Democratic People Research Articles

북한 행정법 체계와 내용 연구

When North Korea adopted 'our-style socialism' in its constitution in 1992, it explicitly stated that it would strengthen 'socialist legal life', and granted the title of 'exemplary law compliance unit' to enterprises that practiced law-abiding life to realize socialist legal life. In addition, the legal commentator system emphasizes compliance with the law. And in North Korea, through the democratic centralization system, state institutions with the Supreme People's Assembly as the apex guide all the lives of the people, and the order of the market economy is being denied. Therefore, it is difficult to find a judicial realm in North Korea's legal order, and most of the legal order is a public legal realm, and it can be seen that it is composed of statutes corresponding to administrative law with the constitution as the apex. However, this principle, called democratic centralism or democratic centralism, is that the will of the citizens is democratically converged to the center and power is concentrated in the Supreme People's Assembly, and this principle is shown in the North Korean Constitution as it is. Therefore, the concept of administration, which started from the theory of separation of powers, which separates state power into three powers, legislative, judicial, and administrative, cannot be harmonized with democratic centralism. is also a contradictory ideology. In addition, looking at the types and names of administrative laws in North Korea, the statutes and decisions of the Supreme People's Assembly, the orders of the Chairman of the State Affairs Commission, the decrees, decisions and directives of the State Affairs Commission, the decrees, decisions and directives of the Supreme People's Committee Standing Committee, and the decisions and directives of the Cabinet And there are decisions and instructions of the provincial People's Committee. In addition, since 1998, there are ‘Sector Act’ and ‘Regulation’ that have been used instead of statutes. Among these regulations, the highest regulation would be the order of the chairperson, and this order sometimes functions as a superordinate norm of the constitution. In addition, there are statutes and ordinances that can be considered sectoral laws as sub-norms of orders, and regulations including decisions and instructions can be considered as sub-norms of sectoral laws. The administrative executive body in North Korea is the Cabinet, which also serves as the overall state management body, and the local People's Committee is the administrative executive body of local sovereignty. These administrative executive bodies are structured in a hierarchical structure with the Supreme People's Assembly, and furthermore, there is a restriction that they must operate under the leadership of the Workers' Party of Korea. These central administrative agencies are conducting administrative activities including administrative acts, and local administrative agencies are developing various resident administrative projects. In order to strengthen social rule of law in North Korea, declaring ‘socialist legal life’, explaining the law to North Koreans and emphasizing compliance is similar to South Korea’s rule of law. In accordance with the ‘Law Enactment Law of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea’ enacted and adopted in 2012, North Korea continues to carry out legislative reform, and is actively engaged in enactment and amendment of laws, claiming to aim for a ‘normal state’. This phenomenon can be seen as an activity close to South Korea's rule of law. This phenomenon can be seen positively in terms of the integration of the South and North Korean laws. However, North Korea's Administrative Law has improved a lot compared to the past, but the intentions of the Labor Party and the Chairman of the State Affairs Commission still have a superior effect. Therefore,

Through the looking glass: Coloniality and mirroring in localisation

What assumptions underpin the concept of ‘localisation’ as employed by the mainstream, international humanitarian sector? This paper offers a partial answer to this multi-faceted question. It first considers the meaning(s), or lack thereof, of localisation. It presents coloniality and ‘mirroring’ as two concepts important to understanding the limitations of localisation. It then considers locally led aid in the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK, or North Korea), using the example of the Eugene Bell Foundation (EBF). The paper argues that assumptions around the actors involved in local response, as well as assumptions around the existence of NGOs and the normative belief that non-state actors could and should play major roles in response, demonstrate the limits of localisation.

