Representative Democracy Research Articles

Edmund Burke, his readers and admirers in 18th century Russia. Part one

The interest in the legacy of Edmund Burke (1730–1797), the celebrated British orator, statesman, philosopher, and publicist, has remained largely outside the scope of specialised research in Russia. It is evident that Burke’s incisive critiques of the French Revolution, coupled with his staunch advocacy for English liberties, parliamentary democracy, and constitutional monarchy, rendered him a controversial figure within both the “liberating” and “conservative” schools of Russian social thought. The objective of this article is to address the existing gap in the literature by collating, elucidating, and analysing the facts that bear testimony to the perception of Burke’s personality and major writings, specifically “A Philosophical Enquiry into the Origin of Our Ideas of the Sublime and Beautiful” (1757) and “Reflections on the Revolution in France” (1790), by his Russian contemporaries.

Can Deliberative Democracy Provide Remedies for Affective Polarisation?

This article revisits the problems of electoral democracy, especially affective polarisation, from the perspective of the theory of deliberative democracy. Some authors representing ‘realist’ views of democracy have concluded that empirical findings regarding affective polarisation challenge not just the idea of representative democracy as responsive government but also the prospects for deliberative democracy. We point out certain problems and limitations in this conclusion and discuss how theories of deliberative democracy might actually help find remedies for affective polarisation. We apply a recent distinction by Hartman et al. as an intermediate-level conceptualisation that helps translate the theory of deliberative democracy into deliberative practices. To illustrate the potential of deliberative practices, we analyse how forums for citizen deliberation such as deliberative mini-publics could help counteract affective polarisation. We reflect on the strengths and weaknesses of deliberative forums from a systemic perspective.

The success of the Eurosceptic opposition forces in the European Parliament deputies’ elections 2024: causes and consequences

The article examines the results of the elections of deputies of the European Parliament, which took place on June 6-9, 2024 in all 27 member states of the European Union. Ten mains officially registered European parties participating in these elections are represented, including six so-called Euro-optimistic ones supporting the EU, and three Eurosceptic ones criticizing the current state of the Union. The analysis of the main results of the activities of the European Parliament of the previous IX convocation from 2019 to 2024, including the results of the activities of all parliamentary groups operating in it and representing eight leading European parties, was carried out. The key trends in the transformation of the European party and political system over the past five years are considered, including the decline in popularity of the leading European parties and their member parties: Conservatives, Social Democrats, Liberals and Greens, and the growing attractiveness of Eurosceptic and populist parties in many EU member states, electoral successes in national elections of representatives of the right, including right-wing radicals the parties that have been in opposition for many years and the aggravation of problems related to the security and defense capability of the EU. The electoral positions of the leading European parties, as well as the forecast estimates of their participation in the Eurovision 2024. The results of these European elections are considered and the results of the formation of a new structure of the European Parliament are analyzed, including the formation of new opposition Eurosceptic right-wing groups: Patriots for Europe, formed by the Hungarian Fidesz party of V. Orban, the French National Rally party of M. Le Pen, the Czech ANO party of A. Babiash, etc., and the Europe of Sovereign Nations, which arose on the initiative of the Alternative for Germany party.

Sistem Pemilu dan Pembentukan Koalisi Minoritas Study Kasus Malaysia (Anwar Ibrahim)

This study examines the political dynamics in Malaysia with a focus on the electoral system and the formation of multi-ethnic coalitions after the 15th General Election in 2022. Malaysia implements a parliamentary democracy with a constitutional monarchy, where elections are held using the "First Past the Post" (FPTP) system. The 2022 election resulted in a hanging parliament, which marked a significant shift from single-coalition dominance to a new era of coalition politics. Anwar Ibrahim managed to form a multi-ethnic governing coalition, called the National Unity Cabinet, despite facing challenges of ideological differences and ethnic diversity within the coalition. This study aims to analyze Anwar Ibrahim's inclusive leadership as well as the role of political negotiations and coalition formation in maintaining government stability. This research uses a descriptive Qualitative Method, This approach focuses on the description and interpretation of phenomena through qualitative data collection and analysis techniques, emphasizing the wealth of textual information. The results of this study highlight the complexity of Malaysia's electoral system and its impact on the country's political stability.

