Democratic Action Party Research Articles

Digital Media and Religious Sentiments in Malaysia: Critical Discourse Analysis of Pan-Malaysian Islamic Party and Democratic Action Party Cyberspace Campaigns in the 15th General Election

Digital Media and Religious Sentiments in Malaysia: Critical Discourse Analysis of Pan-Malaysian Islamic Party and Democratic Action Party Cyberspace Campaigns in the 15th General Election

The Business of Governing Penang: Workarounds as Remedy?

The state of Penang, including city councils for island Pulau Pinang (with urban-core George Town) and mainland Seberang Perai, has negotiated at least a degree of political marginalisation since independence. Ruled previously by a secondary partner in the ruling Barisan Nasional (National Front), and since 2008, by the Democratic Action Party and its coalition partners, the economically powerful state has negotiated constrained autonomy and resources. While to some extent, these governing challenges are common to all states in Malaysia's highly centralised federation, in other ways, they reflect Penang's specific political position. Penang's leadership has sought in particular ways to circumvent inertia or divided loyalties among bureaucrats from the federal, rather than a state-level, civil service. Central to that solution has been reliance on an array of state government-linked corporations, facilitating administration, but at possible cost to clear accountability, transparency, and promised empowerment of civil society.

Pakatan Harapan’s Performance in the 2021 Sarawak State Election

This article aims to examine the performance of Pakatan Harapan (PH) in the 2021 Sarawak State Election (SSE21). It explains the three main reasons for PH’s dismal showing. First, local-based political parties took advantage of structural weaknesses in Sarawak PH and managed to convince Sarawakians that state rights could only be protected by political entities controlled by Sarawak leaders. Second, the “Sarawak First” sentiment changed the political landscape of Sarawak and increased the sense of solidarity among Sarawakians. It was the driving force behind the campaign messages of the local-based political parties that resonated well among the majority of the Sarawakian voters. Third, the three PH coalition parties in Sarawak, namely Democratic Action Party (DAP), Parti Keadilan Rakyat (PKR) and Parti Amanah Negara (AMANAH) did not have a common political ideology to bind them together, strengthening the common belief that DAP, PKR and AMANAH came together simply out of convenience to gain power. In order to survive in Sarawak, PH needs to rebuild its image and political strategies relevant to the needs of the Sarawakians voters. This article is based on data from online media sources and observations made during the election on 18 December 2021.

Challenges of Ethnic Party Adaptation in Power-Sharing Systems: Evidence from Malaysia

In authoritarian systems, ethnic power-sharing arrangements include important ethnic groups in government and decision-making while putting restraints on political competition. However, under conditions of democratization, we might expect power-sharing arrangements to fragment as political parties seize opportunities to expand their base and appeal across ethnic lines. This article draws from the case of Malaysia, where multiethnic coalitions built around ethnic parties ruled for 61 years but where increasing electoral competitiveness has destabilized coalition politics. I focus on the Democratic Action Party (DAP), one of the country's most successful parties, which has sought to build a more multiethnic support base. I show that its attempts have been stymied by enduring norms of ethnically informed coalition building and efforts to protect existing ethnic bases by both rivals and allies. The findings shed light on the barriers to ethnic party adaptation and on why power-sharing practices remain so enduring, even in more fluid and democratic political environments.

Strategi Pengeksplisitan dan Pengimplisitan Dalam Manifesto

This study is a discourse analysis study combined with a pragmatic study to show the strategy of explicitising and implicitising in the writing of the manifesto by the Democratic Action Party (DAP) in the 12th General Election (GE-12). This qualitative study has two main focuses, which is to display the explicit and implicit strategy in the manifesto and then make a description of the explicit and implicit strategy through the framework of discourse analysis and Relevance Theory (TR). TR contains three important components, namely context, context effect and process cost. The explicatory strategy is directly related to the use of the conjunction ‘for’ used and the explicatory strategy is interpreted by the reader through non-linguistic information. Thus, the results of the study found that the explicatory and implicatory strategies are able to penetrate the cognition of the manifesto reader. The people managed to interpret the meaning of the policies, intentions, as well as the promises stated in the manifesto, thus moving the hearts of the people to oppose DAP in the GE-12. Surprisingly, for the first time in the country's history, DAP managed to overthrow the previous ruling party, namely Barisan Nasional (BN).

