The Europolis experiment took place at a time when the worst crisis in the history of the EU began to unfold. There is little confidence that the year 2014 (or any later year in the near future) will bring its definitive resolution that would also have to minimize the risk of the crisis repeating itself. The crisis can be understood as consisting of three interrelated components: the political economy of the Euro zone and its dynamics, an inadequate institutional shell of the EU polity and its deficient democratic quality, and the widespread disenchantment of publics in Europe with the narratives about what 'Europe' is good for and what the finalite´ might be that would make its further integration intrinsically desirable. In a nutshell, the crisis unfolded in four stages. First, as in the US, the financial industries engaged in risky, often frivolous kinds of investments, correctly trusting that, if investments failed on a significant scale, national governments would step in to bail them out. Second, governments, lacking any viable alternative, did as expected, thus causing an economic crisis with sharp (if uneven, given the vast eco- nomic differences between Euro zone members) declines in Gross Domestic Product (GDP) and employment. Third, in order to rescue the Euro monetary system and to prevent the depression from becoming ever deeper, governments had to rely on banks (including the European Central Bank (ECB)) to provide deeply indebted sovereigns with the liquidity needed to rescue their economies. Fourth, there is no democratic mechanism in place at the EU level that would allow for the legitimation of the major redistributive effects that any conceivable economic rescue operation would involve. As a consequence, the 18 member states of the Euro zone are deeply divided by a poorly institutionalized transnational conflict over to what extent the surplus countries must practice 'solidarity' and to what extent deficit countries can be expected to reciprocate by 'consolidating' their state budgets through (manifestly