Democracy In Hungary Research Articles

The role of populist NGOs in building a populist democracy in Hungary

The role of populist NGOs in building a populist democracy in Hungary

Orbán, iliberalism and Democracy in Hungary

The article presents a historical, political and ideological overview of Viktor Orbán’s rule in Hungary, which started in 2010 and which shows no signs of weakening. Specifically, the study seeks to ascertain the relations between Orbán’s ostensible ideology – illiberalism – liberalism, and democracy. The article also explains how Orbán’s antimigrant measures are linked to the infringement of more general democratic guarantees.

The Weaponization of NATO Membership: Leaders of Türkiye and Hungary Use Accession Process for Personal Disputes

Finland and Sweden originally made a pact to join NATO together following the invasion of Ukraine. As evident by current events, Finland has joined the bloc, while Sweden must continue to wait to have its membership approved. This article examines why it has occurred through an analysis of the requirements to join NATO and the reasons Türkiye and Hungary have used to justify their delaying Finland from joining NATO while continuing to refuse to sign Sweden’s accession protocol. Finland joined without Sweden – a result of Türkiye and, to a lesser extent, Hungary attempting to make NATO membership conditional on issues unrelated to the requirements to join NATO. Due to the requirement that the members of NATO unanimously approve applicants, applicant countries are at the mercy of current members. It has allowed Türkiye and Hungary to delay Finland’s accession to NATO and to not ratify Sweden’s accession protocol, not based on the country’s preparedness to fulfil NATO obligations but instead based on personal disputes they have with the Swedish government. Türkiye is not satisfied with Sweden’s freedom of speech laws permitting the burning of the Quran meanwhile Hungary is using the opportunity to punish Sweden for raising concerns about the state of democracy in Hungary. The North Atlantic Treaty does not include an article that details the removal of a country from NATO, and NATO leadership has not indicated any interest in removing Türkiye or Hungary for not yet approving Sweden’s request to join the organization.

European Union Backsliding in the Rule of Law: The Hungarian Case

Hungary has experienced a backslide in its rule of law ever since Viktor Orbán modified its constitution. Orbán, characterized by right-wing populism, has been questioned not only for the way in which he has seized power, but also for the way in which he has favored his close friends and family. Orbán portrays a constitutional vision that has been described as illiberal constitutionalism, which he complements with the idea of an illiberal democracy, where a vision against integration prevails and rather enhances the idea of a national identity opposed to the values of the European Union as an excuse to disregard EU law. The responses of theEuropean Union have varied, from political, judicial and economic sanctions, but seeing themselves trapped by the right to veto sanctions and the requirement of unanimity it would seem that there is no way out of the deterioration of the rule of law. Thus, the article analyzes different solutions, options, and possibilities in the face of the crisis of the rule of law and democracy in Hungary.

ПАДІННЯ ДЕМОКРАТІЇ В УГОРЩИНІ

The article is about Hungary during the reign of Viktor Orbán since 2010, which, being one of the most democratic countries in Europe, has changed its status in recent years. The reasons and consequences of the fall of democracy in Hungary are analyzed, what role did the Russian Federation play in this and how it is reflected in Ukrainian-Hungarian relations. It has been studied that among the main reasons for the dismantling of democracy, the concentration of power in the hands of V. Orbán and his political party «Fidesz», which led to the recognition in 2022 by the European Parliament of Hungary as a country with a «hybrid regime of electoral autocracy», is the most important. However, despite the criticism, V. Orbán’s policy still has considerable support among the Hungarian population. It was also found out that V. Orban’s foreign policy played an equally important role: flirting with V. Putin turned into open pro-Russian support against the background of Russian war crimes in Ukraine, which causes outrage not only from the Ukrainian side, but also from the European union.

College and university students’ attitudes towards democracy in Hungary

The existence of education for democracy has positive impact on citizens’ political knowledgeand the identification with the democratic values. In the process of civic education, theuniversities and high schools play an important role. Many scholars argue that the high schoolshave a civic mission to serve a public good or the university is the civic mission itself. To examinedemocratic citizenship among high school and university students we use a dataset composed ofthree surveys (2011/2012, 2013, 2015) of 4800 Hungarian students. We build on the literatureabout the empirical and theoretical framework of democratic citizenship to answer the questionif 25 years after the collapse of communism we can witness the emergence of a new generationof democrats in Hungary? Have young people successfully come to terms with their countries' authoritarian past and developed a commitment to democracy as a system of rule? Are theyready to defend it in the face of challenges? Based on the empirical framework of citizenship wederive a number of significant lessons from the Hungarian case, with important implicationsabout the ability to teach the norms and responsibilities of democratic citizenship in the world’semerging democracies.

