Democratic Power Research Articles

Politics and Technology

This study aims to explain the relationship between politics and technology by specifically discussing how the Internet supports and hinders democracy. This conceptual elaboration was prompted by recent controversies about the democratic power of the Internet. The controversy is framed in three perspectives, namely the perspective of utopia, dystopia, and syntopia. By using a qualitative approach and constructivist paradigm as well as literature studies, this paper argues that the three perspectives are reductionist and simplistic. Based on their technological determinism approach, they ignore subject agency and socio-cultural context in framing the relationship between the Internet and democracy. This paper offers holistic reading that the success and failure of technology adoption in democratic practice is a product of the organic interaction between technology and subject agency as well as social, political, and cultural contexts.

The politics of belonging in Arunachal Pradesh: rules of exclusion and differentiated citizenship

ABSTRACT This paper unravels the politics of belonging, the legal-political regime of exclusion, and differentiated citizenship in the multi-layered social and political context of Arunachal Pradesh, India. This paper aims to engage with the institutional arrangements of the Indian state that accommodate the ethno-cultural differences in a multi-ethnic society. Set amidst the changing social and economic realities of Arunachal Pradesh, this study relates to the emerging contestations around the protection of Indigenous identity and the need for differential treatment of people in multiethnic societies by embedding these discussions within policy debates on Inner Line Regulation and land legislations in the state. This paper adopts an incisive approach to understand the implications of such protective measures on the conceptualization of citizenship in states with a significant Indigenous population. It argues for examining the implications of ethnicised forms of governance in favour of democratic power sharing structures and representative institutions of the economy.

Fostering Democratic Values for the Future

delving into the subjects that contribute to the democratic values frame. We will investigate the active role of individuals in shaping cultural norms and emphasize the importance of their participation in manifesting democratic power within the state. Moreover, the study questions whether the education system effectively prepares the future generation to be responsible members of society. The paper starts with the concept of co-creation and assesses whether individuals are ready to understand or know its implications. It reviews the empowerment of individuals as active decision-makers in societal processes and their ability to critically reflect on social movements and evolution. Furthermore, the research explores whether the upcoming generation possesses values that enable them to reject or aspire to different ideologies. In addressing the relationship between individuals and civil society, the paper investigates when and how nongovernmentalorganizations play a role in the education of future generations' values. An essential aspect of the study is an analysis of the education system's contribution to promoting Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) in Romania. The research evaluates whether citizens have the necessary values to protect and support a sustainable future. The methodological framework for the paper is structured around a combination of qualitative and quantitative research methods, such as literature and document review, content and comparative analysis, and a multidisciplinary approach to gather comprehensive insights. Through this comprehensive examination, the paper aims to contribute valuable insights and recommendations for enhancing Romania's preuniversity education system, strengthening civil society, and promoting a sustainable future.

INSTITUTIONAL RACISM IN SULTANZADAH'S NOVEL 'SHAM-E AKHIR-E AFGHANI' (2021)

This research addresses institutional racism in Afghanistan, focusing on Mohammad Asif Sultanzadah's novel entitled Sham-e Akhir-e Afghani (2021). Utilizing the theoretical framework of institutional racism from Carmichael and Hamilton (1967), this study employs a qualitative approach with textual analysis as the primary tool. In the novel, Sultanzadah’s narrative highlights institutional racism perpetrated by extremist Pashtuns (Taliban) and Afghan government against Hazaras. Findings indicate that racism persists in Afghan society, with Hazaras that differ in ethnicity, religion, and culture, experiencing significant discrimination, particularly in various social settings. While Pashtuns are seen as a superior democratic power condemning individual racism, Hazaras face systemic racial discrimination in education, relationships, housing, and the economic system. This study underscores the urgent need to address institutional racism in Afghanistan.

Zur alten und neuen Logik der Agrarpolitik in Europa: Gibt es effektive Steuerungsmechanismen einer nachhaltigen Landwirtschaft?

Abstract Few policies have been as heavily criticised as European agricultural policy. Consequently, since its establishment in 1962, it has been in a continuous process of reform, encompassing six major reforms in the last 30 years alone. The central question arises: What is the logic behind the endless reform history of EU agricultural policy? Are agricultural reforms fundamentally a logical consequence of changing objectives or structural conditions, and thus dynamically efficient? Or do they represent a sequence of unsuccessful political learning processes and thus a perpetual policy failure? The latter implies that there are more efficient policy options that would be politically feasible given the democratic power relations and decision-making processes in place.

