Democratic Civil Research Articles

Book Review: Civil justice, privatization, and democracy

Book Review: Civil justice, privatization, and democracy

Концепція «залученості в процес ретрадиціоналізації» як альтернатива подальшого розвитку політики України

У контексті дослідження трансформації політичної системи автором була розроблена концепція «залученості в процес ретрадиціоналізаціі», в рамках якої розглядались особливості діяльності президентів України під час їх каденції. За результатами аналізу була вибудувана відповідність політики кожного з президентів певній стратегії. Так, Л. Кравчук обрав стратегію «раціональної залученості», характерною ознакою якої було збереження традиційних цінностей, необхідних на початковому етапі трансформаційного шляху. Стратегія Л. Кучми продовжувала політику свого попередника та відповідала «обмеженій залученості», підкреслювалася спадковість методів ведення політики з часів існування СРСР. Обрання чіткого курсу на всебічну демократизацію та подолання загрози «перспективи політичного застою» стали характерними ознаками стратегії «непримиренності до залученості», використовуваної В. Ющенком. Яка, в свою чергу, виступила в якості альтернативного шляху розвитку держави та відрізнялася від політики попередніх президентів за багатьма параметрами. В. Янукович продовжив політику Л. Кравчука та Л. Кучми й обрав стратегію «повної залученості», що характеризувалася зменшенням демократичних прав і громадянських свобод, що спричинило перетворення «проблемної демократії» в Україні на «гібридний режим». У підсумку автор зазначає, що дослідження динаміки тенденцій ретрадиціоналізації в політичному житті України має важливе значення, оскільки під час трансформаційних перетворень у демократичному напрямку необхідно враховувати різні сценарії розвитку політичних подій та їх можливих наслідків, а також досвід пострадянських країн на шляху «воскресіння» і розвитку «радянських традицій».

Megszabva. Városi kormányzás másutt és itthon

A helyi önkormányzatokat szokásos megközelítés szerint az állami területbeosztáshoz kötik. A feladatok ellátása ugyanakkor a városiasság különböző fokait feltételezi, tekintet nélkül adott település és környezete közigazgatási besorolásának milyenségére. Az állami területbeosztáshoz nem kötött városi kormányzás kötetlen formái mindig is „körbelengik” a merevebb hivatalszervezési struktúrákat. A jelenség ebben az értelemben manapság reneszánszát éli Európában és a fejlett világ többi részén. A hálózatos formák tapinthatóak az urbanizált helyek között és közösségeikben, de ezek mindig együtt élnek merevebb struktúrákkal is. Ilyen a hierarchikus állami szerepek érvényesülése, ami egyben veszélyeket hordoz a hálózatosságra. De mind az államigazgatás szokásos struktúrája, mind a hálózati rendszer potenciálisan kikezdi magát a helyi demokráciát is. A probléma feltárása érdekében a tanulmány analitikus és empirikus módszert alkalmaz, az utóbbit összehasonlító kérdőíves felmérések adatainak elemzése útján.

The Mystical as Political: Democracy and Non-Radical Orthodoxy

This recent work by Aristotle Papanikolaou, professor of theology and founding co-director of the Orthodox Christian Studies Center at Fordham University, is a profound achievement in political theology. Papanikolaou's work fills a great void in Orthodox Christian studies as well as political theology. Continuing his emphasis on divine-human communion and ecclesiology, he offers the beginnings of a contemporary Eastern Orthodox political theology divorced from imperial and Constantinian traditions found in most Orthodox thought. Additionally, he engages contemporary political theologians and ethicists such as William Cavanaugh, Vigen Guroian, Stanley Hauerwas, John Milbank, and Jeffrey Stout, suggesting possibilities for Christian engagement with liberal democratic civil society that some of these thinkers denounce. What I find particularly helpful in this work is his positive appreciation of liberal democracy and human rights from an Orthodox Christian perspective, which many Orthodox prelates and theologians simply find incompatible with their faith tradition. Papanikolaou starts his work with a discussion and critique of the Eusebian and Constantinian model of Orthodox political theology, bringing the discussion to the present age. Such a model has failed in the postimperial age of the church and does not reflect an alternative patristic theology that can be brought forth for the present age. In this regard, he suggests this other approach to political theology based on divine-human communion in Cappadocian thought as understood in the personalism of John Zizioulas. Emphasizing the importance of the human being as a relational being bearing the imago Dei and existing in Trinitarian relationships of love, a rich model for political theology can be developed. But Papanikolaou does not blindly accept the Eucharistic theologies offered by Nicholas Afanasiev and being discussed in the Radical Orthodox movement today, whereby a sectarian disavowal of the secular is maintained. Asking whether the option is the Eucharist or democracy as Cavanaugh and Guroian (and others) insist, he suggests that the Eucharistic basis of the church opens up the possibility for acceptance of the democratic political sphere as well as greater participation in the common good of civil society.