Battered by Geopolitical Winds, Bulgaria Struggles to Restart Much Needed Reforms

Battered by Geopolitical Winds, Bulgaria Struggles to Restart Much Needed Reforms

Illiberal Democracy in the Comparative Analysis of Hungary and Poland

The article analyzes the concept of illiberal democracy exemplified by two case studies of Hungary and Poland. The thesis of the paper states that their political systems showed signs of immaturity and institutional weakness of liberal democracy that caused the impossibility of rejection of illiberal project of political changes. To explain the breakdown of liberal democracy the paper aims at revealing both social and institutional aspects of transformation. The conclusions of the research let us to formulate the four-staged concept of the development of illiberal democracy in Hungary and Poland. The concept bases on the trajectory that begins with the social frustration of liberal democracy that leads to support for a populist party, which after victorious elections, implement the illiberal pattern of democracy. Methodologically the research benefits from the analytic and synthetic methods, the comparative method and institutional approach.

The Political Economy of Authoritarian Populism in Hungary

With all key political institutions firmly in Orban’s hands, and with the electoral rules basically tilted to Orban’s advantage, many observers question whether Orban’s regime can be successfully challenged domestically, from within. As a result, the attention has shifted to the European Union and its role in policing the violations of EU basic values, which include democracy and the rule of law. After examining the EU’s record in protecting the rule of law and democracy in Hungary, I conclude that EU sanctions are not likely to save democracy in Hungary. In conclusion, I argue that instead of focusing too narrowly on sanctions, the Hungarian opposition should articulate a coherent (politico-economical) alternative to Orban’s authoritarian populism. Instead of focusing only on legal or economic sanctions, the EU and member states should look to alternative economic and social policies that would speak directly to the anxieties of populist voters. The good news is that this trend can be reversed— but only if European leaders, together with the Member States, articulate a coherent alternative to the failed neo-liberal economic and social policies of the last two decades. Only an economic policy that promotes growth, better jobs and wages, and social inclusion can stem the nationalist-populist tide.

The Role of Populism in the Development of Illiberal Democracy in Hungary

In the late 80’s Hungary was a leading post-Communist country which successfully implemented certain reforms of economic governance, and in the 90’s introduced liberal democracy and market-oriented economy. However, after two decades, in 2010, based upon the gained 2/3 majority parliamentary seats in Hungarian parliament, Viktor Orbán, the new prime minister, started to build up an autocracy in Hungary. He named his governing system “illiberal democracy.” The Orbán system of governance is obviously autocratic but is still alike democracy having mocked democratic institutions. This Janus-faced nature of the Orbán regime will be examined by the paper. Viktor Orbán successfully using nationalist-populist communication, too. This paper tries to shed light on the reasons of development of illiberal democracy in the European Union by examining the case in Hungary. It highlights the real beneficiaries and losers of the Orbán’s illiberal democracy. The price of partially giving up certain principles of liberal democracy, such as checks and balances, political pluralism, economic equality of market constituents, or the rule of law, will be explored.

Populist discourse and active metaphors in the 2016 US presidential elections

Abstract In recent years, the specter of populism has grown increasingly restless in the Western world and beyond. This new populism has been observed in different political movements in Europe; the Brexit movement in the UK, Podemos and Vox in Spain, Rassemblement National in France, Partij voor de Vrijheid in the Netherlands, and Viktor Orbán’s illiberal democracy in Hungary. Inevitably, it is most commonly associated with the election of Donald Trump as president of the USA in 2016. In this paper, a pragmatic interaction theory of metaphorical utterances is applied to a corpus of speeches given by candidates during the American 2016 presidential elections. First, speeches and candidates were graded for populism according to a holistic grading method. Secondly, speeches were analyzed using quantitative and qualitative methods to investigate if and how active metaphorical language was used to construct the populist frame. The findings suggest that active metaphors can be useful for politicians who wish to counter the dominant conventional frames, and so can serve the ideological purposes of populists and non-populists alike. Therefore, this paper also argues that novel metaphorical concepts and active metaphorical utterances make important contributions to the communication of ideologies in political discourse and should not be overlooked by analysts.

