Demands Of Justice Research Articles

Internalist and Integrationist Theories of (Global) Justice

The global justice debate has increasingly moved toward the analysis of concrete issues in global politics, such as trade, migration, or climate change. This raises a methodological question: should the demands of justice in these domains be theorized independently or in conjunction with one another? Integrationists have championed the latter approach, arguing that it is better suited to guide our practical judgments. In contrast, internalists maintain that each domain is governed by its own set of principles. This paper defends the plausibility of the internalist approach against integrationist challenges. By examining different interpretations of internalism, it first seeks to provide a clearer overview of the methodological dispute. It then analyzes various arguments for integrationism, showing that their implications are more limited than their proponents believe. Finally, it focuses on the question of practical guidance, highlighting the value of idealized domain-specific theorizing in guiding transitions toward just arrangements.

Voice, Protest, and Democracy

In the last 10-15 years, there has been a surge of protests around the world, spanning from Budapest to Beirut and from Seoul to Sao Paulo. Through protest, ordinary people challenge the status quo and the powerful structures maintaining it. They advocate for positive social change on issues such as increasing access to nutritious food and clean water, improving healthcare, fostering civic peace, and advancing environmental protections. They demand justice, often in opposition to elected representatives. Although protests frequently advocate for specific changes in public understanding or policy, these mobilizations also play a broader role in the democratic process by allowing people to be heard: protest is the realization of political agency. For marginalized groups, mobilizing through protest can often be more meaningful than other forms of civic participation, such as casting a ballot in elections or participating in formal partisan organizations.

XIII—Reclaiming the Idea of ‘the Human’

Abstract Progressive social movements correctly presume that justice demands treating people with humane regard: combining respect for human agency with concern for human vulnerability to suffering. Promoting humane regard is a critical means of acknowledging the moral claims of humanity. Some critics reject the underlying concept of a universal humanity, in virtue of which human beings form a distinct community of reciprocal moral obligation. Critics charge that the concept presumes indefensible dualisms (of mind and body, and humanity and nature); that it wrongly assigns a privileged status to reason; and that it involves an unsupportable belief in human exceptionalism. I argue that we can assert the moral claims of humanity without privileging reason, repudiating nature, or denying that there are many valuable ways to be human. I also defend an account of human moral exceptionalism that does not imply human moral superiority, to show that we can meet morally weighty obligations to humans while affirming morally substantive connections to non-human communities and domains.

“Like Us, but Not Quite Us”: Researching Gender Politics in Autocratic Contexts

What challenges do researchers encounter in authentically engaging with the field site and academia when certain aspects of their true identities diverge from the established norms within those domains? Using the case of female political scientists who conduct research on gender politics in the Middle East and North Africa, I highlight the ethical, logistical, and epistemological challenges of carrying out research in a politically and socially closed context. Few studies have investigated how the research process and the knowledge it produces are affected by the intertwinement of authoritarianism and patriarchy, and by the researcher’s positionality within this context. This study fills this gap by drawing upon interviews with feminist political scientists who were born and raised in the region but are based in Western academic institutions to examine the impact of authoritarianism, patriarchy, and the researchers’ insider/outsider positionality on the research process. The analysis shows three key findings. First, researching gender politics is a contentious topic that places researchers on the radar of the state. For scholars who are originally from the region, the issue is compounded by the fact that they are sometimes viewed as traitors by the regime in their country of origin, which accuses them of tarnishing the image of the government and scrutinizing its gender policies. Second, within the wider society, the politics of representation also impose certain limitations and expectations on female scholars. Such limitations include gendered restrictions on their access and mobility in the field. Finally, feminist researchers share how the knowledge they produce, which centers social justice demands, is not always valued in the discipline of political science. The article contributes to this discipline by expanding our understanding of the interplay between identity politics, fieldwork practices, and knowledge production in complex political and social settings.

Moving toward a decolonial and intersectional notion of justice for socio-ecological problems: the urban agroecology of the Buckets Revolution

ABSTRACT This article analyses the Buckets Revolution, an urban agroecological movement in a Brazilian favela that emerged to address waste management issues. We aim to explore the movement’s achievements in promoting socio—cological justice in a vulnerable community of the Global South through agroecology, investigating: i) what socio-ecological problems and intersected demands for justice boosted the emergence of the Buckets Revolution? and ii) what demands for justice the BR has been dealing with to overcome the socio-ecological injustices borne by the Chico Mendes community? We apply the socio-ecological justice model as our theoretical framework, with a decolonial and feminist intersectional approach to embrace the complexity of the case study. The research methods focus on embracing the local reality and the community views, encompassing bibliographical research, a focus group, and semi-structured interviews. The findings reveal that this agroecological movement has effectively addressed organic waste management, food insecurity, and other socio-ecological issues, contributing to socio-ecological justice in the Chico Mendes community. The study emphasizes the importance of considering the a) interconnections of social and ecological problems, b) intersected dimensions of justice, and c) needs and views of the community when developing environmental urban policies to achieve social justice and ecological sustainability.