Toward the democratic reconstruction of the urban

This commentary offers a critical assessment of Ross Beveridge and Phillippe Koch's article “Seeing democracy like a city.” While there is much we can learn from their analysis and perspective, in the end, it offers only marginal resistance against the colossal structural forces quashing the democratic emancipation of the urban, leaving us with little hope for systemic and comprehensive democratic reconstruction. Only through a mass politics designed to capture and wield state-centered democratic power can we hope to realize broader system change in late-stage, neoliberal capitalist regimes.

Judicial people’s power: concepts, forms

It is emphasized that the concept of “judicial people’s power” defines a key aspect of the judicial system in democratic societies. This phenomenon reflects the fundamental idea that the judicial power, usually exercised by judges, should function under conditions of active influence and control of citizens, who are the main subjects of state power in a democratic system.
 It has been established that the study of judicial people’s power is of great importance for strengthening democracy, legal state formation and ensuring justice in modern societies. It promotes the development of effective mechanisms for the protection of the rights and freedoms of citizens and ensures that the courts serve the interests of society, observing the principles of justice and equality before the law.
 It has been determined that judicial people’s power as a constitutional and legal phenomenon plays an important role in ensuring the openness, fairness and legitimacy of justice. It can be implemented through forms of direct and indirect participation of citizens in the exercise of judicial power.
 It is emphasized that the involvement of experts contributes to increasing trust in the judicial system, as court decisions are based on objective data and scientific conclusions. Experts help to avoid suspicion and influence of the parties on the legal process, which is important to ensure justice.
 It was noted that citizen participation in the development of laws and reforms of the judicial system helps to ensure that laws meet the needs and expectations of society. It contributes to increasing the legitimacy and adoption of court decisions by citizens, as they take an active part in the process of forming legal norms and principles. Citizen participation makes the judicial system more open and democratic, contributes to increasing trust in the courts and their work. In general, the participation of citizens in the development of laws and the discussion of reforms of the judicial system is an important mechanism for ensuring citizen participation in the formation of justice and the improvement of the judicial system as a whole. This process reflects the principle of popular sovereignty and supports the idea of democracy in society.
 In summary, judicial democracy is a principle based on the idea that judicial power, including the appointment of judges, decision-making and accountability before the law, should be subjectively controlled by citizens who are the bearers of democratic power in society. Judicial people’s power involves the participation of citizens in the formation and functioning of the judicial system, ensures the openness of judicial processes and the accountability of the judiciary to citizens and the law.

The abolition of the army in Costa Rica: effects on education and culture

As time goes by, Costa Rica becomes more of a concept than a country, whose nuances have attracted disproportionate global attention. Costa Rica stands out for the abolition of the army, democracy, nature, and its people. What will be the relationship between these variables? That proclivity for peace probably made it easier for Costa Rica to nurture education as an ecosystem for all, a democratization of power with participatory communities and a host society. This essay offers some thoughts on the subject. Explores the dynamics of an ecosystem nurtured by synergy and symbiosis between education, culture, nature, and Costa Rican society after the abolition of the army.

Islamic Epistemology in the Bangladesh Government System (1996–2022): An Analysis of Political Ideologies

This study aims to explore the extent of Islamization in Bangladesh during the tenure of democratically elected leaders Sheikh Hasina and Khaleda Zia. The objective is to analyze the state of democratic governance in Bangladesh from a religious perspective, focusing specifically on Islamic political epistemology. It begins by defining Islamic Political Epistemology and its significance in acknowledging Islam’s role in democratic power. This qualitative descriptive analysis examines recent research papers from highly ranked resources such as Scopus. It is important to note that specific methods can strengthen strategies for enforcing electoral decrees, improve credentials for arbitration through sovereignty within the dominion branch, and increase national participation in political acts and society through Islamic Political Epistemology. Sheikh Hasina’s new regime has achieved significant progress in implementing Islamic development in bureaucracy and regulations. Qawmi Madrasah has contributed significantly to Islamic Education in Bangladesh, and the current government recognizes their educational certificates. The salaries of teachers and Imams at Government Madrasah-e-Alia have been increased, which is a significant policy change. The study revealed that Khaleda Zia’s government could have succeeded despite its alliance with Islamic political parties. Having a coalition with Islamic political parties does not necessarily mean that the country’s political ideology is institutionalized in an Islamic way. Opposite, Bangladesh’s government, with partial financing from Saudi Arabia, is constructing 560 mosques that will also serve as artistic centres to promote Islamic epistemology and combat extremism. However, this government operates under a one-party system with the Awami League party, led by Sheikh Hasina, idolizing Sheikh Mujibur Rahman.