Chinese Politics in the 2016 Sarawak state elections: Case Studies of Dudong and Bawang Assan Seats

This article examines local Chinese electoral politics in Sarawak during the 2016 Sarawak state elections based on a case study of two Chinese-majority marginal seats in Sibu district, namely Dudong and Bawang Assan. It examines the discourse and strategies deployed by the ruling Barisan Nasional (BN) and the opposition Democratic Action Party (DAP) and other independent candidates in the two constituencies. Candidates of the former in both seats were prominent leaders who had left the Sarawak United People’s Party (SUPP) – a major BN component party – to form a rival splinter party called the United People’s Party (UPP) and had contested as “BN direct candidates.” The article provides insights into how the intricate political dynamics on the ground shaped the electoral outcomes. Analysis of the voting patterns in polling districts provides a more nuanced understanding of the purported “increase” in Chinese support, revealing an urban-rural contrast. Both DAP candidates retained majority support in urban Chinese areas, albeit with reduced vote shares and absolute numbers due to abstention. Rural Chinese voters, on the other hand, manifested a clear surge in their support for BN, both in absolute numbers and vote share, contributing decisively to the victories of the two BN direct candidates. The findings are based on field observation, in-depth interviews with party leaders and informants, as well as analysis of polling district results of the two constituencies.

Bentong Constituency Study Before and After 14th General Election in Malaysia: A Preliminary Chinese News Analysis

Bentong constituency has always been the Malaysian Chinese Association (MCA) electoral stronghold and under the Barisan National (BN) coalition since Malaysia's independence in 1957. However, during the 14th Malaysian general election (GE14) political tsunami, the MCA has lost this parliament seat (P89 Bentong) to the Democratic Action Party (DAP), which is under the Pakatan Harapan (PH) coalition on 9 May 2018. Besides, Bentong is the traditional constituency of the MCA leadership, such as the first Member of Parliament (MP) for Bentong (1959-1989), Tan Sri Chan Siang Sun, retired as Health Minister cum MCA Vice-President. The second MP for Bentong is Tan Sri Lim Ah Lek (1989-1999), and he retired as Human Resources Minister cum MCA Deputy President. Before GE14, Dato' Sri Liow Tiong Lai was the third MP for Bentong (1999-2018) and retired as Transport Minister cum MCA President. Bentong is a district located in western Pahang, Malaysia. In 2005, Bentong officially declared as Bentong Municipal Council. According to Department of Statistics Malaysia (DOSM, 2011), Bentong population has reached about 115,000 people with administrative covered area of 335 square miles (868 square km) including Bentong Town, Genting Highlands, Karak, Telemong, Manchis, Sungai Dua and Bukit Tinggi. While its control area covered Sungai Gapoi, Simpang Pelangai, Kampung Shafie, Jambu Rias, Janda Baik and Sungai Penjuring. Keywords: Bentong, GE14, Sinchew, Economics, Chinese

The opposition Pakatan Rakyat in the twelfth Malaysian parliament, 2008–12, and parliamentary behaviour on the budget process

ABSTRACT In the post-2008 Malaysian general election, the opposition political parties the Parti KeADILan Rakyat, the Pan-Malaysian Islamic Party and the Democratic Action Party started to gain currency, especially when the ruling Barisan Nasional (BN) government was denied its two-thirds of the majority in parliament. The 2008 result indicated that there was a substantial shift in support from the incumbent BN to the opposition parties. The opposition later on was formed into a coalition known as Pakatan Rakyat (PR). The minor victory of the PR in the 2008 election suggested that it had secured a considerable number of seats in the twelfth Malaysian parliament. This article argues that the 2008 electoral outcome exhibited substantial competitive parliamentary behaviour despite the authoritarian nature of Malaysia. The article examines PR behaviour in the twelfth parliament with reference to the budget process. Besides elections, the Malaysian parliament is a very crucial indicator of the development of democratic governance in Malaysia. This article argues that the opposition PR is still relevant in the way in which it has fully exercised its legal parliamentary capability, especially its de facto leader Anwar Ibrahim, in questioning and posing constraints on the ruling BN policies concerning the budget process.

