Democratic Path Research Articles

Factors Affecting the Level of Public Confidence of Political Parties in the European Union

Since the second half of the XX century, political parties as a socio-political institution were in a state of global crisis, the manifestations of which were the decline in the number of their members and the fall in the level of trust in them. The study aims to analyze the factors affecting the level of trust in political parties in the European Union; the objective -to identify these factors and determine the correlation between them and the level of trust in political parties. In this study, the level of confidence in the national government, the national Parliament, regional and local authorities, as well as levels of economic development and corruption, are considered as indicators correlating with the level of confidence in parties on a pan-European scale. The study is based on comparative and statistical methods. The source of the analysis is the data of sociological surveys on trust in political parties published on the official website of the European Commission on the results of population surveys in the framework of the “Eurobarometer” study for the period from 2000 to the present. The dependent variable is the level of trust in political parties, determined as a percentage of the number of respondents who trust this social institution. The analysis suggests that the lowest level of trust in political parties is typical for countries that have a low level of trust in the national government and Parliament, regional and local authorities, as well as for states where non-democratic regimes have existed for a long time. In addition, the level of trust in political parties correlates with the level of corruption in General and corruption of political parties in particular, and with the level of economic development, but the degree of their correlation is lower compared to other indicators considered. The level of trust in political parties below the Central European level is typical mainly for countries that have recently embarked on the path of democracy - the Baltic States, Eastern and Southern Europe.

Evolution of Spanish tax policy (1975-2021)

The article considers the evolution of the Spanish tax system during the most important period of its historical development: the transition from Francoism to democracy. As the main economic function of the state, the tax system traditionally reflects its social structure, the nature of economic relations and managerial decisions of the ruling class, fundamental processes of social development. Unlike most European countries, the tax policy of the Spanish state until the last quarter of the 20th century was characterised by extreme anachronism, due to the long existence of Franco’s political system. Spain entered the path of democracy and europeanization of the Franco tax legislation only in the second half of the 70s, having gone through two stages of its modification: from state dirigism to neoliberal model. The main goal of the first stage was declared to achieve a fairer redistribution of the tax burden and narrowing the gap in the level of taxation between the most and the poorest strata of the population in accordance with the democratic principle "who receives the most income pays more to the budget". In the course of the second stage of tax reform the emphasis was done on stimulating business, its innovative, foreign economic and competitive potential, curtailing the functions of the Welfare state. Pandemic Covid-19 sums up the negative consequences of the neoliberal policy, largely due to the existing tax model. Its serious modification is the main direction in the complex of socioeconomic reforms of the Spanish government for the coming years.

A demokrácia lebontása Magyarországon [The dismantling of democracy in Hungary

A demokrácia lebontása Magyarországon [The dismantling of democracy in Hungary

Pakistani Society’s Problems, Causes and Solutions (An Overview in the Teachings of Islam)

The present research deals with the analysis Pakistani society’s Problems, causes and solutions in the Islamic Perspective. Pakistan is to take the right direction and transform itself into a civilized and responsible society for development and prosperity on both internal and external levels. We must look at a new role and concern. The system needs fundamental changes at many levels. The democratic path between revolution focuses on reform, and if we do not make it a part of our priorities in an extraordinary way, this process could further weaken the already weak state system. Certainly, the challenges at the state level will not be solved in a political isolation. For this, a great deal of consultation and consensus-based politics will have to be pursued. The problem is that our politics, democracy, governance, institutional processes and administrative structure see a change in the context of self-improvement. But to what extent are all parties ready for this change and what do they want to do on their own to make the existing flaws in the state system an improvement? One problem is including state understanding. The extent to which we are able to accurately diagnose our weakness at our own level. We know how to set our own priorities. It has become a major obstacle in solving problems in every domain, i.e, economic, social, political and moral.

A ‘popular option’ for development? Reconsidering the rise and fall of Chile’s political economy of socialism

As Salvador Allende and his supporters forged a democratic path towards socialism, the task of building a more sovereign and egalitarian national economy became one of the Popular Unity (UP) revolution’s first priorities. To that end, Allende’s coalition promoted a massive downward redistribution of income during its first months in office while also extending state control over many of the country’s most essential industries. Chile’s food economy, including its agricultural sector, received special attention during this early period as both purchasing power and domestic production soared. However, when a combination of economic, ecological and political factors caused consumer production to stagnate, acute shortages for a wide range of goods raised questions about the viability of the UP’s plans for a more just consumer economy. The emergence of a powerful opposition movement also raised questions about the government’s reluctance to pursue substantive political changes at the same time that it implemented major economic reforms. By examining the political economy of the UP experiment in the context of Chile’s 2019–20 uprising against inequality and political exclusion, this article reconsiders the consequences of the UP’s inability to link economic transformations with changes in how political power was exercised in mid-century Chile.