Exploring the Role of Duma in the Power Structure of Contemporary Russia

The state of Russian politics has always attracted the attention of many scholars, especially the unique authoritarian system of Russia, which maintains a democratic framework, and the role of the Duma in this is a natural focus of scholarly research. The Duma, the legislative body of the Russian Empire since 1905, reappeared after the collapse of the Soviet Union and assumed the role of the post-Soviet transition, as well as the Putin era. This study researches the question that what the role of the Duma plays in the power structure of the contemporary Russian regime. In terms of the significance of the study, it is important to understand the dynamics of the institutions role in Russias political system, as it is vital to contribute to academic research and to improve and assist political practice. Regarding the research methodology, a systematic review of the relevant academic literature was conducted using the Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic Reviews and Meta-Analyses (PRISMA) guideline and a review of the latest decade of academic literature was sought to refine this study. Finally, this study concludes that the role of the Duma is dual and functional, due to its role in promoting authoritarianism as well as in maintaining democratic power structures, and its constructive role in foreign policy.

May Morris, Dorothy Walker, and the Legacies of the Arts and Crafts Interior

The designers of the Arts and Crafts movement attempted to articulate the democratic power of the domestic interior. The legacies of these ideas are shaped by house museums such as Kelmscott Manor (home of William Morris) and 7 Hammersmith Terrace (Emery Walker’s House, publicized as “The Arts and Crafts Home”). Lived in and maintained by female descendants, May Morris and Dorothy Walker, and their female companions, these house museums invite a reassessment of the role of the Arts and Crafts movement in feminist and queer histories of interior design. In this article, I demonstrate some of the ways in which house museums and the Arts and Crafts movement can offer opportunities to expose some of the disciplinary structures that hinder an inclusive history of interior design. Situating its case studies in the context of the history of heritage preservation, and engaging with feminist scholarship, I argue that one strategy for exposing and challenging hidden biases in the field is to recognize homemaking, preservation, and curating as forms of creative labor that have made crucial contributions to the history of interior design. Focusing primarily on gender but also paying attention to questions of class, race, and sexuality, I consider the potential and the limits of the Arts and Crafts house museum’s capacity to contribute to intersectional histories of interior design.

The Cruel Optimism of International Prison Regulation: Prison Ontologies and Carceral Harms

This article examines the development of international human rights standards and oversight mechanisms directed at addressing the negative effects of imprisonment. We identify this as the rules-based prison-regulation project, widely endorsed by international organizations and legal scholars. However, with a focus on the United Nations Standard Minimum Rules for the Treatment of Prisoners, we argue that this project has inherent limitations, as it is based on (a) a reductive understanding of carceral harms and (b) a rule-centric ontology of prisons. By challenging these foundations, we explore whether the project exemplifies “cruel optimism” (Berlant, 2011), where the pursuit of improved prison regulation could inadvertently hinder societal flourishing. We argue that the continuous search for new and better prison standards may perpetuate rather than alleviate the problems associated with imprisonment unless accompanied by explicit strategies for countering prison growth and dramatically reducing prisoner numbers, for building the democratic power of prisoners and communities targeted by imprisonment, and continual linkages between prison conditions and the wider political-economic institution of imprisonment. We conclude that engaging with prisons as sites of relational power in practice must underlie any quest to reduce the harms of imprisonment.

Power distribution in universities on mixed depression among students from a psychological perspective

BackgroundThe allocation of power in universities has a direct impact on students’ mental health, and whether the allocation of power is reasonable or not can lead to mixed depression symptoms in students’ learning process. Mixed type depression usually not only has symptoms of depression, but also is accompanied by manic symptoms. The fundamental way to improve the internal governance structure of universities is to establish a power balance mechanism, effectively ensuring the balanced allocation of students’ political, academic, and democratic power, and forming a scientific and reasonable power structure.Subjects and MethodsThe study selected 50 students respectively from two universities as the research subjects, divided into an experimental group and a control group. The experimental group conducted a balanced allocation of internal governance structure, while the control group adopted traditional management methods. The depression status of two groups of students is compared and analyzed after one month of intervention.ResultsThe study used Excel 2010 and SPSS 23.0 to organize and analyze the data. The results showed that there was no significant difference in mental health indicators between the experimental group and the control group before the power allocation reform (P>0.05), and after intervention, the values of mental health indicators in the experimental group were significantly higher than those in the control group (P<0.05).ConclusionsAccording to the results, it can be seen that the internal power allocation in universities has a certain impact on the mixed depression of college students, and after replanning and rational allocation, the psychological health status of college students can be significantly improved.AcknowledgementGeneral item of pedagogy of national social science foundation (No. BIA210163).