Put u rat - presek političke situacije u Bosni i Hercegovini između 1990. i proleća 1992. godine

The very end of the ninety nineties brought tectonic changes throughout Europe, such as the fall of the Berlin wall and German reunification, dissolution of the Warsaw Pact, collapse of the Soviet Union. All those happenings were believed to have a strong impact on further events of Yugoslav policy. The downfall of Communism in Eastern Europe also triggered the Communism crisis in Yugoslavia as well as the existence of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia as a unity, along with the socio-economic crisis that had not been dying away by the end of the nineties of the twentieth century. Bosnia and Herzegovina was the Constituent Federal Unit of Yugoslavia, and according to its constitution it represented an 'entity unto itself'. Placed between the eastern and western part of the country, it was considered to be the place where people of three different nations lived, along with three different religions rich in history and culture, coexisting together in harmony, as well as in bigotry, conflicts, and extermination. Every attempt to introduce the multiparty system in Bosnia and Herzegovina had been denied by the League of Communist authorities, even when it seemed obvious. Communist leaders of Bosnia and Herzegovina were especially sensitive to any behaviour on a national basis, they thought that this would cause further ethnic divisions. Nevertheless, it was bound to happen sooner or later. In 1990, three ethnic parties were formed (Serbian Democratic Party, Bosnian Democratic Action Party, Croatian Democratic Union), soon to become 'Ethnic movements of Serbs, Muslims, and Croats'. All three obtained absolute minority in the elections and formed certain government authority. However, all parties had three completely different party (agenda) models, three completely different goals. Serbian government spokesmen declared themselves to stay in united Yugoslavia, Croats were against it, while Muslims declared themselves to be more dominant than they used to be. It was obvious that the destiny of Bosnia and Herzegovina was directly depended on the destiny of Yugoslavia. That was how disintegration of Yugoslavia prejudged disintegration of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Secession of Slovenia and Croatia directly increased tensions in Bosnia and Herzegovina and affected its future position. Allied with Croats, Muslims were determined to walk out of Yugoslavia, while the Serbs were persistent in their intention to stay in at any cost. After a series of unsuccessful sessions and negotiations, Muslim and Croatian political representatives wanted a referendum of independence, contrary to the Serbian will, who later on proclaimed a process of formation of their own republic. Last attempt to facilitate the ongoing crisis in Bosnia and Herzegovina was made in Lisbon, along with mediation of the European Community and its representatives, Jose Cutileiro and Lord Carrington. Although their compromise proposal initially accepted by all three parties, Alija Izetbegovic, ten days later, on 28th of March 1992, after talks with US Ambassador to Yugoslavia, Warren Zimmermann, rejected the peace plan. That is how the last attempt to stop warfare collapsed. Bosnia and Herzegovina rushed into war.

Malaysia’s 13th General Election: Sabah-Barisan Nasional Fixed-Deposit State?

As all are aware, the results of the Malaysia 12th General Election(GE-12) in 2008 have surprised many. Not only the dominant parties Barisan Nasional (BN) were shocked by the loss of significant numbers of seats but for the first time in the history of Malaysia politics, vis-a-vis, electoral affairs, they were denied a two-thirds majority in the Parliament. Notwithstanding the opposition parties such as Parti Islam Se-Malaysia (PAS), Democratic Action Party (DAP) and Parti Keadilan Rakyat (PKR: The People's Justice Party) that form the opposition coalition called Pakatan Rakyat (People's Alliance: PR), has come to a surprised with the GE-12 result, in which they not even think that were able to challenge hegemonic politics of BN, managed to capture and formed a government at the state level namely Kedah, Penang, Perak, and Selangor, except Kelantan which has been under the control of PAS since the 1990 general election. This article aims to analyze whether Sabah as a “fixed deposit”state is still relevant in understanding the continuity and survival of the BN political hegemony in the context of Malaysia political developments post-13th general election.

Networks in Pursuit of a "Two-Coalition System" in Malaysia: Pakatan Rakyat's Mobilization of Dissent between Reformasi and the Tsunami

