Democratic Candidates Research Articles

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The article is devoted to the place and role of a Journalist in modern Politics. The main professional characteristics of a modern Journalist have been considered. It has been suggested that the requirements for Journalists will continue to grow in the future. A particular attention has been paid to Journalists who disagree with the political regime, whether democratic or not. Journalists covering political events cannot always stay indifferent to what they say and write about. The political events provoke their reaction. It is determined by the peculiarities of human perception as a subject of cognition of a certain kind of information. A striking example of the influence of an opposition Journalist on the political process is the phenomenon of the Wikileaks website and its creator, Julian Assange, Australian Journalist and Programmer. He started to publish the information compromising the political elite. Publication of information, compromising the political elite, has led to a rethinking of the role of a blogger in political life. In 2016, Wikileaks became an effective tool to discredit Hillary Clinton, the pro-government Democratic Party candidate in the US presidential elections. It was noted that Matthew Lee, Associated Press Journalist, is widely known for his point of view on the foreign policy of the USA (��� ��������� � ���������). He became famous for his use of trolling and provoking against officials by asking tough questions. This, in particular, made him a subject of political life. We have come to the conclusion that a journalist can become a prominent figure in national and international Politics. His participation in Politics is determined by his role in decision-making, as well as by his influence on the mass audience. As a result, journalists are exposed to attacks because of their professional activity. Democratic countries have issued regulations designed to protect journalists. In this article system and comparative approaches have been used. The documents in text and video formats facilitates our research. We have considered the papers of modern scientists regarding this problem. The article can be useful for professors, doctorates, lecturers, students and the wide range of people who are interested in political communication.

Study on the US Presidential Election Based on Neural Network

The world's most watched U.S. election is in a state of anxiety, with Republican candidate Donald John Trump and Democratic candidate Joe Biden will compete for the presidency this month. The two candidates will show different political positions and administrative options in different areas of development and domestic and foreign policy. The election of different candidates will have a great impact on the United States economy and the global economy, and will have a great impact on the trend of international relations. In response to question one, we need to analyze the possible impact of election of different candidates on the United States economy. We first quantitatively analyze the policy data of the two candidates obtained in the network in different fields. By merging the quantitative models of different fields, the AHP is used to calculate the weights of different fields, and the comparison between two candidates in each field and the impact on the American economy. According to the large data set collected, we do cluster analysis, and analyze and predict the impact of different fields by BP neural network model. For the second question, in order to analyze the impact of different candidate is elected to the Chinese economy, according to the problem a model for analysis, in order to improve the accuracy of the model, this part adds more considerations variables, at the same time, higher precision, based on genetic algorithm neural network model, after finishing the data concentration, 80% of the data used in the model, variables to determine index weight and threshold, the remaining 20% of the data by residual error calculation is used to model accuracy test. In view of question three, through the analysis of question one and question two and the actual situation, we can get the final winning candidate. And through the analysis of its economic and policy means to give China's economic countermeasures and policies in related fields. By referring to a large amount of data, this paper finally obtains the influence of different candidates on the united states, china and the global economy and politics through data visualization analysis of different candidates' policy claims in different fields. In order to further improve the model accuracy and computational efficiency, this paper also proposes to use Levenberg-Marquardt-based algorithm to solve the problem.

Don’t You be My Neighbor: Support for Racial-Exclusion Constitutional Provisions in Mid-19th Century Indiana and Illinois

Racially discriminatory provisions in the U.S. Constitution and southern state constitutions have been extensively analyzed, but insufficient attention has been brought to these provisions when included in northern state constitutions. We examine constitutional provisions excluding blacks from entering the state that were adopted by various northern states in the mid-19th Century. Previous scholarship has focused on the statements and votes of the convention delegates who framed these provisions. However, positions taken by delegates need not have aligned with the views of their constituents. Delegates to state constitutional conventions held in Illinois in 1847, Indiana in 1850 and 1851, and Oregon in 1857 opted to submit to voters racial-exclusion provisions separate from the vote to approve the rest of the constitution. We exploit this institutional feature by using county-level election returns in Illinois and Indiana to test claims about the importance of partisan affiliation, religious denomination, social-welfare policy concerns, labor competition, and racial-threat theory in motivating popular support for entrenching racially discriminatory policies in constitutions. We find greater levels of support for racial exclusion in areas where Democratic candidates polled better and in areas closer to slave-holding states where social-welfare policy concerns would be heightened. We find lower levels of support for racial exclusion in areas (in Indiana) with greater concentrations of Quakers. Our findings are not consistent with labor competition or racial-threat theories.