Navigating Power Dynamics in Virtual Interviews with Sex Workers during COVID-19: A Researcher-Participant Perspective

Sex workers may show extreme sensitivity to power relations during qualitative research due to the previous experiences of stigmatization and marginalization. The purpose of this article is to analyze how technologically mediated communication between researchers and participants during an interview may influence the scope of control exercised by the interactional partners. During the first wave of the COVID-19 pandemic, I conducted 16 qualitative phone and videoconference interviews with female sex workers in Poland discussing the social stigmas they encounter. Each interview was followed up with extensive field notes that were analyzed using the procedures of grounded theory methodology. These very field notes serve as the basis for the paper herein. As a result of the analysis, I distinguished areas of power negotiated by the interviewer and interviewees in successive phases: before, during, and after the interview. The sense of control over the respective aspects of a study may contribute to the establishment of a more democratic power relationship between the researcher and the participants who belong to a population bearing a stigma.

Why Asia Will Be Unstable But Not at War: Toward a Democratic Realist Perspective

This article advances the argument that (Indo-Pacific) Asia as a broad region is likely to experience growing instability because of the ongoing nuclear threat posed by North Korea, territorial disputes among maritime powers, and the rapid rise of China. But the region will not be at war mainly because of the preponderance of collective democratic power.

Antipolitics: Populism (Not) in Ancient Athens

Abstract As part of the Common Knowledge symposium “Antipolitics” — which concerns the present confrontation and confusion of democracy and populism — this essay begins from the observation that populism is a word of Latin, not Greek, derivation. The Roman populus did not have the independent democratic power of the Athenian demos, though both words can be translated as “people.” Whereas today, in representative democracies, the conflict of populism and democracy can and does do serious damage to the latter, under the regime of ancient Greek direct-democracy populism was more a demon fantasy, conjured by its diehard, oligarchic opponents, such as Plato, than a real, viable alternative mode of doing democratic politics. Thus, ancient Greek political history has its limits as a guide through our present troubles.

Resistance is life: how Sudan’s resistance committees perform democratic power

ABSTRACT While they were critical to the 2019 protests that brought down former president Omar el-Bashir, Sudan’s young people were not fully present in the negotiations for the transitional constitutional document that formed the post-Bashir civilian government. After the coup of late 2021, however, they stepped forward again to organize continual non-violent protests that maintained pressure on military leaders and kept Sudan in the news. This article will use interviews with Sudanese activists and resistance committee members, as well as contemporary reports, to explore how Sudan’s youth arranged themselves into self-governing community organizations – Resistance Committees – that have become centers of power for resisting the authority of the military junta. I explore the notion that these hyperlocal groups are already implementing a series of democratic practices and ask whether they can contest the force-based sovereignty of the authoritarian regime to provide a sustainable, and recognizable, form of democratic governance for Sudan.

Features of the Development of the Public Administration System in Ukraine

The purpose of the study is to consider and analyze the trends in the development of public administration in Ukraine under the conditions of modern globalization challenges and transformational processes. Research methodology is based on the use of methods of analysis and synthesis, the method of observation, methods of induction and deduction, methods of comparison and analogy, graphic, logical methods. The methodological basis of the study was the methods of analysis, synthesis and observation, which provided an opportunity to actualize the main problems of the development of the public administration system today. The scientific novelty of the obtained results lies in the substantiated main directions of changes and transformational processes of the domestic system of public administration under the influence of civilizational changes and globalization challenges. The article analyzes modern trends in the development of public administration in Ukraine. The following trends in public administration are singled out and analyzed: step-by-step improvement of the model of public administration;formation of effective organization and activities of executive authorities at various levels; reforming local self-government and creating self-sufficient territorial communities; the process of redistribution and demarcation of competencies and powers of public authorities;reforming the territorial organization of power based on the principles of economic expediency and social necessity;reforming and modernization of civil service and service in local self-government bodies, etc.Further ways of improving the system of public administration in Ukraine are proposed. Conclusions. Further ways of improving the system of public administration in Ukraine should be based on the step-by-step process of completing administrative and administrative-territorial reforms, introducing electronic governance into the activities of public administration bodies, further completing the constitutional reform in terms of decentralization of power, which involves the transfer of real powers to local self-government bodies, reformpublic administration systems based on comprehensive consideration of the experience of functioning of public administration systems in foreign countries Key words: public administration, public power, democratization of power, development trends, transformational processes.

