Democratic Party Government Research Articles

TBMM’de Siyasal Temsilin Bir Görünümü: Demokrat Parti Örneği (1950-1960 Dönemi)

In representative democracies, it is important that the existence and functioning of political systems are based on effective representativeness. National assemblies are one of the mechanisms through which the representativeness of political systems can be observed. In this study, the ability of the parliaments of the Democratic Party governments, which were formed as a result of the general elections held after the transition of Turkish political life to the multi-party era, to represent the social structure is the subject of this study. In this study, which deals with the national assemblies established after the general elections of 1950, 1954 and 1957, the assumption is that the sociological appearance of the TBMM established in the relevant periods in terms of representing the social structure differs from the previous periods and an analysis is made through secondary data with an interpretivist perspective. It can be stated that the representativeness of the national parliament as a mechanism of political representation is analysed on the basis of four factors: the level of participation in elections, electoral laws and electoral systems, the nomination methods of parties and the socio-demographic data of MPs such as education, occupation and age. Among the conclusions reached as a result of the analysis, it can be shown that the national assemblies established after the general elections of 1950, 1954 and 1957 were limited in reflecting the social diversity of the period in terms of socio-demographic aspects and had an appearance far from the principle of justice in representation in the political context. Key Words: Political Representation, Social Structure, Democrat Party.

1950~60년대 주석균의 농업정책론과 농정 관계 활동

Chu Sok-Kyun was a former colonial bureaucrat, and based on his career, he served as the president of the Irrigation Association and the vice minister of the Ministry of Agriculture and Forestry after liberation. Also from this experience, he acquired a distaste for administrative control of the economy and a conviction of the unworkability of controls. Based on this, in the 1950s, he organized the theory of agricultural policy into the three axes of democracy, free economy, and self-sustaining economy, while organizing the Agricultural Problem Research Group to criticize the government's agricultural policy. He considered rural democratization as a prerequisite for rural rehabilitation, saw that farmers should be organized into cooperatives for this purpose, and emphasized the principle of democratic operation of cooperatives. He also found the cause of the food policy confusion in the immaturity of the grain market, and saw that it should be resolved based on the principles of free economy, such as fostering wholesalers and establishing distribution order. On the other hand, his orientation toward self-sustaining economy moved from the position of ‘acceptance of aid based on the spirit of self-reliance’ in the early 1950s to the criticism of importing foreign grains as the side effects of aid deepened. He participated in the agricultural policy of the Democratic Party government after 4·19, and also participated in the agricultural policy formulation of the military government after 5·16. However, his fundamental points such as rural democratization, fostering of the grain market, and reduction of importing foreign grains were not accepted, so he criticized the Park Chung-hee government’s agricultural policies.

COUP OF 27 MAY 1960 IN TURKEY AND AMERICAN POSITION

The 1960 coup in Turkey is a turning point in Turkish political life, as it was the first and last military coup carried out by military personnel. In fact, the coup was surprising to everyone and a dangerous turning point in the development of events in Turkey, although the political and economic conditions that prevailed in Turkey in the second half of the fifties decade were foreshadowing a move by the army. The success of the coup raised many questions inside and outside Türkiye. The parliamentary life it adopted, which was entrenched in the multi-party system since the end of World War II, assumed the availability of constitutional guarantees to prevent the occurrence of such developments in political life. The United States of America, for its part, was supportive of the Democratic Party government throughout the ten years of its rule, but this support soon changed after the party government attempted to re-establish relations with the Soviet Union, and here the United States of America withdrew its support and this was evident in the success of the military coup, which resulted in the removal of the Democratic Party from the ruling power in Turkey on the morning of May 27, 1960

Attempts at Rapprochement between Bulgaria and Serbia in the Period 1908 – 1909 through the Eyes of Minister Plenipotentiary Andrey Toshev