Trump’s and Biden’s styles during the 2020 US presidential election

AbstractThis study analyzes the stylistic and rhetorical characteristics of Donald Trump and Joe Biden during the 2020 US presidential election. As communication channels, the oral (TV debates and radio interviews), written speeches, and tweets sent during the last 2 months have been examined. As stylometric markers, the most frequent functional words indicate that Trump employs more diverse personal pronouns more frequently than Biden. For the Democratic nominee, the first-person pronouns (I and we) are mainly used with, compared to Trump, a higher rate of prepositions, signaling the use of a larger number of nouns. When comparing the three media of communication, this study shows that the oral form is closer to the written one and that tweet-based communication presents a distinct type compared with the other two. Usually, written texts tend to contain more functional words than either the oral form or tweets. When comparing the two nominees, the frequency of familiar words (e.g. the, to, of, a) tends to be higher in Biden’s addresses, whereas Trump opts more often for grandiose terms (e.g. great, just, strong). As rhetorical features, the Republican president uses more emotional words, both positive and negative. The Democratic candidate does not propound negative messages and opts for symbolic (e.g. nation, country) and achievement terms (e.g. plan, win, work) with numerous references to people and family (e.g. folks, Americans, son).

President Obama and the Emergence of Islamophobia in Mass Partisan Preferences

This article argues that the unusually large and persistent association between Islamophobia and opposition to President Obama helped make attitudes about Muslims a significant, independent predictor of Americans’ broader partisan preferences. After detailing the theoretical basis for this argument, the article marshals repeated cross-sectional data, two panel surveys, and a nationally representative survey experiment, to test its hypotheses. The results from those analyses show the following: (1) attitudes about Muslims were a significantly stronger independent predictor of voter preferences for congress in 2010–2014 elections than they were in 2004–2008; (2) attitudes about Muslims were a significantly stronger independent predictor of mass partisanship during Obama’s presidency than they were beforehand; and (3) experimentally connecting Obama to Democratic congressional candidates significantly increased the relationship between anti-Muslim sentiments and Americans’ preferences for Republican congressional candidates. The article concludes with a discussion of the implications of these results for American politics in the Trump era.

Monitoring of the Last US Presidential Elections

This paper presents the results of a new monitoring project of the US presidential elections with the aim of establishing computer-based tools to track in real time the popularity or awareness of candidates. The designed and developed innovative methods allow us to extract the frequency of queries sent to numerous search engines by US Internet users. Based on these data, this paper demonstrates that Trump was more frequently searched than the Democratic candidates, either Hillary Clinton in 2016 or Joe Biden in 2020. When analyzing the topics, it is observed that in 2020 the US users had shown a remarkable interest in two subjects, namely, Coronavirus and Jobs (unemployment). Interest for other topics such as Education or Healthcare were less pronounced while issues such as Immigration were given even less attention by users. Finally, some “flame” topics such as Black Lives Matter (2020) and Gun Control (2016) appear to be very popular for a few weeks before returning to a low level of interest. When analyzing tweets sent by candidates during the 2020 campaign, one can observe that Trump was focused mainly on Jobs and on Riots, announcing what would happen if Democrats took power. To these negative ads, Biden answered by putting forward moral values (e.g., love, honesty) and political symbols (e.g., democracy, rights) and by underlying the failure of the current administration in resolving the pandemic situation.