How Far Can Populist Governments Go? The Impact of the Populist Government on the Hungarian Parliament

Abstract The article poses the following research questions: to what extent has the populist executive in Hungary affected formal and informal parliamentary powers? To what extent has the relation between the executive and the legislative changed over the three legislative periods of populist government? This article examines change in formal powers but also in the informal practices concerning parliament’s legislative and scrutiny functions. Regarding the time frame, the empirical analysis compares the period when Fidesz was in opposition (2006–2010), with the period when Fidesz has been in government (2010–2020). The article establishes that during 2010–2020, the legislative suffered profound disempowerment that has been attributed to three factors: systemic collapse of democracy in Hungary, weakening formal powers of the legislature and the autocratic features of the Fidesz party. Moreover, the article demonstrates that executive–legislative relations have been dynamic between 2010 and 2020 and concern different formal and informal practices.

The role of collective narcissism in populist attitudes and the collapse of democracy in Hungary

What are the psychological processes responsible for the recent spread of populist political systems and movements? All political systems essentially reflect the mental representations of their populations, and collective narcissism has recently emerged as a contributing factor in the rise of populism. This article presents two studies examining the role of collective narcissism in predicting populist attitudes and voting intentions in Hungary. Hungary offers a particularly important case study of state-sponsored populism and illiberalism in Europe, as this country has gone furthest in undermining democratic principles and practices within the EU. To establish the pervasive role of collective narcissism we first review the historical evidence, survey research, and narrative analyses of Hungarian political representations. We then present two empirical studies where we predicted and found that collective narcissism was a significant predictor of negative attitudes toward the EU (Study 1), conservatism, and support for the ruling populist party (Studies 1 and 2). Collective narcissism predicted these variables independently from other factors, such as in-group positivity or perceived relative deprivation. However, once conservatism was controlled for the effects of collective narcissism faded out in some cases. The results nevertheless indicate that collective narcissism plays important role in promoting populist politics. The implications of these findings for understanding the psychological appeal of populism and illiberalism are discussed.

Current issues concerning education for democracy in Hungary

AbstractThe importance of preparation for citizenship has been recognized for millennia, while education for democracy has been central to pedagogical thinking in Europe and in Hungary for more than a quarter of a century (Crick Report, European Year of Citizenship through Education, EU key competences, modified version of the NCC). Educating a citizenry that is capable of thinking independently, is equipped with critical skills and can deliberate about matters appears in these documents as a definitive goal. The concept of civic competence or citizenship competence indicates a combination of such knowledge, skills, abilities and values that make the individual capable of effectively participating in an everyday life that is based on democratic values as well as in civic society (Hoskins and Crick, 2008, cited by Kinyó, Az állampolgári kompetencia egyes összetevőinek és a közösségi tevékenységformák jellemzőinek vizsgálata 7. és 11. évfolyamos tanulók körében[PhD dissertation: Individual Components of the Competence of Citizenship and an Examination of the Characteristics of Forms of Community Activities Among Students in the 7th to 11th Grades], 2012). The various models of preparation in schools assume that civic knowledge has identifiable elements that can be taught (e.g. texts of legal documents, constitutional principles, the structure of the state); at the same time, civic "knowledge" comprises rather the adoption of attitudes and the practice of certain skills. This study, supported by research data based on survey questions, seeks to discover the degree of prevalence of education for democracy and citizenship in everyday practice, as well as the kinds of problems those affected see in this area and what recommendations they have to address these difficulties.

The EU Framework and its implementation in Hungary

ABSTRACT In spite of the positive role Hungary played in placing Roma on the agenda of EU institutions, the progress in improving the situation of Roma in Hungary is limited as data collected from the field indicate. The aim of the article is to review the implementation of the national strategy in Hungary, part of the EU Framework for Roma, by presenting primary and secondary data collected through literature review, policy analysis and interviews with policymakers and experts. The authors argue that the limited impact of the EU Framework has had on Roma in Hungary is due to three main factors: (1) a total neglect of lessons learned from past policies towards Roma, (2) the policy design of the EU Framework at EU and national levels, and (3) the increasing deterioration of the state of democracy in Hungary and the broader political environment in which the policies ought to be implemented reflected by the rise of far-right political parties and increasing authoritarianism on the side of ruling parties.

The Intelligibility of Referendum Issues and the Opportunities to Inform Voters. Comparative Observations with Special Regard to Hungary

The intelligibility of initiative proposals is of utmost importance in case of direct democratic decisions. This study sums up the tools by means of which voters are informed about referendum issues in countries or states with well developed direct democratic traditions, like Switzerland, Oregon and California. A special attention is paid to ballot pamphlets and requirements regarding the wording of the proposal. The second part of the study focuses on Hungary. Ballot pamphlets are not in use here, the practice of the authorities is centred on the “requirement of the unambiguity of the question”. Based on an analysis of the resolutions of the National Election Committee, the decisions of the Constitutional Court and the Curia (Supreme Court) of Hungary, the authors demonstrate that the requirement of unambiguity has become an obligation of initiators which is very difficult to comply with. The study finally recommends possible solutions in order to make the tool of bottom-up initiative a more practicable instrument of direct democracy in Hungary.