In Malaysia's 12th general election, held on March 8, 2008, 49 percent of the electorate voted for the non-formalized opposition coalition-made up of Parti Keadilan Rakyat (PKR, or People's Justice Party), Parti Islam (PAS, or Islamic Party), and Democratic Action Party (DAP)-and finally cracked the hegemonic hold of the ruling coalition, Barisan Nasional (BN, or National Front). The opposition made electoral history by winning 82 of 222 seats in Parliament, thus denying the BN its customary two-thirds majority. Among the 11 states in Peninsular Malaysia, the principal political arena, the combined opposition that later formalized its coalition with the name of Pakatan Rakyat (PR, or People's Alliance) took control of the state governments of Kedah, Kelantan, Penang, Perak, and Selangor. In fact, the opposition won 10 of 11 parliamentary seats in Kuala Lumpur; but the national capital, by virtue of being a Federal Territory, continued to be administered by the BN-led federal government.By the standards of Malaysian elections, the regime had been struck by the most destructive wave of voter dissent or the most disastrous convergence of socio-political conditions ever-hence the popular use of the terms and storm1) to depict the outcome of the election. No doubt, the two metaphors had to be used with care. A genuine political tsunami would have swept the BN from power altogether. And a perfect storm would not have completely bypassed Sabah and Sarawak.Even so, a watershed had been reached and a two-coalition system might finally have taken shape within Malaysian politics. Since 1990, various dissident parties had envisaged and striven to establish such a system (Khoo 2003, 159-164). But only the present opposition-hereafter PR (unless clearly inapposite)-had actually advanced toward that goal in 2008. To put it differently, one might say that PR had progressed from imagining to realizing dissent, no matter that PR had a long way to go before reaching its ultimate goal of supplanting BN in governing the country. To be sure, it would not do to cast imagination and realization as two disparate acts occurring in strictly demarcated phases. But imagining and realizing dissent may be depicted as two principal tasks to clarify certain qualitative differences between the networks that helped PR in its progression to the tsunami in 2008 from Reformasi in 1999, the latter being the inchoate movement of dissent triggered by mass outrage against the maltreatment of Deputy Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim-sacked by Prime Minister Dr. Mahathir Mohamad on September 2, expelled by UMNO (United Malays National Organization) on September 3, and imprisoned by the regime from September 20 (ibid., 100-108).The first networks to consider are the cyber-networks, which broadly included the information and communication technology (ICT)-sited or -enabled links between e-mail lists, discussion groups, Web sites, online media, online forums, blogs, text messages, etc. These cyber-networks were able to perform some crucial functions, from gathering information to disseminating reports, from rallying opinion to rebutting official claims, and from questioning mainstream news reporting to constructing alternative media. In short, PR's cyber-networks wove a web of counter-hegemonic discourses that helped the coalition's organizers, allies, and supporters to imagine themselves as a community of dissent.PR's second type of network consisted of physical coalitions. The term, despite its lexical imprecision, refers to various groupings and organizations having different structures and degrees of cohesion, which brought together PR parties, their allies in civil society, and their supporters at large. These coalitions-themselves offline and groundlevel networks of people-were formed for a range of political actions that extended from issuing informal appeals to joining ad hoc activities, participating in structured events, and making highly organized interventions. …

Pasca-Islamisme dalam PAS: Analisis terhadap Kesan Tahalluf Siyasi

This study discusses the impact of post-Islamism in the Parti Islam Se-Malaysia (PAS), specifically on tahalluf siyasi (political alliance) with Pakatan Rakyat (People Coalition). Post Islamism is a contemporary Islamist school of thought with regard to politics. The characteristics of post-Islamism such as toleration, participation and inclusivism has greatly influenced the modus operandi of the Islamic movement including PAS. Inclusiveness in post-Islamism had motivated PAS in having political coalition with more liberal parties such as Parti Keadilan Rakyat (PKR) and Democratic Action Party (DAP). Post-Islamism as popularised by Asef Bayat was established on Western knowledge narratives, therefore such study as this should be done in order to recognise its negative impacts. To achieve this objective, the researchers used qualitative method through the process of collecting by scrutinising and analysing related data on the discourse of post-Islamism. The result of the study shows that PAS has been affected by the post-Islamism. The impact of post-Islamism in PAS however shows that PAS did not play dominant role in the Coalition throughout the political alliance. Besides, PAS also compromised a lot with its principles including its Islamic principles. Post-Islamism had also affected PAS in reducing the Muslims vote to PAS because of their support for DAP. This study therefore exposed the negative sides of post-Islamism to Islamic movement. With current development in PAS, it is hoped that this exposure will consult the Islamic movements in critically weighing their support to any kind of ideas particularly from the West.