The Persecution of Rohingya Muslims and the Path to Democratization in Myanmar

Rohingya Muslims in Myanmar have long endured severe discrimination and persecution. Although the Rohingya have lived in Myanmar for centuries, their existence is not fully accepted by the majority of Buddhist society. Rohingya Muslims residing in the north-western area of Rakhine are considered stateless people. In the last ten years, Rohingya Muslims have been treated severely and even expelled from their place of birth. This humanitarian crisis has attracted many international organizations that are aiding Rohingya and urging Myanmar’s civilian government to recognize Rohingya as an official ethnic group. This article explores the roots of Islamophobia in Myanmar and analyses its effect on Muslims’ daily life in Myanmar, and in particular for the Rohingya. Ultimately, it is important to discern the path of democratization in Myanmar, as currently led by Aung San Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy (NLD), analyzing the present state and future of democratization of the country, especially on a socio-political level.

Urban neighborhood self-governance and community attachment: Evidence from southwest China

Rapid urbanization in China and the resultant social problems have prompted the government to experiment with “community building”. One such experiment, attempting to introduce neighborhood self-governance, was conducted from 2009 to 2013 in southwest China. Based on long-term field research and a general social survey in four such communities, this study tested the strength of community attachment as the main indicator of community formation. At the same time, different factors that influence community attachment, including length of residence, social involvement within the community, and satisfaction with community infrastructure and public services were also analyzed to explore a feasible pathway in China to strengthen communities. The results indicated a general high level of community attachment. It also indicated that community involvement, including social bonds, community participation, and community empowerment, contributed most to the strength of community attachment. Evidence from this subdistrict shows that the state could certainly build up communities in a relatively short time. Nevertheless, the robust success of community formation still hinged on social and political participation in the form of neighborhood self-governance. This form of community building through prescribed participation directed by the authoritarian state pointed out a different route from the democratic path of community construction.

José Luis López-Aranguren: democracia, moral, juventud y educación universitaria

El presente artículo persigue poner de manifiesto, desde la perspectiva cívica y moral, una parte del discurso educacional de José Luis López-Aranguren. En particular, presento su visión de futuro sobre la universidad española del último tercio del siglo XX y su relación con las demandas que la juventud de su tiempo estaba planteando. En este sentido, Aranguren entendía que una universidad renovada y atenta a los problemas sociales podría contribuir activamente a conseguir los cambios necesarios que pusieran a España en el camino de la democracia como forma moral de vida; una universidad comprometida con los problemas de su tiempo y con las inquietudes de los jóvenes del momento.

PAKISTAN: THE ROAD TO INDEPENDENCE.

The article tells about the difficult and controversial path of the country now known as Pakistan to independence. Attention is drawn to the persisting contradictions that did not allow this country to successfully advance along the path of democracy and economic progress.

ВНУТРІШНІ КРИЗИ В КРАЇНАХ РАДЯНСЬКОГО БЛОКУ В КОНТЕКСТІ ЄВРОПЕЙСЬКОЇ БЕЗПЕКИ

The article analyzes the internal crises experienced by the Soviet bloc countries during the Cold War. It is noted that the crises of society in Eastern Europe, in which in the early 1950s the model of the state system of the totalitarian type of the Soviet model was finally established, they arose constantly and over time unfolded and deepened. The social order imposed on the states under the influence of the USSR proved to be foreign completely and the population of these countries was unprepared and refused to accept it, which was one of the main causes of permanent outbursts of social discontent. The crisis of governance in the Soviet Union that arose after Stalin’s death, uncertainty, and some hope for the liberalization of public life gave the socialist camp hope for democratic reforms that could begin with a new leadership in the USSR. An extraordinary surge in social activity in the Soviet bloc led to the Twentieth Congress of the CPSU, which decided on a variety of forms of transition to socialism and could create the conditions for a peaceful and radical political and economic transformation. However, subsequent events showed the inability of the Soviet leadership to manage effectively the socialist camp in times of crisis, the use of military force as the only possible method of resolving conflicts, unwillingness to reform the system in the face of the challenges of the time, indomitable authoritarianism. It is noted that the internal crises that erupted in the Soviet bloc, along with the casualties of the population and the threat to the stability of European security, nevertheless showed the readiness of these countries to change and internal resistance to the system, which were able at any time, if possible, lead the states on the path of reforms and democratization.