The article aims to trace the rapprochement negotiations between the Bulgarians and the Serbs in the period 1908 – 1909, initiated by the government officials in Belgrade. Through this maneuver, they are trying to secure their Eastern border, which would allow them to focus on their other pressing foreign policy tasks. An important role in the negotiations conducted during the mentioned period was played by the newly appointed Bulgarian diplomatic representative in the Serbian capital Andrey Toshev. A significant part of the research is based on a thorough study and analysis of reports and telegrams written by him to the ruling Democratic Party government in Bulgaria, preserved in funds 176 K (fund of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Confessions) and 315 K (fund of the Bulgarian Legation in Belgrade) of the Central State Archives in Sofia. The later works of the experienced Bulgarian diplomat, concerning the period in question, are also examined, in order to take into account his later positions on the subject. The main method used in the article is historical analysis. Тhe author pays special attention to the tendency of the Serbs to demonstrate ambivalent behavior towards their potential political allies in Sofia, which discourages the latter that rapprochement is a realistic scenario.

TÜRK’ÜN MİLLÎ DAVASI “KIBRIS MESELESİ”NİN 1955-1967 YILLARI ARASINDA MUŞ BASININDAKİ YANSIMALARI

Kıbrıslı Rumlar, 1945’ten sonra Yunanistan’a bağlanma isteklerini açığa vurmuşlar ve 1950’den itibaren Yunanistan’dan da büyük destek görmeye başlamışlardır. Yunanistan, Kıbrıs’ın ilhakı niyetiyle konuyu Ekim 1954’te Birleşmiş Milletlere taşımış, burada sonuç elde edemeyince Ada’da şiddet olaylarını desteklemiştir. Bu destekle Rumlar, 1955’te İngiliz ve Türklere yönelik şiddet faaliyetlerine başlamışlardır. Kıbrıs’taki şiddet olayları ulusal basında olduğu gibi Muş basınında da öncelikli haber konusu olmuştur. Bu dönemde Muş basını Kıbrıslı Türklerin sesini duyurmak ve Muş halkını Kıbrıs konusunda aydınlatma görevini üstlenmiştir. Türk kamuoyunun baskıları üzerine, İngiltere’nin 30 Haziran 1955’te Türkiye ve Yunanistan’ı Kıbrıs meselesini görüşmek üzere toplantıya çağırması, 1923’ten beri Türkiye’nin Kıbrıs’ı İngiltere’nin bir iç meselesi olarak görme politikasından vazgeçmesine neden olmuştur. Demokrat Parti Hükümeti, Kıbrıslı Türklerin Ada’da huzur içinde yaşamalarını sağlamak için 1955-1959 yılları arasında aktif bir politika izlemeye başlamıştır. Bunun neticesinde Türkiye, Zürih ve Londra Antlaşmalarını imzalayarak Ada’da İngiltere ve Yunanistan’la birlikte garantör devlet durumuna gelmiştir. 1960’ta Kıbrıs Cumhuriyeti kurulmuşsa da Rumlar, Kıbrıs Anayasasını görmezden gelerek Türklere karşı 1963 ve 1967 yıllarında kanlı saldırılar düzenlemişlerdir. Bunun üzerine Türkiye garantör devlet olma hakkını kullanarak müdahale etmek istemiş, ancak özellikle ABD’nin karşı çıkması yüzünden küçük müdahalelerle yetinmek zorunda kalmıştır. Bu dönemde genel Türk basınında olduğu gibi Muş yerel basınında da 1963 ve 1967 olayları çokça yer bulmuş ve ABD’nin Türkiye’nin müdahalesine izin vermemesi ABD’nin dostluğunun sorgulanmasına neden olmuştur. Bu çalışmada Muş’ta çıkan gazetelerin Kıbrıs’taki gelişmeleri Muş kamuoyuna nasıl yansıttığı ve olaylar karşısındaki tutumlarını ortaya koymak amaçlanmıştır. Bu amaçla 1 Temmuz 1955-15 Aralık 1967 tarihleri arasında Muş’ta çıkan gazetelerinin nüshaları taranmış, Kıbrıs’taki gelişmeler, gelişmeler karşısında Türkiye’nin, uluslararası kuruluşların ve müttefik devletlerin tutumları ile ilgili manşetler, yazılar, değerlendirmeler incelenmiş ve gerekli yorumlar yapılmıştır.