Racial Resentment, Electoral Loss, and Satisfaction with Democracy Among Whites in the United States: 2004–2016

Satisfaction with democracy is a critical supporting element of any democratic process, though a robust literature demonstrates that such satisfaction is contingent on numerous personal preferences and situational contexts. Perhaps most disconcerting, satisfaction is highly correlated with electoral (mis)fortune—winner or loser status. We theorize that this connection is moderated by a fundamental group orientation in American politics: racial resentment. Satisfaction with democracy should increase among white electoral losers as racial resentment increases when Republican candidates win and decrease as racial resentment strengthens when Democratic candidates win. In both scenarios, the connection between electoral (mis)fortune and satisfaction are moderated by a perception of whether the political system under the incoming president will be (unfairly) working better for others—black Americans—who are perceived to be less deserving of benefits. We find support for this argument using ANES presidential election data from 2004–2016. These results are robust to examination of only validated votes, panel data support the causal direction our theory posits, and we find that racial resentment uniquely moderates this relationship compared to related potential moderators, like ideological self-identification and racial stereotypes. More than petulance in the face of loss, (dis)satisfaction with democracy is a product of group orientations.

Impact of Trump’s Digital Rhetoric on the US Elections: A View from Worldwide Far-Right Populism

A time of turmoil and uncertainty is invading the public sphere. Under the framework of the 2020 US elections, populist leaders around the world supported Trump’s speech on Twitter, sharing a common ideology and language. This study examines which issues (issue frame), and strategies (game frame) framed the messages of populism on Twitter by analyzing the equivalences through Trump’s storytelling and checking the bias of the media in the coverage of the US elections. We selected a sample of tweets (n = 1497) and digital front pages of global newspapers (n = 112) from the date of the Trump/Biden face-to-face debate (29 September 2020) until the Democratic party candidate was proclaimed the winner of the elections by the media (7 November 2020). Using a content analysis method based on triangulation (quantitative and qualitative-discursive), we analyzed the Twitter accounts of five leaders (@realDonalTrump, @MLP_officiel, @matteosalvinimi, @Santi_ABASCAL, and @Jairbolsonaro) and five digital front pages (The New York Times, O Globo, Le Monde, La Repubblica, and El País). The results show that populist politicians reproduced the discourse of fraud and conspiracy typical of Trump’s politics on Twitter. The negative bias of the media was also confirmed, giving prominence to a rhetoric of disinformation that overlaps with the theory of populism.

The Devil That You Know: Christian Nationalism and Intent to Change One's Voting Behavior For or Against Trump in 2020

AbstractChristian nationalist ideology was among the strongest predictors of Americans voting for Trump in 2016 and remained a strong predictor of intent to vote for him prior to the 2020 election. This study uses national data to examine whether Christian nationalism could potentially convert the previously-unconverted to supporting Trump or, conversely, prevent apostatizing from Trump. Among Americans whodid notvote for Trump in 2016, Christian nationalism increased the likelihood that they intended to vote for Trump in 2020, but only those who earlier did not vote at all or voted third party. Conversely, among Americans whodidvote for Trump in 2016, Christian nationalism reduced the likelihood that they planned on voting for a Democratic or third party candidate. Christian nationalism thus potentially inclined Americans who previously did not vote for Trump in 2016 to vote his way in 2020 and inoculated previous Trump-voters from considering other candidates in 2020.

How Does Local TV News Change Viewers’ Attitudes? The Case of Sinclair Broadcasting

ABSTRACT How does local television news shape viewers’ national political attitudes? The answer is unclear, because local news typically focuses on local, not national, stories, and is politically neutral. But the rise of Sinclair Broadcasting, now the nation’s second-largest owner of local TV stations, upends that assumption. News on Sinclair-owned stations focuses more on national topics, and presents them with a right-wing slant. Given this, we might expect it to shift its viewers’ attitudes in a pro-Republican direction. Using data on Sinclair’s acquisition of local TV stations between 2008 and 2018, I show that living in an area with a Sinclair-owned TV station lowers viewers’ approval of President Obama during his tenure in office, and makes viewers less likely to vote for the Democratic nominee for president. This has important implications for our understanding of the effects of local TV news, as well as for media trust, as I discuss in the conclusion.