Results of Parliamentary Elections in Hungary on April 3, 2022 and Prospects of Ukrainian-Hungarian Relations (Part 1)

Results of Parliamentary Elections in Hungary on April 3, 2022 and Prospects of Ukrainian-Hungarian Relations (Part 1)

Results of Parliamentary Elections in Hungary on April 3, 2022 and Prospects of Ukrainian-Hungarian Relations (Part 2)

Results of Parliamentary Elections in Hungary on April 3, 2022 and Prospects of Ukrainian-Hungarian Relations (Part 2)

First record of Macaca mulatta (Cercopithecidae: Papionini) from the Taedong River Basin, the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea

The macaque fossils, including mandible fragments, were discovered for the first time from the Taedong River Basin around Pyongyang (TRBP) (the Chongphadae Cave, Hwangju County; the Taehung Cave, Sangwon County; the Maeri Cave, Sungho County), the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, which represent the first recognized occurrences of fossil M. mulatta in DPRK. Although the only available skull specimens are the mandible including the teeth, the materials display some mandibular and dental feature combinations that might belong to the known species of Macaca mulatta. This discovery indicates that TRBP may be the richest area of Macacina fossils and an evolutionary center for macaques in DPRK. Radiometric dating of the Chongphadae Cave sediment Layer 12 and Layer 13 yielded 34770–27800 and 24980–21340 cal yr BP respectively.

Тернистый путь к светлым целям: подход КНДР к реализации Повестки 2030 и перспективы международного сотрудничества

One of the issues on the national agenda of low-income developing countries is the formulation of their own sustainable development strategies. The United Nations (UN) 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development is an important benchmark and road map for achieving this goal. At the same time, local specifics have an impact on the approaches, methods and possibilities for achieving the declared goals in each particular state. This study analyzes the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea’s (DPRK) Voluntary National Review on the Implementation of the 2030 Agenda, official North Korean statements, and Russian and foreign academic and analytical publications in order to outline North Korea's approach to localizing the sustainable development goals (SDGs), identify problems arising in this process, and highlight prospects for international cooperation. Methods of comparative and content analysis were used in the research. It is maintained that, in search of its own strategy, the DPRK’s leadership is trying to use international experience by integrating the SDGs into national development plans. North Korean specifics lie in reformulating global SDGs according to the national narrative of local-style socialism construction, the decisive role of the state in the development and implementation of actual plans, a formal approach to the implementation of some SDGs, and a focus on economic self-sufficiency as a guarantee of sustainable development. Despite the need for external assistance to achieve the main national SDGs, at present, the possibilities for international cooperation with the DPRK are significantly limited. The implementation of joint initiatives or assistance projects requires both obtaining permission from the UN Security Council 1718 Sanctions Committee and opening the borders of North Korea, which have been closed due to the coronavirus pandemic. However, given the global scope of the tasks set out in the 2030 Agenda, it is highly likely that in the medium and long term the DPRK will resume international cooperation in key areas of sustainable development—agriculture, health care, access to clean drinking water and sanitation, and climate change, as well as energy and transport infrastructure modernization. The main partners in this cooperation can be international organizations and neighbouring Russia and China.

Decoding the Sino-North Korean Borderlands

Decoding the Sino-North Korean Borderlands

Status of Malaria in the WHO South-East Asia Region

The WHO South-East Asia Region includes the following eleven countries: Bangladesh, Bhutan, the Democratic People’s Republic (DPR) of Korea, India, Indonesia, Maldives, Myanmar, Nepal, Sri Lanka, Thailand, and Timor-Leste. Malaria has a varied distribution in each of these countries. While two of them, Maldives, and Sri Lanka, have been certified by the WHO to be free of malaria, the remaining countries are still progressing towards that target. The aim of this article is to present the status of the disease in those countries and their progress towards the elimination target.

Signs of optimism, symptoms of hope. North and South Korean painting of the 1970s and 1980s. A case study

I discuss modern art in relation to hope, using as a case study the stylistically and ideologically diametrically opposed paintings produced in the two Koreas: the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK) and the Republic of Korea during the 1970s and 1980s. I narrow the comparison by limiting the discussion of the latter context to the artist Chung Sang Hwa (or Chung Sang-Hwa), who has subsequently become well-known internationally in relation to the tendency dubbed ‘Dansaekhwa’ – the Korean term for ‘monochrome’ or ‘one-colour-painting.’ In opposition to Chung’s work, I discuss the North Korean variant of Socialist Realism, Juche Realism, the official (and only) form of art in the DPRK to this day. I consider the role of positive thoughts and emotions, in particular expectation, optimism, and especially, hope in determining why this art was produced and how it was received. I argue that as part of the program in which art is subordinated to political ritual, North Korean art encodes signs of social optimism. Chung Sang Hwa, by contrast, is symptomatic of a tendency in South Korean art of the period to absorb important values from western culture, blending them with intimate knowledge of local traditions and values. Chung ritualized the art making process itself as a highly personalized source of hope. In the senses in which I use the linked terms ‘optimism’ and ‘hope,’ the former implies art as a tool of wish-fulfillment aimed at pacifying people in the present. By contrast, the ‘hope’ I refer to in relation to Chung involves the refusal to instrumentalize art, combined with the obligation to use art to face up to the potentially cataclysmic challenges of an uncertain world.

