Democratic Institutions Research Articles

CORRUPTION AND POLITICAL PARTY PERFORMANCE IN NIGERIA’S FOURTH REPUBLIC; FOCUS ON PEOPLES DEMOCRATIC PARTY

One of the perennial challenges facing the Nigerian polity is corruption and the political space was not left out in this regard. Despite the fact that political parties are the bedrock of democratic settings as they perform the functions of political recruitment, socialization, articulation as well as strengthening the competition in the political space, lack of ideology, corrupt practices and intra-party contradictions have hindered them from meeting their expectations. This paper interrogated the effects of corruption on political party performance in Nigeria’s Fourth Republic with much focus on the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) and to proffer solutions on how the menace could be curbed to enhance the internal democracy and potential of the PDP to capture the state power. The paper adopted qualitative research method through the use of secondary data such as journals, textbooks and periodicals and also utilized the clientelism model as a framework of analysis. The study reveals that corruption has eaten deep into the fabric of all democratic institutions in the state including the political parties as the electoral processes have been monetized beyond reasonable doubt. The study, therefore, recommended among others that the democratic institutions in the state such as political parties and the electoral commission be strengthened so as to promote good governance, values ethics and national prosperity. Again, there should be focus on meritocracy in selecting the leadership of political parties and party candidates rather than emphasis on nepotism and relying on patron-client agreements where the patrons decide who and how leaders are elected. This will go along to establish a just, fair and an egalitarian society.

The European Union as a Target: When Do Democratic Backsliders Rhetorically Challenge the EU?

AbstractPopulist actors who conduct democratic backsliding incrementally eat away at institutional checks on power. Whilst they largely focus on domestic institutions, European Union (EU) member states have an international democratic institution to consider as well. In this article, we present and test a theory explaining changes in backslider rhetoric towards the EU. Whilst they often claim a position of Euroscepticism, their interactions with the EU are complicated. We argue that anti‐democratic actors consider the public perception of the EU and the likelihood of enforcement and sanctions from the EU when deciding what type of rhetoric to use. Using speeches from Orbán in Hungary and Duda in Poland, we find that the effect of public opinion on speech sentiment varies between leaders. We also find evidence of position blurring in response to increases in EU threat levels.

Red star over the Baltic: the sovietisation of representative assemblies in Poland's ‘Recovered Territories’ via the ‘three times “Yes”’ referendum of 1946

ABSTRACT Based on Polish-language archive material and personal testimony, this article is a case study concerning the Sovietisation of Poland's representative democratic institutions in its Baltic provinces, a region which witnessed sweeping changes regarding its borders and population as formerly German territory was incorporated into a re-constituted Polish state following the Second World War. Although under-populated and geographically peripheral, these ‘Recovered Territories’ were central to the raison d’être of the post-war Polish state. However, due to a common desire to reclaim these lands for Poland, the Polish communist regime's policies of rapid ‘degermanisation’ and ‘repolonisation’ were supported by both the London-based Polish government-in-exile, as well as the anti-communist underground. Despite the Red Army's looting of the region, the regime engendered the fear of German revanchism among the settlers to justify its ‘protection’ by Soviet forces and gain political support in new local ‘democratic’ assemblies. This article uses official, semi-official and ‘unofficial’ primary material sources aiming to show that, although the ‘Three Times ‘‘Yes’” referendum of 1946 was held at a national level with aim of assessing the true level of support for communism in Poland, in the Recovered Territories it was employed as a propaganda campaign aimed at creating Homo Sovieticus, a new society and Soviet-dominated ‘representative’ institutions.

Power, Politics, and the Supernatural: Exploring the Role of Witchcraft Beliefs in Governance for Development

Belief in evil and hidden supernatural forces, generally referred to as witchcraft, is widespread in many parts of the African continent. In addition to affecting individual health, perceived security, and social relations, witchcraft allegations may be used as covert political instruments, resulting in governance challenges such as lack of trust, transparency, administrative delegation, and political accountability. Since witchcraft is commonly associated with physiological and psychological violence, some citizens may be less willing to participate in political activities, including seeking elected office or criticizing political elites for fear of falling victim to witchcraft. The focus of our study is Malawi where large groups in the population believe in the power of witchcraft. We aim to unpack how local witchcraft beliefs have a bearing on governance – whether, and the extent to which, witchcraft influences how citizens understand and practice transparency and accountability in everyday life. Particularly, the belief in witchcraft among Malawian elites’ warrants closer scrutiny, especially since existing literature and local discourse on the impact of witchcraft tend to largely focus on rural and less educated groups in the population. As the highly secret and complex dimensions of witchcraft resist clear-cut definitions, representations, and analysis, it is not our intention to describe witchcraft in everyday life. Rather, we explore the potential political implications of not addressing elite discourses of and belief in witchcraft. We find that belief in witchcraft can influence citizens’ perceptions of power and authority and can potentially undermine the legitimacy of democratic institutions and processes.