Study On the Perspective Change on Life through Democratic Civil Education of North Korean Settlers

Study On the Perspective Change on Life through Democratic Civil Education of North Korean Settlers

Democracy promotion and the challenges of illiberal regional powers: introduction to the special issue

This special issue examines Western efforts at democracy promotion, reactions by illiberal challengers and regional powers, and political and societal conditions in target states. We argue that Western powers are not unequivocally committed to the promotion of democracy and human rights, while non-democratic regional powers cannot simply be described as “autocracy supporters”. This article introduces the special issue. First, illiberal regional powers are likely to respond to Western efforts at democracy promotion in third countries if they perceive challenges to their geostrategic interests in the region or to the survival of their regime. Second, Western democracy promoters react to countervailing policies by illiberal regimes if they prioritize democracy and human rights goals over stability and security goals which depends in turn on their perception of the situation in the target countries and their overall relationships to the non-democratic regional powers. Third, the effects on the ground mostly depend on the domestic configuration of forces. Western democracy promoters are likely to empower liberal groups in the target countries, while countervailing efforts by non-democratic regional powers will empower illiberal groups. In some cases, though, countervailing efforts by illiberal regimes have the counterintuitive effect of fostering democracy by strengthening democratic elites and civil society.

Civil war and democracy in West Africa: Conflict resolution, elections and justice in Sierra Leone and Liberia

Civil war and democracy in West Africa: Conflict resolution, elections and justice in Sierra Leone and Liberia

Campaign Manifestos and Democratic Civil Education

Campaign Manifestos and Democratic Civil Education

Exploiting nationalism in order to repudiate democracy: the case of Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany

The assumption at the basis of this article is that the chronicles of Italian Fascism and German Nazism reflect a common trajectory in the history of two respective democracies in which a nationalist socialization overpowered the universal values of democratic civil society. This history underscores the persuasive authority and power of the nationalist narrative, running ever so blindly and counter to the humanistic principles that aspire to the welfare of all human beings. While fully acknowledging the singularity of German National Socialism during the first half of the 20th century, the conclusion of this article finds Nazism to be a highly applicable instance of the principles of fascism and an ultimate expression of the dangerous potential inherent to nationalism. By means of an analysis of the speeches and writings of Benito Mussolini and Adolf Hitler, the core principles of nationalism are demonstrated: a particularistic solidarity among individuals who are allegedly bonded by a historical definition (based on a cultural, religious or biological foundation), and the prioritization of the interests of the nation and of those who are seen to be part of it above everything else. These principles are provided as an alternative ethical core by Mussolini and Hitler, and are shown in this article to be no less significant motifs than the common racial ones strewn throughout the various argumentations in the two respective fascist ideologies.

Selected aspects of political-geographic study of the democratic civil society

The paper focuses on political-geographical aspects of civil society and on the issues of politically engaged non-governmental organisations and civic initiatives in the Czech geographical community. It outlines the complex nature of civil society and different attitudes of researchers towards civil society and its political practice. Spatial aspects of civil society are pointed out, including the concepts of social capital and democracy. The importance of (liberal parliamentary) democracy is stressed, as well as aspects of deliberative and participatory democracy with a “vibrant” civil society. Further research should focus on the geographic factors of conflicts among civil society, state and business.

Silencing Dissent: How Biased Civil Rights Policies Stifle Dialogue on Israel

Silencing Dissent: How Biased Civil Rights Policies Stifle Dialogue on Israel

Confucian democracy in East Asia: theory and practice

Part I. Beyond Thick Confucian Communitarianism and Meritocratic Elitism: 1. The Confucian social self and its discontent 2. Toward civil Confucianism 3. Against meritocratic elitism Part II. A Pluralist Reconstruction of Confucian Democracy: 4. Value pluralism and Confucian democratic civil society 5. Confucian familialism and public reasoning 6. In defense of Confucian democratic welfarism 7. Rethinking political meritocracy: selection plus two Part III. Paving an Exemplary Path: The Korean Case: 8. Motivating and legitimating Confucian democracy: the politics of Chong 9. Public reason and the liberalism of human rights 10. Confucian civility and expressive liberty 11. Confucianizing multiculturalism.

Book Review: Democratic Civil–Military Relations: Soldiering in the 21st Century

Book Review: Democratic Civil–Military Relations: Soldiering in the 21st Century

Civil Society in Albania and the Impact of EU in Its Development

Albania has experienced one of the most brutal dictatorships in Eastern Europe. For 20 years, it is undergoing a period of transition towards democracy and the European Union. One of the most important criteria to meet these goals is the development and strengthening of the civil society, in whose heart are the non-profit organizations. History of NGOs and Civil Society in Albania cannot be compared with that of other countries, even the communist ones. This phenomenon has affected the organization and the development of the Civil Society and democracy in Albanian. Experience shows that actors and institutions of civil society can play an important and crucial role in the strengthening of democracy as well as in the integration process. Citizens are beginning to have concepts and believe in the democracy and integration in the European Union. This process should not be imposed by the political class, which means in a top-down direction, but quite the opposite. In this way, the civil society being informed and having access to policy making process, will help in formulating realistic policies in favor of integration. Albania's integration process should be inclusive and active. For this, it is important and necessary the irreplaceable role of the Civil Society. To understand the opinion of civil society and its position in relation to the role of NGOs I have compiled a questionnaire, the analysis of which has helped me to reach conclusions more easily. DOI: 10.5901/mjss.2014.v5n23p1965