Guns, Guerillas, and the Great Leader: North Korea and the Third World by Benjamin R. Young

Guns, Guerillas, and the Great Leader centers on North Korea’s “Third Worldism,” tracing its international-relations outreach to developing nations starting in 1956, when leader Kim Il-sung consolidated his domestic power, to 1989, when North Korea hosted the World Festival of Youth and Students. Young draws from such rich sources as newspaper articles from around the world, third-party embassy records, and North Korean state media reports. His globe-spanning study captures North Korean activities in far-flung locales, from Senegal to Mexico, Sri Lanka, Cuba, Vietnam, Uganda, Pakistan, Egypt, Zambia, and many more. It even reaches so far as the tiny Micronesian island nation of Nauru, where the president explained that his nation already had “relations with some countries they didn’t really like” when justifying his acceptance of North Korea’s diplomatic overtures in 1982 (123). These engagements, we learn, served several purposes for North Korea. Internationally, Kim Il-sung promoted the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (dprk) as a model for other struggling nations seeking to move beyond binary Cold War entanglements, arguing that they could achieve independence and self-reliance by following the dprk’s philosophy of self-sufficiency, or Juche. Meanwhile, domestically, North Korean media outlets highlighted these initiatives as evidence of the respect that Kim Il-sung and the dprk commanded on the world stage while obscuring the fact that they had been initiated and funded by the North Korean government.Young reveals that these campaigns had mixed results. North Korea’s training for staging overseas “friendship games” proved to be its most enduring diplomatic initiative. Brisk sales of bespoke statues to dictators abroad showcased the dprk’s unique expertise, earned the country praise from outside authoritarian regimes, and infused the North Korean economy with much-needed hard currency. Less successful, however, were funded North Korean friendship societies, laudatory articles about North Korea planted in local newspapers, and sponsored dprk state visits for foreign dignitaries. At times, these efforts appear to have engendered an appreciation for North Korea’s development model in unlikely corners, but, by and large, they were dismissed as overt and simplistic propaganda or exploited for profit by target audiences, doing little to improve North Korea’s international image. More importantly, Young shows that the North Korean government increasingly approached target nations not as diplomatic partners but as sites for hacking and theft, for disseminating anti–South Korea propaganda, and for staging direct terrorism against adversaries (like the 1983 attempted assassination of South Korean leader Chun Doo-hwan in Rangoon [Yangon]).This book’s central focus on long-term, proactive engagement rather than on episodes of defensive brinksmanship provides a welcome addition to studies of dprk international diplomacy. Nonetheless, Young does not substantively engage with international-relations scholarship and political theory that would permit a comparison of North Korea’s practices with those of other nations. Likewise, Young could have used the extensive research about North Korea’s diplomatic history with its larger allies, such as China and the Soviet Union, and with its adversaries, such as the United States, to situate North Korea’s developing world initiatives within a broader strategy, providing perspective on the goals and effects of these campaigns. In sum, Young’s Guns, Guerillas, and the Great Leader tells a fascinating story, but its primary contribution lies in expanding our knowledge of a lesser-known aspect of North Korean diplomatic history rather than in an elucidating theoretical framework or an innovative and interdisciplinary methodology.