The political role of middle class in China: disentangling democratic attitudes and values

ABSTRACT China's middle class is found to differ in their democratic orientations – compared to the middle class in the non-state sector, a state sector middle class is believed to show lower support for democracy. Based on data from the Asian Barometer Survey 2019, we contend that democratic attitudes and democratic values are distinct dispositions. Despite displaying weaker attitudes towards the standard Western democratic institutions - such as multiparty elections and free media - the state sector middle class exhibits equally strong democratic values as the non-state sector middle class. On the other hand, compared to other social classes, while the non-state sector middle class shows stronger democratic values, it nonetheless holds a similar level of democratic attitudes. A most similar systems design and a joint method of agreement and difference reveal how values and attitudes are shaped respectively by early existential security and the structural constraints/stimuli one faces.

Constitutional regime in the Republic of Poland: Democracy and authoritarian tendencies

The purpose of the article is the analysis of the constitutional regime in the Republic of Poland, the study of democratic and authoritarian tendencies. The article is devoted to the coverage of one of the most pressing issues, namely the constitutional principles of Polish democracy, which play an important role in determining the political system and functioning of the State. They establish the basic principles of a democratic system, protect the rights and freedoms of citizens, and determine the relationship between the Government and the people. Poland, as a democratic republic, has its own constitutional principles, ensuring the stability of the political system and the development of democracy in the country. The article analyzes the constitutional principles in the doctrine of constitutional law and constitutional practice of Poland, examines their nature and significance for the supremacy of the Constitution and the development of the legal system. Authoritarian tendencies are covered as well. It is determined that nowadays there is a tense interaction between democratic principles and tendencies towards authoritarianism in the Republic of Poland. This situation is reflected in political actions, legislative changes and Government actions that can contribute to the undermining of democratic institutions and values.

The Ecclesiastical Impact: Exploring the Role of Christian Church in Democracy Development in Nigeria

This research investigates the multifaceted role of Christian church in the development and consolidation of democracy in Nigeria. Through a comprehensive analysis of scholarly literature, empirical data, and case studies, the study aims to elucidate the various dimensions of the church's influence on democratic processes, institutions, and norms in the Nigerian context. Specifically, the research will examine how Christian churches contribute to promoting democratic values, civic education, moral leadership, peace-building, social welfare initiatives, and political engagement. By employing a mixed-methods approach, including qualitative interviews, surveys, and content analysis of church statements and activities, the study seeks to provide empirical evidence and theoretical insights into the mechanisms through which the church impacts democracy development in Nigeria. The findings of this research will have implications for understanding the complex dynamics of religion and politics in Nigeria and inform policy and practices aimed at strengthening democratic governance and pluralism in the country.

Democracy Revised: Democratic Imaginary and Emerging Autocracy in Post-Soviet Russia

Contemporary autocracies often maintain a connection with democracy. They do not entirely dismantle the democratic structures established within unfinished modernization projects. Instead, they emerge as “electoral autocracies” and manipulate the concept of democracy offering alternative interpretations and meanings to further their illiberal agenda. The paper delves into the revision of democracy and how the democratic imaginary is utilized in the context of emerging autocracy in post-Soviet Russia. While the post-Soviet Russian autocracy adjusted democratic institutions for its own objectives, it also intended to appropriate the concept of democracy at the semantic and symbolic levels. The rise of Putin’s autocracy is characterized by the radicalization of cultural-civilizational particularism endorsing anti-democratic illiberal arguments. Through this adaptable hermeneutic framework, the Russian authorities tend to relativize the concept of democracy, criticizing, and dismissing the relevance of liberal democracy. Simultaneously, they articulate a distinct “sovereign” version of democracy and claim that non-liberal regimes are legitimate forms of political modernity. The autocratic political discourse on democracy is intrinsically non-democratic, as the lack of intellectual autonomy, control, and closure of discourse constrain the scope of meaning. The resulting heteronomous conception of democracy presents a static and ahistorical society predestined to (re)produce a single pro-authoritarian cultural-political pattern.

