital technology offers many benefits, it has also created unprecedented opportunities for surveillance, posing a threat to human rights and democratic values. Fighting against crime and safeguarding national security are important legitimate aims, and processing data related to electronic communications is one of the means for their achievement. At the same time, the state’s extensive power can create a sense of constant surveillance and give rise to a chilling effect. The wide discretion of state authorities and the covert nature of implemented measures generate a high risk of human rights violations. Therefore, one of the main challenges in human rights law is finding a balance between combating crime and protecting national security, on the one hand, and safeguarding human rights, on the other. Over the past few years, the Court of Justice of the European Union has delivered significant judgments on the compliance of legal regimes governing the retention and transmission of electronic communications data with EU law. When ensuring a fair balance between different interests, the CJEU appropriately considers both the threats present in the modern world and the importance of human rights protection. The present article discusses the processing of personal data in the electronic communications sector under EU law and analyses the development of the case law of the Court of Justice of the European Union.