From Museum to National Temple: Hagia Sophia as a nationalist site of memory in the 1950s and 1960s

From Museum to National Temple:Hagia Sophia as a nationalist site of memory in the 1950s and 1960s Umut Azak (bio) KEYWORDS Hagia Sophia, Politics of Memory, Turkish Nationalism, Islamic Nationalism, Conservatism, Anti-Westernism The recent closure of the Hagia Sophia Museum and its conversion to its pre-1934 status as a mosque marked the beginning of a new phase in the history of the monument's rich symbolism. From 1950 onwards, for conservative nationalist and Islamist groups, the building's closure to worship signified the oppression and silencing of the Ottoman/Turkish/Islamic heritage. Indeed, for a wide range of intellectuals as well as political leaders, the aspiration to reconvert the museum into a mosque has been a "cause" (Ayasofya Davası).1 This cause was inherited by subsequent generations, which included figures such as Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, who described a future reconversion as a "longed-for moment" (hasretle beklediğimiz an).2 The emotional power of this rhetoric is derived from an Ottomanist and nationalist nostalgia for the golden age of "superiority over the Christian West" under the leadership of Sultan Mehmed II the Conqueror. In opposition to this glorious age is the contemporary era of "decay," supposedly inaugurated by the Kemalist/republican Westernizing reforms. According to this narrative, the Hagia Sophia Museum was waiting to be "re-conquered"—this time from "enemies within"—and to be restored as a symbol of national victory. President Erdoğan's declaration of 10 July 2020 was the culmination of precisely this type of nationalist zeal. This short piece [End Page 191] aims to shed light on the political and historical context that gave rise to the "Hagia Sophia Cause." The first calls for reconverting Hagia Sophia can be traced to 1950. In that year, the periodicals Büyük Doğu (Great East) and Sebilürreşad (Fountain of the Right Path) published editorials in support of the new Democratic Party government's decision to undo the 1932 ban on the Arabic call to prayer (adhan), celebrating it as the beginning of a new era of religious freedom. The authors of these publications, Necip Fazıl Kısakürek (1905–1983) and Eşref Edip Fergan (1882–1971), no doubt saw this development as opening up a space for pressuring the government on other issues, such as the reconversion of Hagia Sophia. Early demands for "liberating" Hagia Sophia were expressed especially in several articles about the 500th anniversary of the conquest of Istanbul by Sultan Mehmed II. These articles depict Hagia Sophia as "the biggest gift given to the Turkish nation by Mehmed II," the ruler who crushed the Byzantine Empire in 1453 and converted its imperial church into a mosque.3 Hagia Sophia, then, is "not a Byzantine ruin but a Turkish monument (mâmure)" and hence the 500th anniversary of the conquest should be celebrated, it was argued, by reopening it as a mosque.4 These authors were the pioneers of the Hagia Sophia Cause; all of them were obsessed with the conquest of Istanbul and shared a deep "nostalgia for the epoch of the Conqueror" (Fâtih Devri nostaljisi).5 These first calls for reconversion were taken up by the Society of Nationalists (Milliyetçiler Derneği), an umbrella organization composed of several nationalist and anti-communist associations. In an open letter, published widely in April 1952, the chair of the society described Hagia Sophia as "the symbol of the conquest of Istanbul" and a "magnificent sign of Turkish power and glory." Characterizing Hagia Sophia's closure to worship as "unfair and cruel" and "a source of pain and spiritual torture for Muslim Turks," the letter urged the government "to stop this torture."6 [End Page 192] According to the society, the forced closing of Hagia Sophia as a place of worship for Muslims was clearly an attack on freedom of conscience, and thus a violation of the constitutional principle of secularism. This argument—that "true" secularism calls for the building's reconversion—has been repeated by several other writers, who have insisted that the previous regime's version of secularism was not only wrong but also an attempt at "Christianizing the nation and starting a war...