“Long Gone Hippies in the Desert”: Counterculture and “Radical Self-Reliance” at Burning Man

“Long Gone Hippies in the Desert”: Counterculture and “Radical Self-Reliance” at Burning Man

The Impact of Socio-Economic Inequality on Peacebuilding and Statebuilding

Neoliberalism assumes that inequality creates productive competition and no risk of conflict where a viable state and social contract exists. From a critical position, inequality in a range of different forms (local to global in scale) weakens the links between civil society, solidarity, social justice, human rights and democracy. These positions have different implications for peace and order. State institutions are designed to make processes of consensual regulation permanent for the good of society. While continuing material inequality is inevitable, if the state and international community cannot mitigate its impact on security, rights and representation, in order to distribute a range of peace dividends, citizens rapidly begin to question the point of the state and undermine its legitimacy. Struggles over power, material resources and identity are thus untreated. This is especially problematic where the state also has been shaped through a peace agreement. Ironically, material inequality often lacking a Rawlsian justification of producing wider benefits of a peace dividend for society has been naturalised through peacebuilding and statebuilding, even though strong evidence suggests inequality is also at the root of many conflicts.

“... Defenderei os princípios e afronto as consequências...”: os informes presidenciais de Gustavo Díaz Ordaz, o inimigo interno e a repressão, 1964-1970

Starting from the notion that 1964 saw the transition of Mexico from that of an authoritarian state to one of counterinsurgency, we propose in this paper the analysis of presidential reports issued annually on September 1st to the Congress of the Union, composed of deputies and senators, by the presidency of Gustavo Diaz Ordaz (1964-1970). From these reports, we attempt to highlight items that demonstrate the assimilation of the Security Doctrine of the United States, focusing on policy and highlighting three aspects: first, revolutionary nationalism, which according to our hypothesis, enabled the adoption of the American ideology which was not explicit, generating repressive dynamics (qualitative, not quantitative) similar to those experienced in Latin American dictatorships. Nevertheless, Mexico has been historically regarded as an exemplary civil democracy, disconnected from the 'dirty' wars that resulted from both the radicalization of leftist organizations and the escalation of state violence, and of course, from the coups that shook the continent in the second half of twentieth century; second, the characteristics of the domestic enemy; and finally, the ways in which the expression and use of repression to contain the Mexican social and armed movement was legitimized.

Civil Society, Indian Elections and Democracy Today

Civil society in Independent India has perhaps never been as active as it is today, except in the years before and during the emergency. We explore the role it has played in strengthening and deepening democracy. We focus largely on the work done on introducing transparency, and on raising voter awareness. As a result of this work, a lot of public data is available on the extent of crime and money in elections and politics. We analyze this and point out some implications for democracy and good governance. A brief outline of developments since Independence shows that the number of parties has grown considerably along with crime and money. As the number of parties, it became possible to win elections with a lower vote share, making it easy for big money to influence or buy a smaller fraction of votes. Meanwhile as population grew, an elected MP now represents over 15 lakh voters on average, and an MLA over 2 lakh. This is the largest number by far anywhere in the world. The data on candidates and elected representatives’ criminal and financial record is analyzed in this context. It shows that the chances of winning increase considerably for candidates with more wealth. Unfortunately it also shows that those with serious criminal cases pending against them also have a higher chance of winning. The average wealth of over 62,800 candidates analyzed is Rs.1.37 crores, which goes up to Rs. 2.03 crores for third place candidates, Rs.2.47 crores for runners up, Rs.3.8 crores for winners, Rs.4.27 crores for winners with a criminal record, and Rs.4.38 crores for winners with serious criminal cases. Meanwhile, data from India’s largest ever citizen survey of over 262,000 people on various aspects of governance show that people are unhappy with Government. There are gaps in the roles civil society has played so far, and some strategic choices it needs to make. We discuss the way forward in this context. If this is done well, change is possible.

Rethinking Civil–Military Relations in Turkey: The Problems of the Democratic Governance of the Defense and Security Sectors

This article aims to explore the problems of democratic governance of the defense and security sectors in Turkey. In recent years, to democratize its civil–military relations, Turkey has successfully dealt with the first-generation problems of making institutional reforms to eliminate the military's intervention in politics. Democratic civil–military relations, however, cannot be achieved only by getting the military out of politics, but also require the elimination of second-generation problems concerning the democratic governance of the defense and security sectors. In this respect, Turkey faces significant challenges related to its ineffective defense policy-making structures, insufficient parliamentary oversight of the defense and security sectors and civil society's very low level of participation in defense and security debates. Turkey needs to make reforms in these problematic areas in order to democratize its civil–military relations.

The Cyber Losers

National security cyber activities harm human rights and democracy activists. With increasing state cyber capabilities comes heightened pressure on civil society and democracy activists. We often think of the cyber arms race from the perspective of states and corporations; however, the real losers are activists who seek to promote democracy, development, and human rights. This article examines how advances in national security activities have created a new spectrum of issues for activists not previously encountered, and posits a theory of externalities emanating from the cyber arms race.