В поисках идеала общественного развития: евразий­ское понимание государства как альтернатива европейской демократии

The paper explores the Eurasian understanding of the state as a “sobor” personality, ideocracy, a “guarantee” state and a “state of truth” as a special path of social development and state structure. The origins of “sobornost” can be traced back to the views of V.S. Solovyov on “vseedinstvo”. “Sobornost” as the basis of the social development of Rus-Russia is an alternative to Western individualism, embodied in the democratic path of development. In Eurasianism, the principle of “sobornost” was applied by L.P. Karsavin to the state, which was understood as a certain “cultural-subject”, “sobor” or “sym­phonic” personality. The “sobor” state is the unity of all its constituent groups and indi­viduals, consolidated by the “ruling layer” and the “idea-ruler”. The state, as a “sobor” personality, was understood by Eurasianism in several qualities – as an ideocratic state, in which the “ruling layer” is subordinate to the highest “idea-ruler”; as a “guarantee” state, in which the “ruling layer” is organically linked to the people and “guarantees” the achievement of positive State objectives; as a “state of truth”, representing a social union aimed at realizing the ideal of a higher truth.

O Estado, o poder, o socialismo: um livro reformista ?

The article aims to point out the originality of the concept of relational State and, consequently, of the concept of authoritarian statism, both addressed in the latest works by Nicos Poulantzas, especially in his latest book, State, power, socialism, written in 1978. Contrary to what some critics of this book claim, Poulantzas does not break with the Althusserian theoretical framework, nor does he take a position in defense of political reformism. His position in his final work is the defense of the democratic path towards socialism, but which would not be gradualist, since it would incorporate a succession of ruptures and transformations in a long road towards communism and the end of the State.

Franchise for All: The Constituent Assembly Debates on Universal Adult Suffrage

The recent 2019 general elections in India elected more than 500 representatives to the Parliament: one did not have to belong to a particular gender, race, class or caste to vote. All Indian citizens who are otherwise not disqualified can elect their representatives. With the Constitution coming into force in 1950, unlike other countries, at one stroke India provided for a universal adult franchise. Its instant arrival, according to Khosla was ‘arresting given democracy’s troubled history in the decades preceding the end of British rule’. Many observers of that time argued against throwing open voting rights to all. The British Prime Minister Clement Atlee was sceptical of the democratic arrangements that India was heading towards. He wrote to Nehru: “The Asiatic republics are few and of recent establishment. Their record is not very encouraging. They tend to degenerate into dictatorships or oligarchies. They offer a prize for the ambitious authoritarian individual”. Ivor Jennings, English lawyer and academic, noted: ‘it may be possible to minimize the risks by creating a limited franchise or by balancing representation…narrow franchise, indirect elections, tribal representation may all be colonial conditions…merely because they are regarded as primitive in the Conservation Party Headquarters or Transport House’. Jennings conception of independent, democratic India was not rooted in the universal adult franchise. Forceful voices against the universal adult franchise did not deter India’s will to enfranchise all. This essay revisits how universal adult franchise appeared and was finally adopted in Indian political and constitutional history: a measure that forged a new political and democratic path for an independent India. The first part focusses on a franchise under British rule and the demand for the universal adult franchise within the freedom movement. The second part examines the Constituent Assembly debates around the adult franchise. This essay does not look at the operationalisation of the universal adult franchise: an exercise that began even before the Constitution came into force. Ornit Shani’s work in How India Became Democratic gives an illustrative account of how democracy was institutionalised through universal adult franchise. She examines the practical measures undertaken by the Constituent Assembly Secretariat (CAS), between 1947 to 1950, to make the universal adult franchise a reality. After the Constituent Assembly, in 1947, signalled the adoption of universal adult franchise, the CAS began preparation of the electoral roll: 173 million citizens were enfranchised. Shani claims that ‘the first draft electoral roll on the basis of the universal franchise was ready just before the enactment of the constitution. Indians became voters before they were citizens’.

Война за независимость 1808—1814 гг. в коммеморативных практиках современной Испании

The article is devoted to the representation and perception by the Spaniards of the events of the War of 1808-1814, which became an important part of the national identity in the XIX century. On the example of commemorative practices of contemporary Spain - ways to mobilize the memory about the war, the author shows how the interpretation of these events has deformed and changed. The article outlines the features of the celebration of the 200-th anniversary of the beginning of the War, the main historical images that accompanied the celebration. The politics of memory, the ways of organizing a holiday that translates and defines the unified system of values, illustrate the problems that contemporary Spain, traumatized by franquismo and em-barked upon the path of democratization, faces.