Federal Alman Dışişleri Arşiv Belgelerine Göre Demokrat Parti Dönemi Türk-Alman İlişkilerinde 1957 Seçim Süreci

Turkish-German relations have been on the axis of trade and military alliance from the beginning and from the perspective of both states, great emphasis has been placed on strengthening and developing relations. Thus, in the period of Democratic Party Government that important events took place in Turkish Foreign Policy, beginning of the development of relations with the West has brought Turkey's NATO membership. In this process, Germany, which is divided into East and West after the Second World War, the relations between Turkey and the west side of the Germany has been seen after Turkey’s NATO membership. Under the umbrella of NATO, against S.S.C.B. and among other countries including the German Democratic Republic named the East part of the Germany, Federal Republic of Germany named the West part of the Germany was allied with the Republic of Turkey. By the way there were lots of important cases appeared. In this study, Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Federal Republic of Germany and especially the correspondence between their diplomatic missions in Turkey; based on the documents contained in the Federal German Foreign Office Policy archive, Turkish-German Relations in the Democratic Party Era between 1957 elections process were tried to be evaluated through historical perspective above the embassy and the consular reports.

27 MAYIS 1960 DARBESİNE MEŞRUİYET KAZANDIRMA ÇABALARI

The May 27, 1960 military coup is the first and a special example of using Ataturk’s principles and reforms as a source of legitimacy for military coups. The military junta faced an important issue of legitimacy after overthrew the elected Democratic Party government and came to power with non-democratic methods. Therefore, the May 27 military regime carried out intensive propaganda activities using all kinds of written and visual materials that could reach the masses in order to ensure the legitimacy of the coup and at the same time provide political and social support. One of the most striking counter-propaganda activities of the military regime was that the coup was carried out on behalf of the principles and reforms of Ataturk. In the propaganda activities in this direction, the arguments that the leaders of the Democratic Party betrayed Ataturk’s principles and reforms and that the 1950 were the counter-revolution were developed to ensure the legitimacy of the coup. On the other hand, the arguments that the coup of May 27 was made in order to resume the revolutions began by Ataturk were used widely. The new period beginning with the coup of May 27 was described as the Second Republic. The claim that the coup of 27 May was made in the name of Ataturk’s principles and reforms set an example for also the subsequent military coup and coup attempts between 1962-1980. In this study, the propaganda activities in which Ataturk’s principles and reforms and the symbols related to Ataturk were the subjects, carried out to ensure the legitimacy of the coup of May 27 were discussed.

Party politics and civil society: The role of policy entrepreneurs in nuclear power politics in Taiwan

AbstractThis article analyzes the development of nuclear power politics in Taiwan since 2016. In particular, it attempts to identify changing and/or recurring patterns of interaction between parties/politicians and civil society. Although more fluid forms of interest representation have emerged in recent decades, partisan strategies are still useful tools for social movements, especially as environmental/energy issues are highly politicized. Thus, existing institutional channels such as referendums and elections easily become battlefields for pro‐ and anti‐nuclear camps. How do the relevant actors in nuclear power politics interact regarding the current Democratic Progressive Party government's plan for a nuclear power phase‐out? While adopting a mechanism‐based approach, this article focuses specifically on explicating the interactions between parties/politicians and civil society. This article particularly highlights the role of civil society organizations and their activists, who straddle the line between political parties and civil society. These actors demonstrate both potential and limitations when it comes to changing the dynamics that exist between relevant actors in an iron triangle.

