Democratic Politics Research Articles

What Is Democracy?

Abstract Modern democracies, including the United States, rely upon three normative elements: (1) rights expressing the dignity of the citizen; (2) law expressing a commitment to public reason; (3) elections as the method of selecting representatives. In each dimension, citizens are to see a representation of themselves as popular sovereign. Morality and law are not matters to be resolved at the polls. Yet, popular opinion, supported by contemporary social sciences, tends to reduce democracy to the third element. On this view, the higher the voter turnout, the better the democracy. In an age in which we worry as much about majority, as minority, tyranny, this view is not credible. A mob at the polls is still a mob even if it is a majority. An exclusive focus on quantification represents a profound misunderstanding of the meaning of democracy. Democratic politics includes an interpretive practice across the moral and the legal dimensions. It relies as much on persuasion as on proof. Recovery of a vibrant democratic life requires a renewed appreciation of a public humanities, not as a pastime but as way of living.

Folk Constitutionalism, or Why it Matters How Ordinary People Think about the Constitution

ABSTRACT A truly inclusive democratic politics must be understandable, or cognitively tractable, for ordinary people busy with the rest of their lives. This extends not only to everyday politics and policy, but to constitutional politics as well—non-specialist democratic citizens should be able to grasp the fundamental law that governs them and imagine their own role in shaping it as political agents. Yet these requirements raise a difficulty: in many countries, including the United States, constitutions are treated as the exclusive domain of lawyers and judges. As a result, constitutional matters are typically discussed using legalistic jargon that is inscrutable even to non-specialist lawyers, let alone ordinary citizens. How then can constitutional politics be made legible to ordinary citizens? In this essay, I argue this challenge is partly one of political ideas—specifically, the ideas ordinary citizens use to think about their constitutions, or their folk constitutionalism. This may sound strange because insofar as constitutions are treated as lawyers’ exclusive turf, the problem may seem to be one of practice, not merely ideas. But popular practices of what scholars like John Finn and Elizabeth Beaumont call popular or civic constitutionalism involve citizens and social movements in transforming constitutions. These transformations often occur behind the backs of everyone involved, as new frames and understandings come to gradually transmute constitutional meaning, which in turn pervades the public political culture and reshapes the public’s constitutional imagination. I suggest we need ideas that more closely reflect what democratic citizens already do in democratic constitutional politics, so that they can do it more self-consciously and dispel the impression of an anti-democratic lack of control that recent constitutional innovations reveal to be illusory. I explore the utility of ideas of unwrittenness and functional multi-textuality to the end of a folk constitutionalism appropriate for democracy.

The Road Less Travelled: Exploring the Planning and Preparation for a Critical Social Justice Module by the University of Kwa-Zulu Natal, South Africa

This qualitative study aimed to explore the journey of planning and preparation for the implementation of a Critical Social Justice and Citizenship (CSJ) module at the University of KwaZulu-Natal. Despite political democracy in South Africa, racial, sexist, gender, and cultural pathological issues persist. The CSJ module addresses these challenges by focusing on gender-based violence, racism, gender inequality, classism, and other forms of discrimination. The study adopted an interpretive paradigm and a narrative inquiry approach to investigate the experiences of the planning team and the tutors involved in the CSJ module. Data were generated through observations of workshops, which were presented via photo narratives and individual interviews. The analysis was performed using thematic and content analysis methods. A theoretical framework for the study was based on “Education for Liberation,” which encompasses human rights, inclusion, and education for social justice. The experiences of the planning team and the tutors highlighted both the challenges and the successes encountered during the planning and preparation phases. The identified themes included the importance of collaborative efforts, the need for ongoing support and training, and the evolving understanding of social justice issues by the tutors. Recommendations for future implementation include improving support structures for tutors, continuous professional development, and improving module content based on feedback and experiences. This study contributes to scholarship by providing a detailed account of the development of a social justice-oriented educational module in a higher education context. The study also offers information on the effectiveness of a multidisciplinary approach in the development of educational interventions aimed at promoting social justice. Keywords: Social Justice, Gender-based violence, Inequality, Classism, Workshops

Truthfulness, pluralism and the ethics of democratic representation

It is sometimes suggested that even democratic politicians need to dirty their hands in ways that render hypocrisy, lying and deception unavoidable and even justified. By contrast, we draw on John Rawls’ Political Liberalism to argue that the ‘reasonable disagreements’ occasioned by the ‘fact of pluralism’ that make democratic politics necessary can only be resolved in ways congruent with democratic norms if politicians are truthful in Bernard Williams’ sense, and adhere to the related virtues of ‘sincerity’ and ‘accuracy’. Supplementing Eric Beerbohm’s ‘relational model’ of campaign ethics with Suzanne Dovi’s account of the ‘good representative’, we argue that these both entail the virtues of truthfulness. We contend the contemporary crisis of representation associated with the rise of technocracy and populism can be linked to the ways both undermine these virtues through their common rejection of pluralism and the related need for truthfulness. Consequently, both involve deformations of ‘good’ democratic representation.