Democratic Rollback in West Africa: Coup Contagion, Sit-tight Tyrants and Best Options for Regional Organisations

Unconstitutional changes of government (UCG) have resurfaced in West Africa, undermining decades of democratic progress. This article examines the effectiveness of intervention strategies by regional organizations, specifically the African Union (AU) and the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), in preventing democratic backsliding and mitigating military coups. Despite these organizations’ efforts, their strategies, including diplomatic pressure, economic sanctions, and military threats, have often yielded limited success. The study investigates the strengths and weaknesses of these approaches, highlighting the inconsistency in sanctions application and the internal divisions within ECOWAS that hamper effective intervention. Through a comprehensive review of recent coups in Guinea, Burkina Faso, Niger, and Gabon, the study explores the broader political and economic factors contributing to instability, such as corruption, weak institutions, and socioeconomic challenges exacerbated by the COVID-19 pandemic. The findings suggest that enhancing democratic institutions, promoting good governance, and enforcing strict term limits are crucial for long-term stability. This study aims to contribute to the development of more robust frameworks for safeguarding democracy in West Africa, offering recommendations for regional organizations, national governments, and international actors to address the challenges of democratic backsliding and coup contagion.

ЕФЕКТИВНЕ ДЕРЖАВНЕ УПРАВЛІННЯ І НАЦІОНАЛЬНА БЕЗПЕКА В КОНТЕКСТІ DEEP STATE

The article explores the concept of the «deep state» as a key element of ensuring sustainable public administration and national security in war and peace. The author examines global and regional development trends that affect the formation of national security and analyses the mechanisms of power and governance in different countries. Particular attention is paid to the role of informal and closed networks in influencing official policy, which allows for a deeper understanding of the sources of information wars and manipulation of public opinion. The relevance of the study is driven by the need to build a transparent, fair and democratic society, as well as to strengthen democratic institutions and protect the rights and freedoms of citizens. The analysis of the deep state allows us to identify the interconnections between state institutions, the military, intelligence services and big business, which often remain outside democratic control. The author notes that the study of the deep state is important for the protection of democratic values, increasing transparency, accountability and efficiency of governance. Particular attention is paid to the influence of the deep state on the information space and the mechanisms of manipulating public opinion through the media. Understanding these processes contributes to the development of critical thinking and the protection of citizens' rights and freedoms. In the context of globalisation, the concept of the deep state is seen as an important factor influencing international relations, trade policies and economic alliances. The study of this phenomenon helps to predict changes in global politics and the economy, which is important for the development of long-term national security strategies. The term «deep state» is used to describe a network of influential individuals or organisations that can exert significant influence on public policy beyond democratic control. This concept is actively discussed in political debates, causing controversy over its role and influence on political processes.

King warns the nation: white America, the political economy, the age of Obama

The author contends that white America’s resistance to black advancement is the primary cause for the current racism and resistance to democracy and democratic institutions. Beyond Martin Luther King Jr.’s life and witness, white America has mutated into the political economy that has hybridized surrogates, namely, neofascism and neoliberalism, philosophical constructs that represent the Theo political right and the Theo political left. Strikingly, the political economy and its hybridized surrogates and paralleling philosophical constructs have come to maturity during the age of Obama, which provides a narrative for this article.

The Future of the Civilization of the Ummah Is Reviewed from the Sociology of Education for the Sustainable Development Goals (SDG'S)

Objective: The ancient Arab economy developed in the second half of the first millennium BC. Its glory peaked in the first century until the early second century AD, with trade routes to North Arabia and Syria. Nabataean kingdom in North Arabia was established, with two major cities as trading centers: Petra, and Palmyra. using the sociological perspective of education and commercialization theory, the ancient Arab economy has a mode of merchant capitalism. Theoretical Framework: Ancient Arab trading capitalism revived in the pre-Islamic Arab period, from the end of the fourth century AD. Mecca became the center of international trade, side by side with Yathrib and Taif. Two types of markets were born, the inner market and the outer market. New institutions related to culture, politics, and economy were established, including the division of labor institutions and institutions that regulate traders' interaction from inside and outside Makkah. Method: This research uses an interpretative paradigm with a qualitative approach, case study type, and multicase design. Data were collected using observation, interviews, and documentation. Data validity using triangulation of sources, methods, and theories. Next, an interactive model analysis is carried out. The research object was carried out in the Yogyakarta and Surakarta regions of Indonesia. Results and Discussion: Merchant capitalism during the early Islamic era underwent characteristic changes, similar to social capitalism. Referred to as Religious Capitalism, because its inspiration comes from religious teachings. The state regulates the market: the prohibition of exaggerating the quality of goods, bidding new prices, intercepting goods before they reach the market, hoarding goods, and silent trading. State revenues have also increased, including spoils of war, income from the agricultural and industrial sectors, kharaj, endowments, 'ushr, jizya, redemption money, loans, alms, and gifts. The state is involved in public affairs, for example by establishing the Diwan. Research Implications: The reconstruction of Islamic civilization should follow the model of Religious Capitalism, which is one of the main legacies of the early Islamic period. Social capitalism is also gaining momentum. Apart from that, a development model with a mode of peaceful revolution is also proposed: dialogue and cooperation with the dominant civilization. The geopolitics of the world are also shifting. Originality/Value: Three technical requirements are needed, namely political democracy, economic cooperation, and active participation in global institutions. The main attention is directed to the development of knowledge and science, with critical and conventional madzab models.