موقف الولایات المتحدة الأمریکیة من الانتخابات البرلمانیة الإیطالیة أبریل 1948

يتناول هذا البحث موقف الولايات المتحدة فى مواجهة المد الشيوعى فى سنوات ما بعد الحرب العالمية الثانية فى إيطاليا، فقد بدأت الأحزاب اليسارية تتزايد قوتها فى إيطاليا، وتهدد بالسيطرة على الحکم. ولذلک حددت الولايات المتحدة أهدافها بأن لا تسمح بسقوط إيطاليا تحت السيطرة الشيوعية، لأن هذا يهدد المصالح الأمريکية فى أوربا والمنطقة بصورة عامة. وبدأت الولايات المتحدة تضع محاور سياستها فى إيطاليا لمنع أحزاب الجبهة الشعبية (الحزب الشيوعى الإيطالى والحزب الاشتراکى الإيطالى) من السيطرة على البرلمان فى انتخابات أبريل 1948، ومن ثم السيطرة على الحکومة. ولهذا بدأت الولايات المتحدة فى تقديم الدعم لحکومة الحزب المسيحى الديمقراطى برئاسة دى جاسبرى De Gasperi والأحزاب السياسية المناهضة للشيوعية، وتمثل هذا الدعم فى المساعدات العسکرية للقوات المسلحة الإيطالية حتى تصبح قادرة على التصدي لأى محاولة شيوعية للسيطرة على الحکم بالقوة. وکذلک کانت أهم مجالات الدعم للحکومة الإيطالية هى المساعدات الاقتصادية خاصة فى ظل ما کانت تعانيه إيطاليا خلال تلک الفترة من مصاعب اقتصادية، فقدمت الولايات المتحدة القروض والمساعدات الغذائية والتسهيلات للحکومة الإيطالية، خاصة خلال فترة الانتخابات. وفى نفس الوقت کان مجلس الأمن القومى الأمريکى يعد الخطط لمواجهة أى محاولة شيوعية لليسطرة على الحکم فى إيطاليا، قبل الانتخابات أو بعدها. بل وضع الخطط فى حالة مشارکة الحزب الشيوعيى فى الحکومة الإيطالية، أو الهيمنة الشيوعية على الحکومة بالوسائل القانونية. فى نفس الفترة عملت الولايات المتحدة على ضمان مساندة فرنسا والمملکة المتحدة لسياستها فى إيطاليا، ودعمهم للحکومة الإيطالية. وشنت الولايات المتحدة حملة دعائية مناهضة للشيوعية، من خلال تشجيع الکنيسة الکاثوليکية على مهاجمة أحزاب الجبهة الشعبية خلال الانتخابات. بل شجعت حملة رسائل من أمريکا التى کان يتم من خلالها إرسال الرسائل من الأمريکيين من أصول إيطالية لأقاربهم وأصدقائهم فى إيطاليا لحثهم على التصويت للأحزاب المناهضة للشيوعية. وحاول الحزب الشيوعى ومن ورائه الاتحاد السوفيتى مواجهة التحرکات الأمريکية، ولکن نتائج الانتخابات جاءت فى صالح الأحزاب المناهضة للشيوعية، مما شکل نجاح لسياسة التدخل الأمريکى لمنع المد الشيوعى فى غرب أوربا. U.S. Position on the Italian Parliamentary Elections of April 1948 Ahmed Abd El Sayed Ibrahim El Alfy Department of Social Sciences – Faculty of Education – Damanhour University – Egypt. Email: D_a_abdelsyed@edu.dmu.edu.eg Abstract: The present research investigates the U.S. position in confronting the communist extension in the post-World War II years in Italy, as leftist parties have begun to grow stronger in Italy, threatening to take over complete control of the government. The United States, therefore, set its goals not to allow Italy to fall under communist control, because this threatens American interests in Europe and the region in general. The United States started to set the axes of its policy in Italy to prevent the parties of the Popular Front (Italian Communist Party and Italian Socialist Party) from controlling the parliament in April 1948 elections, and then controlling the government. This is why the United States began to provide support to the Christian Democratic Party government, headed by De Gasperi and the main anti-communist parties. This support was represented in the military aid of the Italian armed forces in order for resisting any communist attempt to control the government by force. Similarly, the most important areas of support for the Italian government were economic assistance, especially in the light of the economic difficulties that Italy was suffering during that period. Hence, the United States provided loans, food aid and facilities to the Italian government, particularly during the election period. At the same time, the US National Security Council was preparing plans to face any communist attempt to control the rule in Italy, before elections or after elections. Additionally, plans are made in case the Communist Party participates in the Italian government or communist domination over the government by legal means. In the same period, the US ensured that France and the United Kingdom supported its policy in Italy, and supported the Italian government. The United States launched an anti-communist propaganda campaign, by urging the Catholic Church to attack the Popular Front parties during the elections. It also encouraged a campaign of “Messages from America,” through which messages from Italian-Americans were sent to their relatives and friends in Italy to urge them to vote for the anti-communist parties. The Communist Party and the Soviet Union tried to counter the American moves, but the election results came in favor of anti-communist parties, which represented a success for the US policy of intervention to prevent the communist extension in Western Europe.