The democratic power of higher education: the association between schooling and adherence to democracy in the city of São Paulo

A educação é frequentemente vista como solução para déficits democráticos, mas seu papel nas atitudes políticas ainda é pouco compreendido. Este artigo investiga a associação entre escolaridade e adesão à democracia em São Paulo. Partindo de uma amostra representativa com 2.417 entrevistas, a análise do contexto paulistano se mostra oportuna para o estudo, já que a cidade é caracterizada por melhores notas em avaliações educacionais e possui relevante histórico de engajamento político. Utilizando modelos hierárquicos de regressão, encontrou-se que a escolaridade é um preditor significativo da adesão à democracia, ao passo que níveis mais altos de escolaridade estão associados a uma maior adesão. Os resultados divergem de achados de outros trabalhos que consideram o Brasil como um todo: ao contrário deles, encontramos que o acesso à educação superior é um fator-chave para a valorização da democracia.

ORIGINS AND EVOLUTION OF STATE POWER IN OLBIA PONTICA

It has long been established that Olbia Pontica is one of the largest and best studied ancient states in the Black Sea region. However, there are still many gaps regarding both generalizing studies of archaeological materials and the main aspects of its political history. Within the framework of this article, the issues of the political system of Olbia as an ancient Greek polis throughout the entire period of its existence from the 6th century BC to the 3th century AD is briefly considered, mainly based on lapidary inscriptions. Whenever possible, we have characterized the main structures of the polis government. According to the traditional scheme, first, the activities of the Oikist, the leader of the Ionian settlers, has described. Thanks to his endurance, reasonable activity and courage, Olbia already in the first decades achieved significant success in economic self-sufficiency, the development of fertile lands, the establishment of trade relations with the metropolis, many Greek cities and local tribes. A single civil community at the beginning of an independent policy and the definition of a pantheon with the compilation of four sacred zones on the territory of the Upper City of Olbia as a whole led to the creation of an independent original type of an ancient Greek state on the far periphery of the ancient ecumene. Hypothetically, the first Oikist was Euresibius, whose power was close to tyrannical, as at that time in the metropolis.
 Founders and their heirs, who, according to ancient tradition, belonged to the aristocrats, have always occupied the main positions in the polis. In the second half of the 6th—5th centuries BC the oligarchic regime is confirmed by epigraphic and numismatic sources, as well as materials from the archaic necropolis.
 The aristocratic sacred union of the molps played a significant role in the polis, similar to the Milesian one. Because of close ties with Athens and the revived Miletus, in Olbia, at first, the supporters of the democratic system won for a short time. The transition from oligarchy to almost a hundred years of tyranny over the Scythian protectorate in the 5th century BC has no credible evidence.
 According to numerous epigraphic sources, a democratic system existed in the Olbia polis until the Getic rout around the middle of the 1st century BC and been restored with the return of the Olbiopolites to their native city after the victory of the Romans over the Getic kingdom of Burebista in 48 BC. In Olbia, various types of democracy can be traced (radical, moderate and predominantly elitist). The article briefly characterizes the main legislative bodies of power (the People’s Assembly and the Council) and the periodic changes in their role in the polis. In addition, the appointment and specifics of the activities of elected executive boards, both permanent and elective auxiliary boards in extraordinary situations, are considered. In addition, numerous individual positions, one way or another fixed in the Olbian inscriptions of different times, belonged to the elected ones. In the first centuries of our era, there are no temporary colleges, probably because of the shrinking of the city and a smaller population. The durability of democratic power in the Olbia policy explained by the unity of the civil community, the freedom of activity of its members, high ethnic self-consciousness and the constant desire for peaceful coexistence with neighboring peoples, the preservation of parental linguistic and religious traditions throughout ancient times.