Reconstruction of the Threshold Setting for Regional Head Candidacy in the Perspective of Electoral Democracy in Indonesia

This study explores the reconstruction of threshold regulations for regional head candidacy within the framework of Indonesia’s democratic electoral system. The threshold regulation, requiring political parties or coalitions to meet specific parliamentary support levels for candidate nomination, has been a critical yet controversial component of Indonesia’s Pilkada process. While initially designed to ensure political stability and legitimacy, this policy has faced criticism for marginalizing independent candidates and smaller parties, undermining the principles of inclusivity and proportional representation. Grounded in the Constitutional Court Decision No. 60/PUU-XXII/2024, this research analyzes the implications of threshold policies and their alignment with democratic principles such as justice, equality, and broad-based participation. The decision emphasizes reducing the threshold percentage and simplifying the requirements for independent candidates, aiming to enhance electoral inclusivity and prevent political monopolies by dominant parties. The study highlights the importance of a nuanced policy design that accommodates regional sociopolitical diversity, promoting equitable competition while safeguarding electoral justice. Additionally, it proposes strategies to encourage coalition-building among smaller political parties and amplify opportunities for independent candidates, thereby enriching democratic representation. This reconstruction is anticipated to address long-standing criticisms of the threshold system, fostering a more inclusive and transparent electoral process. By aligning with democratic ideals, these reforms aspire to improve the quality of governance and enhance citizens’ trust in the democratic process at the regional level. The findings contribute to broader discussions on policy reform in electoral systems to balance stability, fairness, and inclusivity.

A little less concentration, a little more actors, please? Exploring the relationship between populist attitudes and perceptions of concentration of political power practices

ABSTRACT Demand-side studies of populism, adapting a citizen perspective, have grown exponentially during the last decade as a result of a growing political and academic concern over the potential effects of populism on the political system. Nevertheless, how populist attitudes at the citizen level are related to actual proposals for system-change is a surprisingly neglected research topic. One such proposal concerns the future of multiple-mandate-holding (MMH), i.e. the simultaneous exercise of at least two directly elected political functions, a controversial practice in many parts of Europe. By utilizing cross-sectional panel data gathered in Finland in 2022–2023, a country characterized by extensive MMH among Members of Parliament, this study seeks to explore whether and how populist attitudes are related to the idea of representational pluralism in the political system, defined as the level of diversity among directly elected political representatives active within the political system. Using statistical analyses, we confirm our hypothesis that stronger populist attitudes are clearly associated with weaker support for MMH in general and stronger support for limiting the scope of MMH specifically. Our findings contribute to the theory-building of demand-side populism by showing that populist attitudes are also associated with the idea of representational pluralism.

Perspectives of respondents in Anyigba town on the impediments to the underrepresentation of Kogi State women in elective positions following Nigeria’s 2023 democratic elections

ABSTRACT Studies on women’s political marginalisation in Nigeria dominate the academic literature. However, limited research has interrogated the impediments to the underrepresentation of Kogi State women in elective positions following Nigeria’s 2023 elections. This study examined the role of socioeconomic factors, the nature of politics and perceived patriarchal considerations in the poor representation of Kogi State women in government. This study adopted the liberal feminist theory, used a descriptive survey, and the sample consisted of 361 respondents in Anyigba with deep and diverse knowledge and experience of gender politics in Kogi State. Data were collected using a structured questionnaire, and analyses involved descriptive statistics of mean, standard deviation and t-test. Study results from the 326 completed questionnaires showed that the majority of the respondents implicated socioeconomic issues (19.052), the nature of politics (17.221) and societal patriarchal attitudes (19.051) in the underrepresentation of Kogi State women in government after the elections. The empirical evidence in this study highlighted the obstacles to women’s political representation. This study concluded that improving women’s employment and educational opportunities and strong political commitment from the leadership towards implementing political quotas for women and internal democracy is crucial to increasing the representation of Kogi State women in government