Central Europe’s descent into autocracy: A constitutional analysis of authoritarian populism

Abstract The article offers an analysis of the particular type of populism that has evolved in Eastern and Central Europe, most notably in Hungary and Poland. The new populism in ECE differs from other populisms because it combines the elements of populism, ethnonationalism, and authoritarianism. Adhering to a similar script, which consists of sustained attacks on rule of law institutions, civil rights and freedoms, the media, and electoral rules, both populist governments in a relatively short period of time dismantled almost all the key cornerstones of democracy in Hungary and Poland. The current surge of populism in ECE demonstrates that constitutional democracy is in great danger when its core principles no longer enjoy wide democratic support. Paradoxically, constitutional democracy can play its “counter-majoritarian” role only when a majority of the people believe that it is the only game in town. Ultimately, democratic political parties and social movements with credible political ideas and programs offer the best hope for the survival of constitutional democracy. The role of law and constitutional checks and balances is less of an essential bulwark against democratic backsliding than is traditionally presumed in the legal literature.

Challenges of the Illiberal Democracy in Hungary. Some Aspects to the 2018 Elections

Abstract Political transformation reached Hungary in parallel with other Central and Eastern European countries at the turn of the 1980s and 1990s. The core of the events, the year of 1989, the so called “annus mirabilis” when, within one year almost the entire Central and Eastern European region stepped onto the path of changes. The actors adopted Western patterns within a short period, institutions of new political systems were established, and a new political power verified and consolidated its legitimacy by free elections. As a final proof of transformation, most of former socialist bloc member states joined both the NATO and the European Union. Hungary had the chance to enter in the 21st century under radically changed and much more favourable conditions than it ever had before. This smooth transformation interrupted by political and economic crisis that finally led to the victory of the opposition that managed to repeat the next elections and implemented the Programme of National Cooperation. The aim of the paper is to analyse why the adoption of the new system enjoys wide support from different social groups and how the old fixations and obsessions persisted in society. This paper also gives a brief explanation about the nature of illiberal democracy in a wider scope and link it with the history of the Hungarian democracy, the (dis) functioning institutions, and confirms the argumentation with some statistical data explaining the correlation between the support of the government and the living standards. It investigates, if the Hungarian illiberal democratic regime interpreted as consequence of the troublesome system changes or if it is rooted in the distorted political system.

The Application of European Constitutional Values in EU Member States

This article deals with the backsliding of liberal democracy in Hungary, after 2010, and also with the ways in which the European Union (EU) has coped with the deviations from the shared values of rule of law and democracy in one of its Member States. The article argues that during the fight over the compliance with the core values of the EU pronounced in Article 2 TEU with the Hungarian government, the EU institutions so far have proven incapable of enforcing compliance, which has considerably undermined not only the legitimacy of the Commission but also that of the entire rule-of-law oversight.

Referendum ogólnokrajowe w systemach politycznych Węgier i Albanii: analiza porównawcza

<p>Celem niniejszego artykułu jest odpowiedź na pytanie o miejsce instytucji referendum ogólnokrajowego w systemach politycznych Węgier i Albanii po transformacji ustrojowej 1989, zarówno w wymiarze legislacyjnym, jak i praktycznym. Zmiany prawne, które nastąpiły w tym okresie, zagwarantowały obywatelom obydwu państw narzędzia do bezpośredniego sprawowania władzy. Jednakże niemal natychmiast zmiany te były ograniczane. W przypadku Albanii zadecydował o tym wieloletni zamęt polityczny, który skutecznie zniechęcił społeczeństwo do aktywności referendalnej. Węgrom uprawnienia te stopniowo odbierały natomiast decyzje poszczególnych rządów zmieniających wielokrotnie ordynację wyborczą. Przedmiotem naszego zainteresowania będą różnice instytucjonalne i prawne determinujące stan demokracji bezpośredniej w obydwu państwach. Główna teza artykułu opiera się na opinii, że Węgry i Albania, niezależnie od ich wspólnych doświadczeń, reprezentują dwa różne modele adaptacji rozwiązań demokracji bezpośredniej.</p>