The Difficult Look Back: Slovenian Democratic Path after European Union Accession

Abstract In the third wave of democratic changes in the early 1990s when the Central and Eastern European (CEE) political landscape changed radically and the democratisation processes started in the eastern part of the continent, Slovenia was one of the most prominent countries with the best prospects for rapid democratic growth. Slovenia somewhat luckily escaped the Yugoslav civil wars and towards the end of the 20th century was already on the path towards a stable and consolidated democracy with the most successful economy in the entire CEE area. After the dissolution of Yugoslavia, Slovenia had a simple and straight-forward political goals, i.e. to join the European union as soon as possible, thus consolidating its place among the most developed countries within the region. After some setbacks, this goal was accomplished in (so far) the biggest enlargement to the Union in May 2004. But what happened after Slovenia managed to successfully achieve its pair of major political goals? In this chapter, we search for an answer to this question and find out why Slovenian voters are increasingly distrustful not only of political institutions, but why so-called new political faces and instant political parties are so successful and why Slovenian democracy has lost a leading place among consolidated democracies in CEE.

The Policies of the First Green-Red Government in the German Federal State of Baden-Württemberg, 2011–2016

In recent years, green parties have gained, at least in some Western democracies, access to government at different levels. In 2011, a coalition between the Green Party under Winfried Kretschmann and the Social Democratic Party (SPD) came to power in Baden-Wurttemberg (BW) following 58 years of predominantly Christian Democratic (CDU) government in the state. The present paper analyzes whether this change of government has led to a corresponding “green–red” policy change. Applying a fuzzy-set qualitative comparative analysis (fsQCA) to 12 different policy sectors, we find evidence of remarkable changes in policy in some key areas related to Green politics, and evidence also of both Social Democratic reforms and path dependence in many other sectors. The results of our fsQCA show that the responsibility of Social Democratic politicians for the ministries in the respective policy sectors in financially relevant policy sectors was enough reason for the implementation of far-reaching reforms. Social Democratic ministries in financially relevant policy sectors with a rather low degree of political leeway brought in Social Democratic policy solutions. Moreover, a sufficient reason for some Green policy manifestations was the combination of Green Party ministries in more regulatory policy sectors with a rather high degree of political leeway.

Ethnicity and Politics in Kenya’s Turbulent Path to Democracy and Development

This article examines the manifestation of ethnicity in Kenyan politics and its impact on Kenya’s democratic path and development. It questions the salience of ethnicity in politics and traces the origin of ethnic consciousness to the colonial era. Efforts by the successive regimes to advance a national identity have proved futile as all of them have worked to calcify it through its exploitation and politicization. We utilize an intersection of theoretical approaches to zoom in on the overwhelming nature of ethnicity in politics. The crux of our argument is that ethnicity has, over time, been used for by the self-aggrandizing political elite for self-serving interests and it is our opinion that the historic handshake between President Uhuru Kenyatta and the former Prime Minister Raila Odinga provided another unique opportunity for de-ethicising Kenya’s politics and for strengthening the existing institution.

Conflicting Objectives in Democracy Promotion: Avoiding Blueprint Traps and Incomplete Democratic Transitions

Western donors attempting to promote democracy across the globe face a dilemma. Democracy is a highly valued policy goal, but they are fearful that the path to democ¬racy will undermine another highly valued goal – political stability – and potentially cause widespread violence in the recipient countries or beyond. We ask whether these fears have empirical support and how donors can balance the potentially conflicting objectives of democratisation and stability when intervening in governance matters. Recent research at the German Development Institute shows that fears about the destabilising effects of democratisation do indeed have some empirical support (Leininger et al 2012; Ziaja 2013). But these fears deflect attention from the bigger problem of “getting stuck in the middle”. Hybrid regimes that exhibit authoritarian traits under a facade of formal democratic institutions constitute, in the long run, a larger security risk than attempts to make these countries more democratic. Hybrid regimes also hamper economic development, thus constituting an additional, indirect, risk of violent conflict. The promotion of democracy is hence a laudable effort, but it may itself carry risks. A recent DIE study of 47 African countries suggests that support for democracy increases popular mobilisation in the short run, leading to increased demonstrations and riots. However, the same study produced no evidence that democracy support is likely to spark civil wars. Increased mobilisation is thus rather a sign of aid effectiveness than a reason to worry. Yet, to be effective in the long run and to help steer popular demands into peaceful channels, democracy support must assist domestic actors in building institutions that fit the needs of their society. In the past, the potentially de¬stabilising consequences of popular participation have seduced would-be engineers of social change into re¬stricting competition in young democracies. This is a bad idea, as our recent research shows: narrow, elite pacts have, on average, led to worse political outcomes than open competition. The best contribution that donors can make from the out¬side is to enable marginalised groups to participate in crea¬ting the institutional setup. This is best achieved when many donors promote democracy simultaneously. Only then can they avoid the “blueprint trap”, which snaps shut when donors try to impose – advertently or inadvertently – an institutional setup on the partner country that does not fit its society’s needs. Diversity on the donor side increases the chances of finding a context-adequate institutional design. These findings suggest that an overly cautious sequencing approach to democracy promotion – stability first, only then democracy – has little empirical support. Most countries in the world embarked on a (formally) democratic path more than two decades ago. A gradualist approach that builds institutions while at the same time encouraging mobilisation is thus the more viable approach. Recommendations in brief: Promote democracy now Keep democracy aid diverse Encourage endogenous, inclusive polity design Enforce conditionality on conflict resolution mechanisms in institutional design Balance trade-offs of democratic transitions.