A Study of Education Reform and Industry in the West Germany in the 1960s and 1970s

이 연구는 1960, 1970년대 서독 교육개혁과 산업계의 관계를 다루고 있다. 오랫동안 산업계는 독일의 교육정책에 막강한 영향력을 행사하는 집단으로 상정되었다. 특히 전통적인 계급구조를 옹호하고 개혁을 반대했던 것으로 기술되어 있다. 그러나 1950년대 후반부터 독일의 사회경제는 거대한 변화를 경험하게 된다. 대량소비사회의 도래와 3차 산업의 발전은 계층구분의 약화와 산업구조의 전환을 야기했고, 그 결과 서독의 직업시장은 보다 높은 교육을 받은 노동력을 대규모로 요구하게 되었다. 이러한 구조적 변화에 산업계는 보수진영에 속한 세력들 중에서도 빠르게 대응하였다. 교육팽창은 물론이고 전통적인 학교시스템의 개혁을 요구했던 것이다. 본고는 서독 교육개혁과 산업계의 관계를 새롭게 조망해보고자 하였다. 무엇보다 교육개혁에 대한 산업계의 입장과 그것의 변화를 다루고 있다. 더 나아가 교육영역에서 산업계가 추구하는 근본적인 가치가 무엇이고, 그것이 얼마만큼 교육정책에 관철되었는가를 분석하였다. 1960년대 초부터 경제단체들은 교육제도 현대화를 위한 국가의 투자를 요구하고, 모든 사회집단에 이를 지지해줄 것을 촉구했다. 그리고 기존에 직업교육으로 한정되었던 교육영역에 대한 경제단체들의 관여는 일반학교 교육으로 확장되었다. 중등학교 과정에서 새로운 경제 질서에 긍정적이고 기업에 친화적인 교육환경을 만들려 애썼다. 그러나 산업계의 교육개혁에 대한 지지는 1970년대 초반을 지나면서 약화되었다. 고등인력의 수요 충족, 성장둔화에 의한 재정적 부담 증가, 사민당 정부와의 갈등이 그 원인으로 작용했다. 그것은 종합학교 도입에 대한 경제계의 부정적인 시각으로 이어지게 되었다. 산업계는 변화된 경제 환경에 적합한 효율적인 학교교육을 선호하였으며, 무엇보다 기업의 이익을 우선시하였다. 그리고 충분한 인적자원을 양산하고 기업에 친화적인 시스템을 위한 교육정책을 원했다. 그렇지만 산업계의 경제지향적 요구는 시민사회의 저항을 부르기도 하였다.This article researches the relationship between education reform and industry in West Germany in the 1960s and 1970s. Traditionally, industry has been regarded as a group that exerts a powerful influence on German education policy. It has been described as defending the old social class structure and opposing reform. However, starting in the late 1950s, the German social economy experienced enormous changes. The advent of a mass consumption society and the development of tertiary industries led to a weakening of the hierarchical division and a shift in the industrial structure. As a result, the West German job market faced a demand for many workers with higher education. The industry responded quickly to this change, even among conservatives. Along with the expansion of education, it even called for reform of the traditional school system. This study takes a new look at the relationship between education reform and industry in West Germany. Above all, it covers industry s position on education reform and its changes. Furthermore, it analyzes what fundamental values the industry places on in the field of education and how much such values were implemented in education policy. In the early 1960s, economic associations requested state investment in modernizing the education system and urged all social groups to support it. In addition, the involvement of economic associations in the field of education, which had previously been limited to vocational education, was extended to general school education. During secondary school, they tried to create an environment that was positive for the new economic order and business friendly. However, industry’s support for educational reform has weakened since the early 1970s due to satisfying the demands of manpower with a higher education, the increase of financial burdens caused by slow economic growth, and conflict with the Social Democratic Party government. This also led to a negative view of industry on the introduction of the “Gesamtschule.” The industry preferred efficient school education suitable for the changed economic environment but prioritized the interests of companies. It wanted education policies for a system that mass-produced human resources and that was business friendly. However, an economic-oriented request by industry often brought resistance from civil society.