Continuing Revolt of the Urban Chinese Voters: The Case of Kepong

Since the 2008 Malaysian general election the Chinese vote has swung overwhelmingly to the opposition, and this trend has continued in the 2013 general election. When announcing the results of the 2013 general election, Prime Minister Najib labelled it as a ‘Chinese tsunami’. Taking the case of Kepong, this article attempts to explain the reasons for the urban Chinese voters’ continuing support for the Democratic Action Party.

Reviving the local government election in Malaysia?

Objective - Malaysia used to practice local government election before it was suspended due to several issues. Following the abolishment, the mode of election has been changed with the appointment of mayors and councillors in each local government level. However, in the past few years, especially after the 12th Malaysian General Election, this issue became debated among the Malaysian, not only the politicians and political parties, but also from non-governmental organisations and the people. Among the main reason why this election has not been able to be practiced in Malaysia is due to the absence of laws to allow this election to be held. Therefore, this paper attempts to discuss about the local government election issue within the context of legal perspective. Methodology/Technique - This study adopted the qualitative approach to provide reliable data and information needed by conducting elite interviews with two constitutional experts and three delegates from Pakatan Rakyat and non-government association representative. Findings - The Pakatan Rakyat (the coalition of opposition parties) especially Democratic Action Party has consistently endeavoured to revive local election in Malaysia. Unfortunately, the idea to restore the power of the third votes is disagreed by the Barisan Nasional (the ruling government). This indirectly means that if the Pakatan Rakyat insists to hold the election, they are facing obstruction from the federal government. However, the question whether the local government election can be reimplemented or not is debatable since both federal and state government claimed to have authority pertaining to the local government matter. This issue was brought to the Federal Court the court has ruled that the states have no jurisdiction to hold the local government election. Novelty - There were few past studies that have been researched about this topic. Furthermore, since the local government election was suspended and discontinued, this topic seems has not been discussed further, thus provide limited information for academic discourse. Type of Paper: Review Keywords : Election; local government; Federal Constitution; Pakatan Rakyat; Barisan Nasional

Beyond the Barisan Nasional? A Gramscian Perspective of the 2008 Malaysian General Election

The 8 March 2008 general election in Malaysia has been characterised as a tsunami. (2) The ruling Barisan Nasional (National Front, BN) coalition (3) suffered unprecedented losses while the primary peninsular opposition parties--Parti Keadilan Rakyat (People's Justice Party, PKR), Democratic Action Party (DAP) and Parti Islam SeMalaysia (Pan-Malaysian Islamic Party, PAS)--posted remarkable gains. This was a particularly stunning result for the opposition considering the outcome of the previous general election in 2004 when the BN swept the Dewan Rakyat, Malaysia's lower house, winning 198 seats to the opposition's combined total of 21, plus all but one state legislature. In contrast, 2008 represents a significant reversal for the BN coalition with its share of seats in the Dewan Rakyat plunging to 63 per cent and its overall popular vote to 51 per cent. Four additional state governments also fell to the opposition. In the aftermath of March 2008 the Malaysian political landscape has gone through a number of upheavals with questions raised over the continuing viability of BN coalition rule and the future sociopolitical direction of the country. Two issues in particular stand out. First, the BN coalition has lost its two-thirds majority in parliament and therefore its ability to amend the constitution unimpeded, a critical indicator of political legitimacy in Malaysia. Secondly, on 1 April, PKR, PAS and the DAP officially joined forces to form the Pakatan Rakyat (People's Alliance, PR). (4) While the PR does not yet officially have the numbers in parliament to gain control of the government, its de facto leader, Anwar Ibrahim, has publicly claimed to have the necessary numbers willing to cross over from the BN and join the PR. Explicitly contained within both issues are questions concerning the evolving nature of national identity and, in particular, the need for all parties to seriously consider the concept of bangsa Malaysia, a Malaysian nation that transcends ethnic identity. Such concerns about the constitution of national identity are clearly reflected in the 2008 results, which point to a pluralisation of the political system and a popular desire for a more inclusive, ethnically-neutral political discourse. However, is this rosy picture accurate? On the surface, the 1999 elections promised similar possibilities for increased sociopolitical pluralisation only for the ruling BN coalition to recoup its losses in 2004. In other words, is Malaysia now witnessing a truly progressive moment, one that is long-term and structural, or is this instead a short-term, regressive, restorative moment? By adopting a Gramsican perspective this article endeavours to offer a more nuanced analysis of the recent elections and, in particular, their meaning vis-a-vis conceptions of national identity. In the process, it seeks to explore the development and complex operation of hegemony in contemporary Malaysia. This article will proceed in three distinct parts. Part one will outline the rationale for employing a Gramscian perspective, highlighting the relevant key Gramscian concepts useful for raising and answering questions about hegemony and crises. The following section will historicize the 2008 election with reference to the general elections of 1999 and 2004. The final part of the article will examine more closely the 2008 election results and the aftermath of the elections with particular reference to the possibility for transformation in Malaysian politics and society. This article will conclude with thoughts on whether we are witnessing an organic (relatively permanent) or conjunctural (immediate and ephemeral) crisis in Malaysia today. A Gramscian Framework At first glance, it may seem a peculiar choice to invoke Gramsci's conceptual theorizing in order to analyse a general election in contemporary, multi-ethnic Malaysia. However, his concepts offer a distinctive theoretical perspective which can help map out the complex and varying relationships between economy, polity and society in such countries. …