Unmasking the Authoritarian Mob Boss: A Critical Analysis of Donald Trump’s Political Leadership

This article comprehensively examines Donald Trump’s political leadership, arguing that his tenure as the 45th President of the United States exhibited characteristics commonly associated with authoritarian mob bosses. Drawing upon various empirical evidence and theoretical political science frameworks, the study sheds light on the underlying dynamics that shaped Trump’s leadership style and its implications for democratic governance. The analysis begins by contextualizing Trump’s rise to power within the erosion of democratic norms. It explores how his rhetoric, characterized by demagoguery and the demonization of opponents, mirrors the tactics employed by mob bosses to consolidate their power and suppress dissent. Moreover, the study uncovers the striking similarities between Trump’s administration management and the hierarchical structures of organized crime, highlighting his reliance on loyalty, personal connections, and a disregard for institutional checks and balances. Furthermore, this research delves into Trump’s autocratic tendencies, as evidenced by his disdain for the free press, attacks on the judiciary, and attempts to undermine the integrity of democratic processes. It reveals how these actions align with the strategies employed by authoritarian leaders to silence opposition and perpetuate their dominance. By examining Trump’s presidency through process tracing, this study contributes to our understanding of the complex relationship between authoritarianism and the erosion of democratic institutions. The findings underscore the urgent need for continued scholarly and public scrutiny of leaders who exhibit traits akin to authoritarian mob bosses to safeguard the principles of democratic governance and protect the integrity of liberal democracies.

The interrelationship between sovereignty, state building, and good governance: the case of the Kurdistan region

ABSTRACT The process of state building and sovereignty has long been debated in the literature to hinge on international recognition. Despite the importance of the international factor, an equally important factor in this process is the establishment of good governance grounded in democratic institutions and a culture of democratic decision-making practices. The link that will be established is between state building and governance. This will be investigated in the context of unrecognized and de facto states. By problematizing the question of sovereignty, I argue that these states should adopt the idea of reversed sovereignty whereby priority is given to governmentality and the art of government rather than to sovereignty. The case study that I will rely on for this argument is the Kurdistan Region in Iraq (KRI) and its governmental body, the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG). Whilst the focus is on a single country study, the theoretical line has a wider reach that is intended to be applicable to a larger body of cases of unrecognized and de facto states, which are on the trails of seeking state formations.

A simple twist of fate. An experiment on election uncertainty and democratic institutions

In this paper we study electoral systems in an experimental governance game in which citizens contribute to a public good and policymakers decide how to distribute it. In the Voting condition, citizens receive information about the policymaker performance (how much she shared of the public good with individual participants), her skills and her altruism, and vote directly for a policymaker for the next election cycle. In the Referendum condition voters receive information about the policymaker's performance before deciding whether to remove her from office in a simpler binary choice (in or out). If they decide to remove the incumbent, a new policymaker is chosen randomly from the remaining group members, in the spirit of referendums like Brexit or the plebiscite about the peace agreements in Colombia. We compare these two electoral mechanisms with two baselines in which the policymaker is never replaced (Baseline) and another one (Random) in which the policymaker is always randomly replaced by another participant. Our results show that both electoral mechanisms are largely effective in improving citizens’ earnings by generating more equitable sharing rules. Citizens in Voting and Referendum extract greater surplus from policymakers than in the other conditions and voting against a candidate (Referendum) is more effective in increasing surplus than voting for a candidate (Voting). Contributions to the public good and conditional cooperation patterns remain strikingly similar in democratic (Referendum and Voting) and non-democratic (Baseline and Random) conditions. Empirical expectations about contributions of other citizens are similar as well. However, we show that policymakers distribute the public good differently in democratic institutions, and more effectively in Referendum than in Voting, as policymakers use clientelist transfers to avoid being replaced. Overall, both democratic institutions are effective in improving citizens’ payoffs by indirectly limiting policymakers’ surplus.