Governance of Higher Education in the Arab World and the Case of Tunisia

Public universities in the Arab world have suffered from what might be called a political model of governance. This model involves the subordination of universities to political influence, from top to bottom as well as horizontally. It leads to the closing of minds, the undermining of knowledge production, and limiting the ability of universities to bring about social change. The exception to this dominant model in the Arab world is Tunisia, which, not coincidentally, has also been the only exception to the failure of the “Arab Spring,” continuing on the path of democracy and progressive reform despite some setbacks.

КОНСТРУКТИВНЕ МИСЛЕННЯ ЕЛІТ ЩОДО ТВОРЧОСТІ ТА ЄДНОСТІ СУСПІЛЬСТВА – ДОРОЖНЯ КАРТА ДЛЯ ПОЗИТИВНИХ ЗМІН В УКРАЇНІ

Globalization challenges, the dynamics of socio-political changes, migration processes, “hybrid war” contributed to the emergence of new approaches to researching the existence of the people, in particular in the system of personnel policy and managerial culture in modern Ukraine. Today, the constructive thinking of the politico-power and education elites should be aimed at creativity, unity of society and speeches – a road map for positive changes in Ukrainian society. Today, the Ukrainian people, if they want some changes for a better life, must cultivate readiness for change. In society, the elite must form a modern road map of the future, starting with changes in ideological principles, such as what V.Lipinsky wrote in his time, emphasizing that “Ukraine will not build us unless we build it”. The rethinking of the negatives of the Ukrainian society, from the state-professional positions now also requires the privatization of most strategically important enterprises. The question: “Is it necessary to export raw materials to such an extent?” How to prevent environmental pollution caused by the inattention of individual heads of industrial property owners to modernize production, low wages for workers, which deprived some of the young people of the stimulus for serious education, which led to a syndrome of unnecessary scientific knowledge in favor of low intellectual education, or the outflow of intellectuals from Ukraine to more developed countries of the world. Successful reform of the state can not be carried out without restarting the conservative thinking of the political and ruling elite on the modern innovative-constructive and on the changes in the ineffective, inherited from the past, state administration to the modern patriotic, intellectual, spiritual and cultural, professionalprofessional,social approach to reforms that should be based on European values. The general strategy of modernizing modern Ukrainian society based on European standards, as the dominant changes, should include: • awareness of every citizen of Ukrainian society of the essence of European values; • the need to use the latest information and communication technologies; • directing the world's readiness of the citizen to change; • an approval through professional training and educational work on the importance of forming the state consciousness of a citizen, a professional, a public servant at the level of state psychology, responsibility for each contribution to state creation; • an orientation of the consciousness of the government officials of all services in the state on the principles of justice, equality and dignity in relation to duties towards their own people for democratic change and the success of state-building; • the finding mechanisms to restore the people's confidence in a better life, by caring for the social security of the person, the consent, respect for the person, the so-called politics of human-centeredness, etc. Ukrainian society at the stage of change also needs the personnel, which embody such basic qualitative requirements as: professionalism, competence, innovative thinking, decency, responsibility, patriotism, readiness to study constantly. In the course of the change, the personnel decide on the effectiveness of the implementation of reforms that would lead Ukraine on the democratic path of development and create conditions for such a social state, which will respect the world for its socio-political treasures of respect for the person, protection of the needy, progressive changes in environmental protection and conservation natural resources for future generations. That's what the educational and political-ruling elite of Ukraine should work on at the present stage of state-building.