Democracy by the “Other”: How Ethiopian Diaspora Communities in Virginia Engage in Political Participation

In November 2021, Glen Youngkin, a Republican candidate, won the election for governor of Virginia. For many Virginians, his win was a surprise, especially since President Donald Trump had endorsed him. For Ethiopian communities, the election results were the outcome of months of lobbying and organizing due to their dissatisfaction with the Democratic Party leadership. This development highlights the direct consequences of US foreign policy on its domestic political environment, especially regarding issues ethnic communities care about and how they can influence democratic processes. In this line, this study investigates the relationships between host and homeland political rhetoric and the importance of understanding the political power of diaspora-based conflict communities. Using narrative inquiry, I analyzed the reasons behind the 2020 voting trends among Ethiopian communities in Virginia. For Ethiopian Americans, the ongoing war in the Tigray region, as well as the mainstream media and US government's framing of who is the victim and who is the perpetrator, demonstrates an unwillingness to engage with Ethiopian scholars and practitioners as well as a lack of historical and political understanding coming from the US government. In this polarized time, Americans cannot ignore the direct impact of foreign policy on domestic institutions and how immigrants contribute, through voting, to the election of public servants, including presidents and states representatives.

Tan Malaka and Anti-Colonial Messaging during the Indonesian National Revolution

In the throes of the Indonesian National Revolution Dutch intelligence services were not backward in their attempts to decode anti-colonial messaging. The writings of national-communist Tan Malaka received special attention, alongside a range of ad hoc guerrilla organisations, many only loosely affiliated with the Republican regime. To this end, they assiduously collected pamphlets, graffiti, and documents and anything that could throw light on their adversaries. These materials survive in the Dutch archives. This article gives particular prominence to one of Tan Malaka’s little-studied prison writings, Gerpolek, his self-described handbook for political and military struggle, which is couched in highly populist language. The balance of the article discusses a range of guerrilla posters falling into Dutch hands, some mimicking the Tan Malakaist line and others of Islamic inspiration. As this article reveals, by lampooning the Japanese, Dutch, and British, these were powerful statements of a counter-narrative fast in the making, and with defence of independence and speedy defeat of the attacking Dutch forces the bottom line. While some of the material is also suggestive of “social revolution,” as the article concludes, it is a latent theme and largely outside of Marxist rhetoric.

Perception Electoral Integrity Index (PEI) Local Elections, May 14, 2023

Referring to the PEI2023 value = 53.33 points, the Local government elections that took place in Albania on May 14, 2023, are evaluated as a process, which in its entirety was classified at the "Moderate" level. Compared to the parliamentary elections of 2021, the value of the Index has decreased by about 4.4 points. Factors related to the financing of the election campaign (32.3 points against 40.3 points), legislation (45.6 points against 54.5 points), registration of electoral subjects (48.8 points versus 59.8 points) are perceived as factors with the greatest negative effects on the integrity of elections. Albania continues to be classified in the group of countries where the challenge of organizing and conducting democratic elections that must meet international standards and OSCE commitments is present. Received: 15 August 2024 / Accepted: 30 October 2024 / Published: 3 December 2024

Deepening the degrowth planning debate: division of labor, complexity, and the roles of markets and digital tools

Many definitions of degrowth highlight that the corresponding great and deep transformations are going to be “designed,” “planned,” and “democratic.” However, critical issues of democratic planning have only recently begun to be discussed. Considering a range of aspects of the technical and social division of labor, the article first revisits some of the main issues of market vis-à-vis planned resource allocation in capitalist and socialist economic growth contexts. It then zooms in on goals, characteristics, and likely issues of division of labor and resource allocation in planned degrowth circumstances. I argue that degrowth societies could use three measures to reduce the complexity of the division of labor that undermined socialist planning attempts. First, degrowth societies could immediately phase out the “excess sector” of production. Second, they could develop, under consideration of their institutional national traditions, pragmatic mixes of ex ante planning (assisted by digital solutions) of the “essential” economic sector and ex post or market regulation of the “in-between” sector. Finally, a parsimonious use of digital tools is likely to be helpful in connecting different scales of governance and associated planning activities (local, national, regional, global). To democratically legitimize planning goals and processes without overburdening people, pathways may be sought that emphasize value over formal rationality, or general planning principles and strategies over concrete targets and tasks. Democratic legitimacy could further increase through a complementation of representative democracy through deliberative instruments such as citizen forums or assemblies as well as applications of the subsidiarity principle.