Review: Race to the Bottom: How Racial Appeals Work in American Politics, by LaFleur Stephens-Dougan

Review: <i>Race to the Bottom: How Racial Appeals Work in American Politics</i>, by LaFleur Stephens-Dougan

Monitoring of the Last US Presidential Elections

This paper presents the results of a new monitoring project of the US presidential elections with the aim of establishing computer-based tools to track in real time the popularity or awareness of candidates. The designed and developed innovative methods allow us to extract the frequency of queries sent to numerous search engines by US Internet users. Based on these data, this paper demonstrates that Trump was more frequently searched than the Democratic candidates, either Hillary Clinton in 2016 or Joe Biden in 2020. When analyzing the topics, it is observed that in 2020 the US users had shown a remarkable interest in two subjects, namely, Coronavirus and Jobs (unemployment). Interest for other topics such as Education or Healthcare were less pronounced while issues such as Immigration were given even less attention by users. Finally, some “flame” topics such as Black Lives Matter (2020) and Gun Control (2016) appear to be very popular for a few weeks before returning to a low level of interest. When analyzing tweets sent by candidates during the 2020 campaign, one can observe that Trump was focused mainly on Jobs and on Riots, announcing what would happen if Democrats took power. To these negative ads, Biden answered by putting forward moral values (e.g., love, honesty) and political symbols (e.g., democracy, rights) and by underlying the failure of the current administration in resolving the pandemic situation.

Moderating effect of partisanship on personal experience with sexual harassment and gender discrimination on the evaluation of political figures

ABSTRACT Sexual harassment and gender discrimination have become more salient in U.S. politics in recent years due, in part, to the #MeToo movement. We conducted two surveys on Californians in the 2018 primary and general election. We find that experiencing either of these types of interactions shaped how Independent voters evaluated political figures but had a smaller effect on Democratic and Republican party identifiers. On average, experiencing gender discrimination has stronger effects on the evaluation of political figures than sexual harassment. Both experiences played out differently for Independent men and Independent women. The boost in female support for Democratic candidates was counterbalanced by a backlash vote from Independent men who reported they experienced gender discrimination, aiding the President and hurting Democratic political figures. This suggests that the pro-Kavanaugh backlash had deeper roots in male resentment towards the perceived preferential treatment of women, especially in work environments.

Changes in the Distribution of Alter-Tax Wealth: Will Wealth Tax Improve the Wealth Distribution Inequality in the United States?

This paper reviews the historical trends of the distribution of income and wealth in the United States. It also discusses the literature on whether imposing wealth tax suggested by Senator Warren and Sanders will improve the inequalities. The paper researches the tax policy regarding the Wealth taxes on ultra-wealthy households, the policy that has been proposed by Democratic presidential candidates to fight against inequality and raise extra revenue in the long term.

What to Expect in the Wake of the 2020 U.S. Elections

The 2020 U S elections produced a close, but clear, victory for Democratic nominee Joe Biden in the presidential contest, a surprisingly slim majority for the Democratic party in the House of Representatives, and an even 50-50 split between Republicans and Democrats in the Senate 1 Newly elected Democratic Vice President Kamala Harris holds the deciding vote for party control in the Senate Thus, the Democratic party now controls the executive branch of the federal government and both Houses of Congress - a huge shift in the balance of political power

Police Tactics and Their Effects on Democracy

Scholars have long wondered whether the intersection of crime, justice, and local elections are correlated. Recently, multiple deaths of African-American citizens during encounters with police have become highly-publicized and have consequently catalyzed discussions around police misconduct and police reform. Based on the increased exposure of police misconduct, this study explores how contact with the criminal justice system and perceptions of police legitimacy shape political behavior in the modern era, with specific emphasis on the aggressiveness of police tactics and voting behavior in local elections. This study has attempted to control for neighborhood context by using the municipalities with similar ecological factors to highlight the correlation between specific police tactics and voting behavior in local elections. This study also will look at how specific police tactics either promote or obstruct the requirements of a participatory democracy set forth by Robert Dahl. Those requirements are as follows: meaningful and extensive competition, sufficient inclusiveness in national and local elections, and a high level of civil and political liberties. Due to this study’s focus on voting behavior in local election, the analysis will concentrate on the second requirement of participatory democracy. The results of this study show that perceptions of police legitimacy through the use of specific policing tactics are likely to be highly influential in the prediction of candidate selection as well as the likelihood of a citizen’s participation in local elections. Municipalities that have less aggressive police tactics turn out to have a higher voter turnout, as well are to be more likely to vote for a Democratic candidate, while those municipalities that institute more aggressive police tactics will have a lower voter turnout and will also more likely vote for a Democratic candidate but will have larger amount or residents vote for a Republican or Independent candidate.