1977년 체코슬로바키아 77헌장에 대한 한국의 인식: 한국언론의 보도를 중심으로

This study analyzes the development process of Czechoslovakia’s Charta 77 and Korean perceptions of the Czechoslovak liberalization movement in 1977 based on media materials. Charta 77, published on January 1977, was a Czechoslovak dissident movement that emphasized non-political purposes and human rights motives. The media of the Republic of Korea(ROK) quickly and concretely reported on the suppression of the human rights of those involved in Charta 77 by the Czechoslovak government, with particular attention to the reactions of countries around the world to human rights issues in Eastern Europe. The People’s Republic of China supported Charta 77 and called it a “new Prague Spring.” The United States also broke with the principle of nonintervention in human rights issues in Eastern Europe and strongly criticized violations of human rights and freedoms there. The media of the ROK continued to report on the trend toward liberalization from Charta 77 until the Velvet Revolution in 1989. In particular, in analyzing the causes of Charta 77, ROK media cited Czech intellectuals’ longing for democracy and internal conflicts within the communist forces that resisted the dictatorship of the proletariat. While multi-layered reports on Charter 77 in the ROK progressed quickly, the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea(DPRK) reported in detail on the 1968 Prague Spring, but there were no reports in DPRK on Charta 77 during the worsening economic crisis of the late 1970s.

Yield estimate for the January 2016 DPRK nuclear test based on InSAR and numerical modelling with mechanical heterogeneity

SUMMARY Interferometric Synthetic Aperture Radar (InSAR) provides a way of measuring ground deformation caused by underground nuclear testing via a satellite remote sensing platform. We present a finite-element model (FEM) of the nuclear test site in the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK, formerly North Korea) constrained by InSAR data. The model simulates elastic deformation caused by an underground explosion and includes high-resolution topography and mechanical heterogeneity. To the best of our knowledge, we are the first to investigate the effect of mechanical heterogeneity (a layered structure in our case) on deformation modelling at the DPRK test site. Sensitivity testing shows that inclusion of topography, mechanical layering and the combined effect results in 48.2, 22.6 and 91.5 per cent increase in the maximum predicted deformation, respectively. This suggests that previous models that do not account for these complexities may overestimate the nuclear yield and/or underestimate the depth of burial (DoB). We performed a parameter search to solve for the cavity size and DoB that best reproduce ground deformation observed in ALOS-2 InSAR data covering the DPRK's 4th nuclear test (DPRK4). Using these best-fit values with a cavity-yield scaling law, we estimate the yield of DPRK4 to be 10–20 kt at a DoB of 542–826 m. Our method provides an estimate that is independent from and complementary to traditional seismic methods, which is useful for a location that is data-limited.

Development Model of Rural Governance in Internet Plus in the New Era

With the advent of the Internet era, the brand-new concept of “Internet Plus” is promoting the innovation of rural governance mode through unprecedented technical means. “Internet Plus governance” is the only way to realize the modernization of grass-roots governance, and it is also a technical means that grass-roots governments are trying to use at present. It not only meets the basic needs of the broad masses of the people but also closely combines democratic governance with people’s happiness as the foothold of modern grass-roots governance. It not only realizes people-oriented humanistic care but also embodies the ruling policy of governing the country according to law. However, at present, villagers’ ability and awareness of participating in rural governance and using “Internet Plus” are weak, and the government’s planning and design of rural governance in “Internet Plus” are not systematic, and the investment related to rural governance has not been implemented. Based on this actual situation, this paper analyzes the problems existing in rural governance under the background of “Internet Plus” and the causes of these problems and puts forward corresponding countermeasures to prevent and solve the potential crisis of rural grass-roots governance, explore a sustainable way to keep close contact between democratic governance and people’s happiness, and provide effective reference materials and practical enlightenment for rural revitalization and grass-roots democratic governance.

A fossil anuran from the Lower Cretaceous Sinuiju Formation, North Phyongan Province, Democratic People's Republic of Korea

A postcranial skeleton of a Mesozoic frog has been discovered from the third member of the Lower Cretaceous (Barremian-Aptian) Sinuiju Formation, Paektho-dong, Sinuiju City, North Phyongan Province, Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK), which might be referred to Liaobatrachus grabaui Ji and Ji 1998. This frog represents the first fossil anuran from the Sinuiju Formation of DPRK and offers us a chance to study and better understand Mesozoic anuran.