Copts and the Security State: Violence, Coercion, and Sectarianism in Contemporary Egypt

Copts and the Security State: Violence, Coercion, and Sectarianism in Contemporary Egypt

Globalizing Constitutional Moments? A Reflection on the Japanese Article 9 Debate

U.S. scholars have developed a rich toolkit for analyzing informal, as well as formal, processes of constitutional change. A leading example is Bruce Ackerman’s theory of “constitutional moments.” Comparative constitutional scholars, in contrast, have given relatively little attention to the legitimacy of informal modes of constitutional change. This Article contributes to filling this gap in our understanding of informal constitutional change outside the United States, by analyzing recent attempts by Shinzo Abe’s Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) government informally to amend or “reinterpret” Japan’s pacifist Constitution. Attention to the Japanese experience in this context reveals superficial indications of an actual constitutional moment, but also a lack of true democratic support for such change. This, the Article suggests, further helps reveal an important, though largely unstated, precondition for the application of Ackerman’s theory—that there must be meaningful competition between political parties, in the legislature and at national elections, before informal constitutional change can legitimately occur.

The Presidentialization of Japan's LDP Politics: Analyzing Its Causes, Limits, and Perils

This article examines the elevated status of the prime minister in the Japanese Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) government through the lens of Poguntke and Webb's presidentialization thesis. There are two distinctive characteristics in the Japanese case. First, its presidentialization does not occur as the evolution of the Westminster model and instead follows a unique path. Second, the reinforced position of the Japanese premiership is in essence the product of institutional reforms that the Japanese political class has enacted in the last two decades for the renewal of national strategies, which in turn means that the Japanese presidentialization is taking place by design at its core. Furthermore, the latter fact implies its potential risks—most importantly, the progress of presidentialization under the LDP's continued dominance can undermine check‐and‐balance functions in Japanese democracy to a hazardous degree.

İSTANBUL-ANKARA OLAYLARI VE DEMOKRAT PARTİ HÜKÜMETİ’NİN UYGULAMALARI

İSTANBUL-ANKARA OLAYLARI VE DEMOKRAT PARTİ HÜKÜMETİ’NİN UYGULAMALARI

China’s Troubled Waters: Maritime Disputes in Theoretical Perspective, by Steve Chan. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2016. 250 pp. US$99.99 (cloth).

<i>China’s Troubled Waters: Maritime Disputes in Theoretical Perspective</i>, by Steve Chan. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2016. 250 pp. US$99.99 (cloth).

Fault Lines: Life and Landscape in Saskatchewan’s Oil Economy by Valerie Zink

Reviewed by: Fault Lines: Life and Landscape in Saskatchewan’s Oil Economy by Valerie Zink J. David Henry Fault Lines: Life and Landscape in Saskatchewan’s Oil Economy. Photographs by Valerie Zink. Text by Emily Eaton. Winnipeg: University of Manitoba Press, 2016. xiii + 107 pp. Illustrations, map, notes. $31.95 paper. Valerie Zink, a photographer from southern Saskatchewan, and Emily Eaton, an associate professor of geography at the University of Regina, have produced a good introduction to the life and times of people working in the oil fields of southern Saskatchewan. The book is visually attractive with seventy-seven full-page black-and-white photos of the landscapes, towns, facilities, and people involved in oil operations. The text is based on seventy interviews that Emily Eaton carried out with people of the region between 2011 and 2015. The book focuses on life during the oil boom with less emphasis on the oil bust, which occurred when oil prices crashed in the winter of 2014–15. Five subjects explored in the book are:(1) the history of the development of the oil industry in Saskatchewan versus neighboring Alberta; (2) economic benefits to towns, farmers, and rural residents from expanding oil operations; (3) the often difficult working conditions encountered in these operations; (4) the challenges of providing services for oil workers, including stores, restaurants, housing, and schools; and (5) the response of First Nations, including both protests against the oil industry and productive partnerships formed between tribal councils and oil corporations. Two issues in particular caught my interest. First, the author points out that “it was largely foreign capital that spurred the early and rapid development of Alberta’s oil industry, while in Saskatchewan debates about public ownership and development of resources within and between the Co-operative Commonwealth Federation (1944–64) and the New Democratic Party (1971–82) governments and their parties led foreign capital to perceive an unpredictable climate for investment” (15). Secondly, there is a hierarchical structure for workers in an oil boom. Jobs within the oil operations themselves pay significantly higher wages than jobs in the service sectors, with temporary foreign workers at the bottom of the wage scale. Yet the spiraling cost of living is the same for everyone. For a person unfamiliar with field operations of the oil industry, this book is a good introduction. The text and photos present both the opportunities and problems created by oil operations. The author’s stance is objective and neutral, offering few solutions to problems. There is also only limited information about fracking and horizontal drilling, which are the foundation of the oil boom in southern Saskatchewan. Looking through the photographs in the book, I could find only three people who were smiling. Perhaps that pattern best captures the severity and social pressures of living and working in Saskatchewan’s oil fields. [End Page 246] J. David Henry Saskatchewan Environmental Society Copyright © 2017 Center for Great Plains Studies, University of Nebraska–Lincoln