Real estate taxes and home value: Evidence from TCJA

We examine the impact of changes in the federal tax treatment of owner-occupied housing stemming from the implementation of the Tax Cuts and Jobs Act (TCJA) in January 2018 on local housing markets. Using county-level house price information and IRS tax data, we find that, holding everything else the same, capping the federal tax deduction of state and local taxes at $10,000 has caused the growth rate of home value to decline by an annualized 0.9 percentage point, or 18 percent, in areas where real estate taxes as shares of taxable income exceeded the national median. The results are robust when controlling for other changes in the tax reform. The areas with a high real estate tax burden also suffered from reductions in market liquidity after the reform. Fewer houses were transacted either in absolute numbers or as shares of total listings and houses stayed on the market longer before being sold. Importantly, we find that the housing market slowdown was accompanied by declines in local construction employment growth as well as multi-family building permits. Furthermore, on net more people moved out of these areas after the reform. Finally, we show that the act has already had political consequences. In the 2018 midterm Senate elections, more voters voted for Democratic candidates in areas with high real estate tax burden than they did for Republican candidates.

Ballots, bombs, and bullets: the effects of mass shootings and terrorist attacks on electoral behavior

ABSTRACT The attitudinal effects of mass shootings and terrorist attacks are well documented, but their electoral consequences have not been studied systematically in the American context. We derive a set of expectations about mass violence and electoral behavior from terror management theory and issue ownership theory. We then examine the effects of mass shootings and terrorist attacks on United States presidential elections from 1976 through 2016. We find mass shootings increase turnout in the counties where they occur. Furthermore, terrorist attacks reduce the Democratic presidential candidate's shares of the two-party vote at the county level. Both of these effects decay sharply as the time between the event and Election Day increases. These findings illustrate the power of mass violence to influence American electoral behavior, conditional on the type of violent event and its proximity to Election Day.

Reactions

OPINION Reactions ShareShare onFacebookTwitterWechatLinked InRedditEmail C&EN, 2021, 99 (1), p 3January 4, 2021Cite this:C&EN 99, 1, 3AbstractLetters to the editor  Political candidates  Political candidates  While I agree with the letter writer in the Oct. 19, 2020, issue (page 5) that a magazine essentially representing the scientific accomplishments of its membership should not indulge in political campaigns by featuring a Democratic candidate for political office—namely, Nancy Goroff —it is refreshing that a scientist has entered the political field. In colonial times and with essentially an agrarian and commercial economy, it was expected that the leaders of our nation, including both president and Congress, would come from backgrounds consistent with the needs of our population. To the contrary, at the present time, when the US has become technologically driven, we still have retained and voted into office many times individuals who have little or no scientific backgrounds to lead our scientifically oriented economy and who many times act as critics or opponents of our technology needs.View: PDF | Full Text HTML

Let’s Get Ready to Tweet! An Analysis of Twitter Use by 2018 Senate Candidates

To what extent did the 2018 Senate candidates adapt their Twitter strategy to match electoral realities during the campaign? Previous literature on the political use of social media suggests that Twitter is a gauge of “word of mouth” popularity and can be seen as an indirect proxy for votes. As such, Senate candidates have an incentive to be strategic in their use of social media during the election season. Relying on the framework set forth by Gainous and Wagner (2014), we categorized senatorial candidates’ tweets using an Artificial Neural Network and analyzed them over time to see if political party, presidential vote margin, incumbency and Senate race competitiveness predict the types of tweets that candidates were likely to send. Senate candidate tweets were also examined to determine under what conditions candidates opted to attack, stay quiet about, or align themselves with President Trump. We found that incumbents tended to talk about policy more and attack less, while challengers attacked their opponents to level the playing field. Democratic candidates followed a conventional strategy of tweeting about Trump where it made strategic sense, and using social media in competitive races to attack their opponents and to encourage supporters to get involved. Republicans followed a base-mobilization strategy consisting of aligning themselves with Trump and attacking their opponents when they were underdogs.