Grain Security in Light of the Current Geopolitical Background and Agricultural Policy in the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea

Grain problems in the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK) have been the focus of global attention for many years. In this context, scientific evaluations of grain supply and consumption are very important as a component of agricultural cooperation between China and the DPRK and will also promote a stable development of the society across Northeast Asia. The results of this analysis showed that DPRK grain production in 2019 was equivalent to that seen in 1975. Dominant grain-producing areas within the DPRK include the plains in the west and southwest encompassing North Phyongan, South Phyongan, Pyongyang, North Hwanghae, and South Hwanghae. The data showed that the DPRK was basically grain self-sufficient prior to 1995 but subsequently has been unable to meet the demand, even given reliance on imports and international assistance. The cultivated land area within the DPRK includes large proportions of slope farmland, an important factor that influences the grain production. The DPRK also boasts good irrigation infrastructure that provides a good basis for grain production. This means that, under normal circumstances, 56.59% of cultivated land can be effectively irrigated. Chemical fertilizer supplies have, however, been unable to meet the agricultural production demands, currently remaining at the 1970s levels. It is clear that the DPRK needs to increase chemical and organic fertilizer inputs in order to ensure soil fertility. As the southern region of the DPRK has sufficient water and is hot enough, the implementation of multi-cropping farming systems will ensure an increase of at least 4.9 million tons in grain production and will guarantee supply for at least 1.88 million people.

Plague, Pestilence and the Peninsula: International Humanitarian Law Concerns of North Korea’s Biological Weapons Program

Abstract Suspected development of advanced biological weapons by the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (North Korea), despite its status as a party to both the Biological Weapons Convention and other nonproliferation agreements, bears significant implications for both public health and security around the globe. A steady decrease in resources and attention devoted to preparedness for biological attacks or outbreaks since 2001 has exacerbated the vulnerability of the USA and its allies to outbreaks of such pathogens, both from North Korean biological weapons and natural sources. This article assesses several International Humanitarian Law (IHL) issues raised by the prospect of an international armed conflict in which North Korea deploys biological weapons. Historical context is discussed to contextualize the various IHL issues raised by a potential armed conflict, which include United Nations Enforcement actions, anticipatory self-defense, protection of civilians, targeting and proportionality. Preparing for and responding to a potential biological weapons attack by North Korea presents a host of unique challenges for the USA and its allies. An international armed conflict involving the use of such weapons by North Korea against the USA or its allies would be devastating for civilians and military personnel alike. It is thus imperative to understand the IHL issues raised by such a conflict, including circumstances that would warrant pre-emptive use of force by the USA and its allies, the scale and scope of any military response, and the need to protect civilians throughout the Korean peninsula.

Prevalence of pvmrp1 Polymorphisms and Its Contribution to Antimalarial Response.

As more sporadic cases of chloroquine resistance occur (CQR) in Plasmodium vivax (P. vivax) malaria, molecular markers have become an important tool to monitor the introduction and spread of drug resistance. P. vivax multidrug resistance-associated protein 1 (PvMRP1), as one of the members of the ATP-binding cassette (ABC) transporters, may modulate this phenotype. In this study, we investigated the gene mutations and copy number variations (CNVs) in the pvmrp1 in 102 P. vivax isolates from China, the Republic of Korea (ROK), Myanmar, Papua New Guinea (PNG), Pakistan, the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (PRK), and Cambodia. And we also obtained 72 available global pvmrp1 sequences deposited in the PlasmoDB database to investigate the genetic diversity, haplotype diversity, natural selection, and population structure of pvmrp1. In total, 29 single nucleotide polymorphisms reflected in 23 non-synonymous, five synonymous mutations and one gene deletion were identified, and CNVs were found in 2.9% of the isolates. Combined with the antimalarial drug susceptibility observed in the previous in vitro assays, except the prevalence of S354N between the two CQ sensitivity categories revealed a significant difference, no genetic mutations or CNVs associated with drug sensitivity were found. The genetic polymorphism analysis of 166 isolates worldwide found that the overall nucleotide diversity (π) of pvmrp1 was 0.0011, with 46 haplotypes identified (Hd = 0.9290). The ratio of non-synonymous to synonymous mutations (dn/ds = 0.5536) and the neutrality tests statistic Fu and Li’s D* test (Fu and Li’s D* = −3.9871, p < 0.02) suggests that pvmrp1 had evolved under a purifying selection. Due to geographical differences, genetic differentiation levels of pvmrp1 in different regions were different to some extent. Overall, this study provides a new idea for finding CQR molecular monitoring of P. vivax and provides more sequences of pvmrp1 in Asia for subsequent research. However, further validation is still needed through laboratory and epidemiological field studies of P. vivax samples from more regions.