Creating a Nation through an Anthology of Neo-Latin Poetry

Abstract Farragines poematum, an extensive, four-volume anthology of Neo-Latin poems, was published in 1561–1562 by a group of former Wittenberg students based in Prague. This study focuses on how this collective literary project originated, how the anthology was prepared and what reasons poets might have had for publishing a representative selection of their own works of poetry and their friends’. It demonstrates how the final form of the anthology was influenced by the strategies of gaining patronage. Following the concepts of Caspar Hirschi, this study discusses which role anthology, as a specific literary type, could have played in the early stages of the Humanist ‘competition for national honour’, how it presents the community of poets in the Bohemian lands and the spread of education from Italy to the Transalpine regions to prove the quality of local scholars.

Politicisation of the Civil Service: Contestation and Context

Abstract The politicization of the civil service is not a new phenomenon but it is highly contested and contingent on the environmental and institutional contexts in which it operates. The global environment has changed radically and has become more turbulent witnessed by, inter alia, the rise of populism and democratic backsliding. Institutional contexts have also changed as politicians demand greater accountability from officials in implementing their (mandated) policies. What is new is the various forms that politicization takes. This review paper takes relations between politicians, political staff and bureaucracy and offers a multi-dimensional analysis of the politicization concept: politicized appointments; politicized recruitment; behavioural politicization; and, structural politicization. We analyse politicization in different regimes: the UK as liberal democracy; Georgia as electoral democracy; and Turkey as electoral autocracy.

Legal Study of the Role of the Honorary Board of Election Administrators in Realizing Democratic Elections

The primary goal of this research is to evaluate the role of the Honorary Council for the Implementation of Elections in prosecuting election organizers who break the code of ethics, as well as to understand how the DKPP imposes sanctions on election organizer members who breach the code of ethics. This study employed normative legal research. The author's study reveals that where Article 1 paragraph (24) indicates, "The Election Organizer Honor Council, hereinafter abbreviated as DKPP, is an entity in charge of dealing with infractions of the Election Organizer's code of ethics. The provisions that mention the sanctions for violations of the election organizer's code of ethics are regulated in DKPP Regulation No. 1 of 2021 concerning the Second Amendment to the regulation of the Election Organizer Honorary Council No. 3 of 2017 concerning Procedural Guidelines for the Code of Ethics for General Election Organizers Article 31 paragraph 4 indicates that if the DKPP's finalization judges that the Respondent and/or Reported Party breached, the DKPP imposes sanctions in the form of a written warning, temporary dismissal, or permanent dismissal. Thus, it is determined that the implementation of the code of ethics in Indonesia, particularly in the election management body, DKPP, must prevent violations of the code of ethics committed by election organizers in order to ensure democratic elections.

Comparative framework of representative weeks selection methods for the optimization of power systems

Comparative framework of representative weeks selection methods for the optimization of power systems

Reimagining Democracy

In this brief Conversations essay, I trace how immigrant suffrage in the United States deteriorated in the 19th century and argue that the US should move toward creating a pathway for noncitizen voting for two reasons—a more representative democracy and for a smoother assimilation process into American culture. Noncitizens contribute economically and socially to their communities, and they often have the same investment in their community’s welfare as citizens. Expanding voting rights to noncitizens, even if only at the local-level, would give them a voice in decisions that affect their everyday lives.