Malay Anti-Colonialism in British Malaya

The debate which arose between the ruling United Malays National Organization (UMNO) and the opposition Democratic Action Party (DAP) in early September 2005, concerning the history of Malaysia's independence movement, necessitates a re-appraisal of the organizations and personalities involved. This article re-assesses the period and actors involved in bringing to fruition Malaysian independence. By utilizing mainly authoritative secondary sources, the reconstructed history belies the argument of the ruling elites that they inherit the mantle of `real independence fighters' from their political ancestors. Although the sources are readily available in Malaysian libraries, the truth contained in them has eluded the general public. Thus, to lay people, political history in Malaysia has been what ruling politicians tell them and what they find in school textbooks that, in any case, have been approved by the powers that be. This article reveals that pre-independence Malaysian history is replete with contradictions and paradoxes which may transform perceptions of who were and were not independence heroes.

The Politics of Locality and Temporality in the 2004 Malaysian Parliamentary Elections

This article examines the role of locality (ethnic composition of the constituency) and temporality (the almost five-year hiatus between elections) for BN in the parliamentary elections. In the 2004 Malaysian parliamentary elections, the ruling coalition, Barisan Nasional (National Front, BN), secured a two-thirds majority. BN also increased both its share of popular votes as well as the total number of seats in bumiputera majority constituencies, recovering ground lost in the 1999 elections. In bumiputera minority constituencies where voter sentiment was divided symmetrically between BN and the Democratic Action Party (DAP) it is the latter which has been more successful. It is in the mixed constituencies where BN has been most popular. The increase in the number of seats in this category of electorate has worked overwhelmingly to BN's advantage, enabling it to control nearly 90 per cent of the 219-seat parliament, implying therefore a continuation of NEP (New Economic Policy) trends in Malaysia's political economy.

Blood, Sweat and Jihad: The Radicalization of the Political Discourse of the Pan‑Malaysian Islamic Party (PAS) from 1982 Onwards