The Interests in the Constitutional Law of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea and the Interests of Constitutional and Legal Regulation: An Estological Study

The article contains the final materials of a comprehensive study conducted by the author in the field of the concept of constitutional and legal regulation in the Democratic People›s Republic of Korea using the latest author›s methodology and research technology (estological analysis of constitutional and legal regulation). The paper proposes a differentiated approach to the definition of system-structural and functional characteristics of interests in the constitutional law of the DPRK by subjects and objects. In addition to monitoring the subjects, owners of interests and objects of interest, the study attempts to state the patterns of existence of the interests of constitutional law and the interests of constitutional and legal regulation, as an independent social phenomenon. When conducting an estological study of the form and content of positive constitutional law, its legal and technical features in the state under consideration, the presence of a phenomenology of the interests of constitutional legal and general legal regulation is revealed. Signs of the interests of legal regulation differ from the political interests of subjects of constitutional law. These signs correspond to the signs of the most positive law and the signs of the mechanism of state power of the DPRK. The generalized materials allow us to consider constitutional values and anti-values in relation to each other, defining the interests of positive constitutional law, legal features of the development of the political system of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea, the mechanism of state power and objective signs of the mechanism and process of legal regulation in the state in question. When conducting an estological study, the presence of a phenomenology of the interests of constitutional and legal and legal regulation, corresponding to the signs of positive law and the mechanism of state power, is revealed. Signs of positive law determine the specifics of legal regulation and determine the features of the functioning of the mechanism of state power. The subjects and their interests, legalized in constitutional law, individualize the specifics of the objective legal and administrative reality of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea, defining its unique outlines and manifestations.

Strategic Approaches to Sustainable Development Economies under Multiple Sanctions

Various kinds of punishments and coercion, currently commonly referred to as sanctions, have a long history. After the Second World War, in addition to the UN, a number individual states and groups of states use them not only in order to force others to comply with international law, but also to achieve the goals pursued by sanctions. These goals have included also the elimination of the leadership of the leadership of countries, the change of the political system, the destruction of the economy. The Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (since 1950), the Republic of Cuba (since 1960), the Islamic Republic of Iran (since 1977), the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela (since 2017) have been living under such sanctions for many years. The USSR was under sanctions pressure, and now is the Russian Federation. The purpose of this work was a political-economic study of the nature of possible strategies for the progressive development of the country’s economy in the conditions of economic, scientific, technological, informational, cultural and educational isolation from a number of states of the world community. The completed research led the author to the conclusion that under unprecedented scale and enormous force of anti-Russian sanctions is advisable for the Russian Federation to focus on reviving its own economy, on solving internal issues and to respond to sanctions with counter-sanctions only to the extent that the latter restrain the progressive development of Russia. In order to do this they should strive to do the following: to increase the population, to raise the standard of living and education, to achieve import and export independence, find new friends and partners, to get away from the American dollar, to create a legislative, business, scientific, educational and information environment favorable for development, to have a developed infrastructure.

Discovery of Early Cretaceous Sinuiju Biota in the Democratic People's Republic of Korea and comparison with Jehol Biota in China

In recent years, some important fossils of the Jehol Biota of Early Cretaceous age in north-eastern China have been recorded from the Lower Cretaceous Sinuiju Formation in the Sinuiju area (north-western part of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea. This discovery indicates that the biota from the Sinuiju Formation can be related to those from the Yixian Formation in western Liaoning Province, China. The palaeontological evidence in the Sinuiju Basin shows that the Jehol Biota is more widely distributed than previously thought and the fossils composing the Jehol Biota include a greater variety of animal and plant taxa than earlier known. In previous studies, the age of the Sinuiju Formation was considered to be Late Jurassic–earliest Cretaceous on the basis of limited fossil evidence. In contrast, it is now considered to be earliest Cretaceous based on the new fossil finds. During a recent field survey, abundant fossils were collected from the lacustrine deposits of this formation. The discovery of the Sinuiju Biota adds significant new data to the study of the geographical distribution and diversity of the Jehol Biota in north-eastern Asia.