Dangerous memories and entangled temporalities: Irish republicanism and the postcolonial politics of time

ABSTRACT In this article we develop a ‘hauntological’ reading of republicanism in postcolonial Ireland. This reading takes as its object the ways in which the politics of remembering – and remembering republican politics in particular – is equally a politics of time. Exploring the politics of republicanism through the lens of entangled temporalities, we develop an understanding of a particular mode of political desire. This republican political desire holds open the demand for a radical interrogation of the (post)colonial given. As such, it takes the form of a ‘dangerous memory’. Through the concept of a ‘dangerous memory’, we excavate a certain republican politics of refusal, that haunts the legitimacy and automatic reproduction of the postcolonial settlement and the attendant proprietary relations of inequality that it formalizes – culturally, politically, economically and legally. This theoretical interpretation of Irish republican hauntology is empirically explored through three historical layers and entangled temporalities that are organized around the ghosts of Roger Casement, a radical republican figure. The dangerous memories of Casement not only disrupt the canonical or official interpretation of Irish republicanism, but also open up the left-republican possibility to further interrogate the postcolonial present, both in Ireland and beyond.

Economic Growth and Democratic Political System in Developing Countries

The relationship between a democratic political system and economic growth has been the focus of debate in recent years. This article is a contribution to the economic analysis of the relationship between democracy and economic growth. Using an econometric illustration of panel data from twenty developing countries, in a period from 2000 to 2021, Fixed-effect, random-effect and GMM model estimates show that a democratic political regime positively affects economic growth in developing countries. This result is explained by the importance of the role of democracy in implementing economic and social reforms, encouraging investment, opening up trade and protecting civil liberties and political powers.

Do Affective Polarization and Populism Affect the Support for Holding Referendums?

What populism and polarization have in common is that their relationship with democracy is an ambiguous one. Studies have found that certain degrees of polarization can be helpful for citizens to make up their minds about their choices and because of that encourage them to democratic participation. Similarly, populism can help increase participation by, for example, presenting policies in a simpler language. Citizens with less political interest and political knowledge might be incited to participate in elections and democratic politics in general. However, high levels of polarization lead to the irreconcilability of factions and thereby to gridlock. Democracy can be regarded as incapable of solving citizens’ problems. Likewise, populism can be destructive to democracy when occurring in certain forms and degrees. While populism is not per se antidemocratic, populist parties and leaders, when in power, repeatedly challenge democratic elements. To disentangle how polarization and populism affect democracy, I focus on certain specifics of these three concepts (democracy, populism, and polarization). Namely, I analyze how affective polarization and individual-level populism affect the support for the direct democratic instrument of holding referendums. Drawing on survey data from Austria and Germany, I find that being affectively polarized has a positive effect on the support for holding referendums. However, this effect is moderated by citizens’ individual-level populism. Thus, this study provides insights into citizens’ preferences for democratic decision-making, dependent on their levels of affective polarization and populism.

Thinking with Children: Climate Change and the Democratic Politics of Renewal and Risk

AbstractClimate change poses serious political challenges to liberal democracies arising from the problem of short-termism and the priority accorded to the vested interests of present adults over the vulnerabilities of children and future generations. This article aims to analyse the justifications, benefits, and policy implications of centring children in climate change politics in order to overcome these problems. The central argument is that ‘thinking with children’ introduces normative vantage points for tackling climate change based on taking responsibility for future harms. Such a vantage point also produces new sites of contestation shaped by adult representations of the renewal and risk embodied in children. First, we outline what “thinking with children” means for democratic politics, focussing on how child-as method approaches centre the injustices faced by children and youth and the implications for the renewal of democracy. We then analyse how this normative shift to centre children addresses the problems of vested interests and short-termism by de-naturalising present adult interests, foregrounding impacts on young people as the future demos, and giving long-term priority to the affectedness of future generations. Finally, we analyse the policy implications that thinking with children offers, using a recent landmark court case in Australia to propose independent legal standing for children in public interest cases and the introduction of Child Impact Assessments in climate policymaking.

Money Politics in a Democratic Political System: A Case study of South Korea and European Countries

The issue of money politics in Indonesia has severely undermined democratic integrity, affecting equality in political participation, increasing the risk of corruption, creating disparities in political access, influencing public policy-making, and damaging public perceptions of the political system’s credibility. This study aimed to explore how other countries address the challenges of money politics and offered concrete solutions to strengthen democratic integrity. Using a comparative approach, the study examined money politics policies and practices, as well as assessed the effectiveness of anti-corruption and transparency measures in South Korea and Europe. The findings revealed that strict regulations on campaign financing and oversight by independent bodies have effectively mitigated money politics practices in these countries. Consequently, Indonesia is encouraged to adopt a similar approach by establishing an independent oversight body and fostering active public participation to address the challenges of money politics and high political costs, promote equitable political participation, and strengthen democratic integrity.