How Islamist politics in Malaysia leapt to a different register Kemenangan Islam tidak akan datang dengan sendirinya. Allah telah menentukan bahawa kejayaan dalam kehidupan dunia adalah hasil yang berterusan. (1) Ustaz Yusof Rawa, President of PAS, 29 April 1983 After the Malaysian elections of December 1999, PAS emerged as the strongest opposition party in the country with the largest number of opposition seats in Parliament (27). For the first time, the Islamist opposition party had come to the forefront of the combined opposition forces in Malaysia, reducing the secular-leftist Democratic Action Party (DAP) to secondary position. It was also the first time that the discourse of the opposition front had shifted to a religio-political register--with the debate on the issue and the implementation of shariah law being high on the list of priorities--whereas opposition politics prior to 1999 was marked by a lack of consensus and a variety of positions (minority rights, the national language issue) taken up by the respective parties outside the ruling coalition. PAS had managed to stage a spectacular victory, though the overall 1999 election results were still in keeping with previous victories won by the Barisan Nasional (BN) coalition. PAS's hold on the north of the Malay peninsula seemed permanent, with two states, Kelantan and Trengganu, under its control. PAS had also won major victories in the states of Kedah, Perak, Perlis and Selangor, and speculation was rife about the possibility of the Islamist party breaking UMNO's hegemonic hold on the Malay-Muslim constituency and coming to power in the next elections (scheduled for late 2003 or early 2004). However, PAS was not allowed the time and opportunity to enjoy the fruit of its victory. Soon after, the country was gripped by the fear of militant Islamist terror as the UMNO/BN-led federal government began to crack down on a number of alleged militant networks and cells operating all over the country. In 2000, federal authorities apprehended members of an obscure and little-known cult group calling itself the al-Maunah movement, which it claimed was set up with the intention of toppling the government and introducing an Islamic state in Malaysia. Shortly after, members of the so-called jihad gang were also rounded up by the Malaysian police. Though PAS was not directly blamed for any of the actions of these organizations, the mainstream media did present a somewhat sensationalized picture of PAS (or some of its members at least) working hand-in-glove with these underground movements. The terrorist attacks on the United States on 11 September 2001 altered the political fortunes of PAS for good. Worldwide the fear of militancy was used by a number of governments to demonize Islamist movements and parties in their own countries, and PAS was caught in the net as well. During the American-led attacks on Afghanistan that followed, PAS responded by calling for a against the West. (2) Some PAS leaders even went as far as saying that they would not stop their followers from going to Afghanistan to fight alongside the Taliban troops opposed to the United States. PAS support for Osama bin Laden, al Qaeda and the Taliban regime incurred a heavy political cost. Unaware of (or oblivious to) the negative image that it would create for itself at home and abroad, PAS's decision to declare a against the West was the biggest own-goal scored by the party in the past few years. By publicly voicing its stand in favour of bin Laden and the Taliban, the party alienated itself from vast sections of the local and international community, and pushed itself back to the margins of the local political scene. The situation was exploited to the full by the Mahathir administration, which saw it as the best justification for its own policies vis-a-vis the local Islamist opposition. …

The Unravelling Of A “Malay Consensus”

While the Asian financial crisis had ebbed by late 1999, Malaysia was still raging with its own political turmoil. Long after former Deputy Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim had been sacked and imprisoned, opposition towards the Mahathir government appeared strident. The United Malays National Organization (UMNO) ? hitherto seen as pivotal for political stability in the country ? continued to grapple for a blueprint to sustain its dominance of the Malay polity. Although Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad rode through both the financial and the Anwar crises relatively unscathed, albeit through heavy-handed measures, his political survival did not seem guaranteed. The position UMNO finds itself in today is not comparable to the many rounds of crises that the party had been through in recent decades. Previous crises were resolved quickly, but the Anwar episode has deprived UMNO of a continuing ideological rationale for its self-perpetuation. UMNO and Dr Mahathir found themselves entangled in events which were reduced to a series of political responses, defences, and vendettas that contributed litde to the party's consolidation. This chapter analyses how and why UMNO successfully overcame earlier crises in contrast to its latest experience. Recent events show a beleaguered party attempting to rebound from the Anwar crisis. However, although faced by one of the worst challenges to its political dominance, the party may still maintain a prolonged national presence. This is because the general viability of other Malay-based parties in garnering wider, sustainable multiracial support as well as providing a course for a new politics is still in question. In this regard, the final section of this chapter discusses the problems and prospects of the two main Malay-based opposition parties, the Parti Islam SeMalaysia (Islamic Party of Malaysia, or PAS) and the Parti KeADILan Nasional (National Justice Party, or keADILan). These two parties came together with the Democratic Action Party (DAP) and the Parti Rakyat Malaysia (People's Party of Malaysia, or PRM) in 1999 to form the Alternative Front (Barisan Alternatif), constituting a much strengthened opposition force against the ruling National Front (Barisan Nasional) during the last general election.

A New Balance: The Chinese Vote in the 1999 Malaysian General Election

This paper looks in detail at the performance of the three main Chinese-based political parties in Peninsular Malaysia in the 1999 Malaysian general election. They are the Malaysian Chinese Association (MCA) and Gerakan (Parti Gerakan Rakyat Malaysia, or Malaysian People's Movement Party), which are members of the ruling Barisan Nasional (BN), or National Front, coalition, and the Democratic Action Party (DAP), the only Chinese-based opposition party in the Barisan Alternatif (BA), or Alternative Front, coalition. While conventional wisdom suggests that there was a significant swing of Chinese votes towards the government, this paper argues that there was no swing, and that the Chinese voting pattern in 1999 was broadly similar to that of the 1995 general election, confirming that the 1995 Chinese vote marked a permanent shift in the pattern of Chinese voting.