The Role of Public Relations in an Illiberal State: The Case of Russia

Drawing upon in-depth interviews with seasoned public relations practitioners, this study suggests that the field of public relations in Russia has gradually transformed over the last 30 years from being relatively independent to being largely subordinated to political and business elites. Failure to sustain the role of public relations as a driver of democratization has coincided with the overall decline of democratic institutions in the country. Current practices in the field primarily focus on promoting government and business interests and lack a systemic approach to developing relations with citizens to address social problems. This study, which focuses on the Russian context, contributes to the body of literature on business communications and international public relations by analyzing how a country’s sociopolitical and economic context can influence transformations within the field of public relations; in this case, evolving from being relatively independent to becoming subordinate to political and business elites.

Does democracy stimulate remittances?

AbstractThe phenomenon of remittances is the subject of intense debate among politicians, researchers, and academics. This is because it touches on a multitude of human, economic, and financial aspects. This paper empirically investigates the empirical relationship between political systems and remittances in order to understand how changes in political systems in the home and host countries affect remittances. By using the gravity model of bilateral remittance flows for 101 sending countries and 92 developing receiving countries for the period 2010–2017. Findings indicate that strengthening democratic processes in countries of origin leads to more remittances. This result is most pronounced in low‐income countries. However, democracy in host countries has a negative effect on remittances. These findings are robust to the different techniques and specifications used. Strengthening democratic institutions in low‐income countries can attract more financial flows.

Choices of Law for Democratic Regional Head Election Dispute Resolution Institutions in Indonesia

This research aimed to provide a conceptual idea regarding legal options in resolving disputes of democratic regional head elections in Indonesia with two proposed options. The first option included revising the Election and Regional Election Law to grant authority to the Constitutional Court (MK) and Election Supervisory Agency (Bawaslu) for adjudicating disputes. The second option proposed implementing the Fifth Amendment to the 1945 Constitution to reconstruct the Constitutional Court as an election court correlating with the primary role of upholding regulations. These proposed options would grant the Constitutional Court the authority to examine and adjudicate substantial matters related to the constitutionality of elections. Furthermore, the analysis used normative legal research including statutory, comparative, and conceptual methods.

Weak party system institutionalization and autocratization: evidence from Tunisia

ABSTRACT Why do party systems remain weak in transitioning countries in ways that can hamper the democratization process? We answer this question through a case study of Tunisia, which was the only success story of the Arab uprisings. Tunisia has experienced a process of autocratization since President Saied's presidential coup in 2021. Utilizing a historical institutionalist framework, we conducted interviews with 15 leaders from the major political parties. We find that, in contrast to conventional wisdom, the strong party institutionalization under authoritarian rule did not lead to an institutionalized party system after authoritarian rule ended. We attribute this dynamic to the inability of regime-successor parties to institutionalize, perpetuating democratic vulnerabilities inherited from authoritarian rule. We also find that too-powerful civil societies can be detrimental to transitions. The labour union, UGTT, acted as a de facto veto player and limited the ability of cabinets to implement reforms. Furthermore, leftist parties could not benefit from the UGTT's base. The 2011 revolution was a critical juncture that could have facilitated the establishment of an institutionalized party system. However, the political elite's institutional choices put additional challenges on parties. The weakness of the party system in turn contributed to President Saied's self-coup and dismantling of Tunisia's democratic institutions.

The Cost of Neoliberalism: How Economic Policies Are Undermining Democracy

ABSTRACT The relationship between neoliberalism and democracy has been a topic of debate among scholars for decades. Neoliberalism, an economic and political ideology emphasizing free markets, deregulation, and privatization, has gained global influence but has also been criticized for undermining liberal democratic institutions. In this article, I offer a critical perspective on the emergence of authoritarian neoliberalism and its impact on democratic governance in the twenty-first century. By examining the growing concentration of wealth and power in the age of global capitalism, the erosion of public trust in the state and other social institutions, and the privatization of essential services, it sheds light on the challenges posed by neoliberalism and the need for policies that rebalance economic and political power.