Constituting a Democratic Political Project: Reviewing Aziz Rana's The Constitutional Bind

Constituting a Democratic Political Project: Reviewing Aziz Rana's The Constitutional Bind

Цифровой политический маркетинг: использование социальных сетей и Big Data для управления политическими предпочтениями

The article discusses the features of the use of digital political marketing as a special technology of political PR. The authors of the study note that digital political marketing has become a favorite method of promoting political products due to the wide opportunities provided by multimedia platforms for public and private communication on the Internet, as well as Big Data technologies, with which you can analyze an incredibly large amount of all kinds of data about users. Based on these data, the course of the political process is effectively adjusted and the political preferences and views of the online electorate are implicitly changed. The authors examine in detail the possibilities of social networks for promoting PR campaigns, analyze ways to collect data about users and note the risks posed by technological innovations of the digital age for political democracy. In conclusion, the authors conclude that in order to achieve effective interaction between political actors and citizens on the Web, it is necessary to maintain a balance between innovative methods of voter engagement and ensuring their rights to privacy and personal data protection in a risky digital era.

Disavowing history

If the secession of formerly colonized countries from large imperial units is a story of political hope, the central actors in Quinn Slobodian’s story perceive the opportunities provided by the proliferation of new jurisdictions following decolonization very differently. According to the “market radicals” of the late 20th and 21st centuries, the break-up of empire is not a story of the potential for the democratization of politics and history-writing. Their ideas do however offer critiques of modernity. In this commentary, I convene critics of modernity – anticolonial leaders, historians of decolonization and the aftermath of empire, Indigenous and tribal peoples and their historians, and decolonial thinkers – in conversation with the capitalist adventurers of Slobodian’s tale, via an exploration of the limits and possibilities of history-writing and the politics of historicist discourse.

Shareholder Activism and the Deterrence Effect of Democratic Politician Shareholders

Shareholder Activism and the Deterrence Effect of Democratic Politician Shareholders

Spicebags, slippery masks and ‘Free Staters’: anti-republican anti-populism in contemporary Irish political discourse

ABSTRACT This article critically interrogates how in contemporary Irish political discourse anti-populism, specifically anti-left populism, is articulated as a form of anti-republicanism. This is large part due to the histories of anti-colonial republicanism in Ireland and the popular republican grammar they have bequeathed to contemporary political discourse. This thematic of (anti)populist politics is of renewed interest and urgency given the recent surge in popularity of Sinn Féin, a broadly left-wing republican populist party. This article adopts a discourse analytical method and identifies several key tropes of anti-republican anti-populism that centre largely around the framing of Sinn Féin as a non-normative or not-normal political party, given its historical connection to paramilitarism. Other key themes of anti-republican anti-populism include the politics of housing, policing and the nature of democratic representation. What emerges is a picture of Irish republicanism as a spectral remainder of past political struggles against colonial order and political exclusion. As such, republican politics bring into view the contingency of established order and reveals the fragile nature of political legitimacy in post-partition Ireland. This article concludes by commenting on what the Irish postcolony reveals about the nature of anti-populisms in Europe and its peripheries.

Do we have time for democracy? Climate action and the problem of time in the Anthropocene

The urgency of climate change has brought democracy to a critical juncture. Existing democratic systems struggle to address the pressing time frames required for effective climate action. This article explores a fundamental shift in temporal orientation caused by climate change. Democracy’s linear and progressive image of time clashes with the expanding scales of temporality, encompassing both planetary and microscopic processes. More specifically, the article examines the theoretical links between democracy, climate change, and time in the Anthropocene through empirical engagements with the climate politics associated with deliberative assemblies, community organizing, and activist movements. The core argument is that within these democratic innovations, new future-oriented responses to the crises are beginning to emerge. These innovations experiment with extending democracy’s temporal image beyond its conventional boundaries, paving the way for a multi-trajectory democratic politics. The article concludes by discussing the tensions and potential consequences of these democratic practices, ultimately arguing in favor of a multiple and layered understanding of democratic time that extends beyond distinctly human temporalities.

Power in the Social Gospel: Howard Kester, Claude Williams and the Southern Tenant Farmers Union

This essay explores how social gospelers in the U.S. South organized for relational power by building institutions for economic and political democracy in the 1930s and 1940s. In their organizing, Howard Kester and Claude Williams built relational power and institutions that fed the institutional ecology of the Civil Rights movement in the 1950s. While it might be surprising to find a worthwhile analysis of power by social gospelers like Kester and Williams, they keenly understood the role of power in theology, the work of the church, and movement building, especially as they organized for the Southern Tenant Farmers Union (STFU). Kester and Williams built relational power by building institutions through which grassroots people organized to build political and economic power to confront the ravages of racial capitalism.