Foreign Policy Strategy of the Republic of Albania 1992 – 1997

With the change of systems from Communist to Democratic, the first democratic government led by Sali Berisha faced overwhelming challenges. On one hand the Democratic Party Government was taking over an economically devastated Albania, on the other hand Kosovo’s issue was another difficult challenge falling on the shoulders of a democratic state in its road towards consolidation of democratic institutions. At the same time, Albania had to engage in the Euro Atlantic structures. This period would be described with ups and downs of its performance in relation to the internal relations but also with its foreign policy in the International arena in particular with its neighboring countries. Despite the crises and uncertainties the country was going through, both Internal and Foreign Affairs difficulties being were run in a consensual spirit regarding some priorities that remain constant throughout the post-communist period. These priorities were as follows: The opening of Albania with the World, Western Orientation of all foreign and development policies, normalization of relations with Great Powers, in particular Western Countries and Country members of Security Council of United Nations; balancing relation with neighbors based on new foundations grounded on National Interests as well as putting up Kosovo’s issue as top agenda item, until its declaration of independence. DOI: 10.5901/mjss.2015.v6n2s1p498

No man can serve two masters

Both the classic mass party model of democracy and the more recent Downsian model initially appear consistent with the same, simple, principal–agent model of democratic party government. Once party is disaggregated into its ‘three faces’, however, the models are shown to be quite different. And once intra-party democracy is imposed on the Downsian model, or the idea that parties compete for unattached voters rather than each simply mobilizing its classe gardée is imposed on the mass party model, the simplicity of the original principal–agent model breaks down, with the party in public office forced to serve two masters with competing objectives and making incompatible demands. The result is to highlight both the complexity of democratic government and the limitations of principal–agent models in explaining it.

Post-War Japanese National Strategy of the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) Government

전후 일본정치에 있어서 국정비전의 설정과 이에 따른 정책내용을 결정한 자민당 정권의 주요한 국가전략은 독립직후인 1950년대에서 60년대와 70년대에 걸친 요시다노선 국가전략, 80년대와 90년대에 강력한 영향력을 미친 나카소네 국가전략, 그리고 2000년대 일본의 국가전략으로 대별해 볼 수 있다. 요시다의 국가전략은 전후 일본의 골격을 규정짓는 중요한 국정비전이었다. 50년대 전후 독립을 어떠한 방법으로 실현할 것이며 독립 직후의 일본이 빠른 시일 내에 경제회복과 정치안정을 어떻게 달성할 것인가에 초점이 있었으며, 이것이 60년대 이후 자민당 정권의 고도 경제성장노선으로 이어졌다. 나카소네 수상의 국가전략은 요시다의 국가전략인 경제중심노선을 수정하는‘전후 정치의 총결산’을 기치로, 80년대 행재정개혁의 추진 및 국제국가로서의 경제대국외교를 강조하는 것이었다. 2000년대 일본의 국가전략은 90년대 이후의 탈냉전기와‘헤이세이 불황,’그리고 일본사회의‘저출산 고령화시대’진입을 맞아, 일본 정치경제시스템의 구조개혁을 통한 경제재생과 정치적 자주성을 모색하는 것이었다.