Roots of Lebanon’s Sectarian Politics

This paper contends that the French Mandate significantly contributed to the institutionalisation of sectarianism in post-colonial Lebanese politics, and it investigates the Mandate’s enduring impacts on confessional governance. Building on existing research on the legacies of the Mandate and the development of sectarianism in Lebanon, the paper explores the Mandate’s roots of Lebanon’s sectarian politics. The analysis examines religious biases by the colonial administration and the National Pact of 1943. By doing so, this paper argues that the political representation in Lebanon can be traced back to sectarian connotations through religious quotas in the parliamentary system, patronage networks, and the fragmentation of Lebanese identity. This phenomenon is known as sectarianisation—a term that is used when political representatives exploit sectarian grudges within the population to acquire power. While other factors play a role in the development of sectarianisation, this paper argues that the French Mandate functions as the primary catalyst in the institutionalisation of sectarianism in Lebanon. Consequently, the central research question this paper seeks to answer is: What are the legacies of the French Mandate on the sectarianisation of post-colonial Lebanese politics?

Historiografi Demokrasi dan Masalah Periodisasi Sejarah Indonesia Kontemporer

The periodization of contemporary Indonesian history is generally divided into three periods, namely the period of Revolution, the Liberal Democracy, the Guided Democracy, the New Order, and the Reformation. Periodization requires accuracy in determining the starting and ending points as well as consistency in the use of terms with historical facts. The Liberal Democracy in this case, there was inaccuracy in the terms used and the temporal scope that had been determined. By using historical methods that emphasize literature study, this research will explain, when the term “liberal democracy” began and what historiographical consequences there would be if that period began in 1950. From the research and analysis that has been carried out, parliamentary democracy is more appropriate to use as a periodization. Liberal democracy can be a concept that accompanies parliamentary democracy. Then the starting point of this period was 1945 when the Workers' Body-Central Indonesian National Committee as a legislative body was formed. The historiographic development of periodization starting in 1950 would miss the democratization process and the ideas of Indonesian actors and agencies at the beginning of independence, as well as the historical continuity between 1945 and 1959.

The fourth industrial revolution: Implications for the global economy and for the strategic competition between the United States and China

During the First Industrial Revolution, industrialization led to incompatibilities between the economic sphere and a political sphere based on rule by monarchs and land-owning nobles. These incompatibilities led to poor economic outcomes for workers and, ultimately, to deep changes in the political system. In the Second and Third Industrial Revolutions, compatibility emerged between new technologies and political systems based on representative democracy, leading to favorable outcomes. The changes in technology brought by the Fourth Industrial Revolution may lead to a growing incompatibility between the productive and political spheres, marked by polarization and conflict both within and among counties. A key aspect of this conflict is the rivalry between the United States and China. We evaluate the strengths of the respective countries and analyze which of them is likely to win the competition for dominance during the Fourth Industrial Revolution.

“Can the participation of civil society in policy networks mitigate against societal challenges in rural areas?”

Rural areas increasingly face a raft of societal economic, social and place-based challenges, which civil society potentially has a role to play in mitigating. However, there are gaps in extant knowledge as to whether policy networks are present in rural areas and if they are, what, if any, role civil society plays in these in seeking to mitigate societal challenges in rural areas. Initially, we show how the societal challenges of rural areas may be addressed through policy networks. Policy network theory guides our analysis in eight rural areas in Denmark. The analysis is based on semi-structured interviews with 38 local stakeholders from in- and outside civil society. Based on the literature reviewed, we establish four dimensions that are important for the success of policy networks in mitigating societal challenges. In our analysis, we focus on these four dimensions in assessing the presence and role of policy networks in rural areas. The four dimensions describe the extent to which 1) collaboration occurs amongst a wide selection of representatives from civil society, other local stakeholders and local government, 2) steering from local government is characterized by ‘strategic signposting’ and trust, 3) local stakeholders are invited early into decision-making processes and influence them and 4) a mutual resource dependency is observed. We conclude by discussing to what extent the type of policy network found is able to mitigate the pressing societal challenges of rural areas and, finally, we make recommendations for how to support civil society in contributing to the mitigation of these societal challenges at three levels (local government, associations and citizens).