Foucault and Wittgenstein: Practical Critique and Democratic Politics

This paper aims to explore a set of convergence points between Foucault’s and Wittgenstein’s perspectives on philosophy and language, integrating them into a mutually complementary approach that I term ‘practical critique.’ The concept of ‘practical critique’ is founded on three pillars: the understanding of philosophy and language as critical practices, the public nature of language, and confessional subjectivity. I examine these three areas of convergence across three subsequent sections. In the concluding section, I discuss how this perspective can be fertile for understanding democratic politics today. I argue that all three pillars predominantly support democratic politics over any other political form. To explain that, I engage with the debate on the language of democratic theory and the potential expansion of the understanding of the public sphere. The notion of the public that emerges from this perspective offers an alternative or supplementation to the classical Habermasian view of the public sphere and democratic theory. It is envisioned as an open space of discursive multiplicity and diversity, where practices of exclusion or oppression can be made visible, challenged, and resisted.

<b>Democracy</b><b> </b><b>and</b><b> </b><b>Prosper</b><b>ity:</b><b> </b><b>Analyzing</b><b> </b><b>Political</b><b> </b><b>Systems</b><b> </b><b>and Economic Results Through History</b>

Examining how democratic governance has impacted economic outcomes in various temporal and regional contexts, this article uses a historical lens to analyze the relationship between political democracy and economic progress. In order to investigate the fundamental mechanisms by which democracy influences economic policies and growth trajectories, this study uses a comparative historical analysis to focus on three key cases: post-war Japan, modern India, and the British Iron Revolution. By promoting improved governance, stimulating investment, and aiding in the creation of social capital, democratic institutions frequently promote economic development, according to the data. Nonetheless, the research also emphasizes how certain historical, cultural, and socioeconomic elements play a major mediating role in how well democracy fosters economic progress.

Land sovereignty in depressed and contested agro-territories: The cases of Portugal and Brazil

This article offers an exploratory operationalisation of the concept of land sovereignty applied to land politics in 2 agro-territories from different countries and continents sharing a common language and deeply linked histories: Portugal and Brazil. These display a similar model of agricultural development, representing a contradiction between the promise of profit based on aggressive exploitation of the territory and the marginalised condition of its population. How this agricultural model took hold in each country and manifested the agrarian question differs according to key socio-historical factors, such as the role of each in the colonial history that links them. Today, however, these agro-territories face similar challenges: human rights abuses, environmental destruction, lack of sound territorial management and fair policies, coupled with the dilapidation of socio-economic infrastructures. This makes them especially vulnerable to climate change, unemployment and poverty, while also caught in a clash between development models: a hegemonic hyper-intensive production model and the peasant-based model that has been resisting the advances of the former. This double jeopardy has prompted us to speak of ‘depressed and contested agro-territories’. Our study shows how, in the case of Brazil, despite physical violence and threats to life, social movements are propelling land reform, linking it to the concept of the social function of land. In Portugal, in contrast, the country’s alignment with neoliberal development has civil society divided about how to contest land use. Our analysis indicates that in both cases: (i) today’s land politics are heavily biased towards a neoliberal, export-based, hyper-intensive agriculture controlled by large corporations, with weak legislation in place to defend both social and environmental rights; (ii) land reform based on land sovereignty and the social function of land is deemed crucial to assist agro-territories in regaining socio-ecological balance and to attain democratisation of land politics by regaining control over land, natural resources and local markets.

Socio-political developments in Greece and Spain in the wake of the grassroots anti-austerity campaign: towards national parliaments and local spaces

This article investigates the socio-political developments in Greece and Spain in the wake of the grassroots anti-austerity campaign from 2011 on, which have unfolded towards national parliaments and local spaces. It does so by analysing the institutionalisation of the populist radical Left as compared with the local-oriented agency of social movements in these two countries. It argues that these alternative approaches to social change and emancipation illustrate the contending paradigms of contemporary political thought reflecting upon collective movements, political action, and social transformation: the vertical politics of hegemony and the horizontal politics of the multitude. It firstly introduces these contending theoretical paradigms and then analyses the political trajectory of Podemos and SYRIZA from the squares to national parliaments vis-à-vis the radical agency of social movements transforming and generating socio-spatial entanglements at the local level. Lastly, the article puts forward theoretical possibilities for an alternative conceptualisation of grassroots radical agency and democratic politics in present times, seeking to reconcile the absolute democratic politics of the multitude with the broad counter-hegemonic revolutionary project.