The Responsibility for Peace (R4P): Understanding the study of peace from a global justice and development perspective.

This article introduces a new conceptualisation of the relationship between global distributive justice, development, and the study of peace, which we label the Responsibility for Peace (R4P). In doing so, the article examines the notion of positive peace within peace studies, its relation to arguments within global distributive justice, and to what degree this important relationship is recognised in the primary international framework to prevent and protect populations from mass atrocity crimes, the Responsibility to Protect (R2P). The article argues that despite growing recognition about the links between peace and development within both R2P and global justice discussions, it remains insufficient in terms of positive peace, thus requiring a new heuristic. In response, we argue that global justice demands refocused moral commitments to jus ante bellum (establishing global justice before war) and that this necessitates greater focus on the study of positive peace mechanisms, the identification and reform of structural injustices (against structural violence), and a retooled emphasis on human-centred development that can transcend existing legacies. In other words, we need to better focus on causes and not symptoms. It is this triangulation that we label the Responsibility for Peace (R4P), which should operate both prior to, and independently of, the Responsibility to Protect (R2P).

Subjection to Authority in the Workplace: A Basic Structural Problem

Many liberal egalitarians argue that workers today are subjected to the authority of their bosses and that justice demands that the employment relationship be reformed. But why? What is unjust is not subjection to authority as such but subjection without adequate justification. In this article, I argue that the justificatory demand raised by subjection to workplace authority has not been well understood, primarily because the nature of the subjection itself has been misunderstood. According to the standard view, workplace subjection consists in the fact that managers issue orders backed by sanctions. I challenge this view by reconstructing the libertarian-economic theory of the firm, which construes managerial authority simply as a division of labor. I propose an alternative account, according to which workplace subjection consists in living under a society-wide arrangement that compels most workers to work under a boss. My argument reorients theorizing about justice at work from a narrow focus on corporate governance towards a broader theory of a just social system, incorporating the role of the state, class, the power of investors, and the social purpose of labor.

The Relevance of Ibnu Khaldun's Price Concept to the Prohibition of Sales in E-Commerce

The background of the problem in this study suggests that the impact of the internet, one of which is technological advances, has opened up new business opportunities. As one of the urgencies of digital business progress in Indonesia today is e-commerce through the encouragement of advanced technology. The focus of this research explains that the relationship between Ibnu Khaldun's theory and the concept of e-commerce. This research uses a qualitative method with a description approach. The data collection is through literature articles, books and newsletter. As for the results of the research that the regulation of the Minister of Trade Number 31 of 2023 officially prohibits the merger of e-commerce and social commerce through e-commerce platforms, they are only allowed to promote products or services. This is called political dumping; the practice of dumping is expressly prohibited in Islam. In Ibnu Khaldun's price theory: the Islamic principle of determining the seller's price of a good tends to use the concept of average, because the demands of justice must be linked to effort.

A History of Slavery, Race, and Islam in the Eyes of Chouki El Hamel

"Black Morocco" is a study that reveals the historical course of slavery, race and gender issues in North Africa in the context of the relationship between religion and politics. It traces the transmission of the subconscious from the past to the present. The study aims to reveal the silenced history of North African slavery, and endeavors to reveal the demand for truth and justice of the living memory outside the official memory constructed by the power within the scope of remembering and forgetting. The author reflects his professional ethical concerns throughout the work by going beyond the historiography constructed in accordance with the modernity's understanding of history. Accordingly, he has opened historical facts to discussion in the context of confronting the past and tried to present the necessity of this without pragmatic political concerns and free from prejudices.

“Going beyond the call of duty”: academic agency and promoting transformation for sustainability in higher education

Purpose In the past decade, against increasing global inequality, higher education has grappled with increased demands for social justice, transformation and decolonisation. While a lot of research in South Africa has focused on the (im)possibilities of fostering racial, gendered, socio-economic and cultural change, the connection of such change to questions of sustainability has been less explored. The purpose of this paper is to specifically explore the agency of academics to foster transformative initiatives for sustainability within the context of institutions historically serving under-represented populations. Design/methodology/approach Using a qualitative methodology, this paper highlights the importance of considering sustainability in processes of transformation. This paper is specifically interested in how academic faculty and those in assigned leadership positions view their agency in relation to promoting transformation for sustainability at the institutional level. Drawing on data generated from semi-structured interviews with 13 participants at an historically Black university in South Africa, this paper details academics' and leaders’ experiences and perceptions of their agency. Findings This study reveals the adverse interactional dynamics within higher education institutions, which negatively impact academics’ participation as key agents in change processes. Positional and identity challenges faced reveal the persistence of colonial and apartheid legacies of racism, sexism, Afrophobia and xenophobia – which casts a shadow on possible trajectories of transformation and sustainability. This has serious implications for the common good, given South Africa's regional import for knowledge production and decolonisation within universities; its key role in the African 2063 Agenda; and the wider global Sustainable Development agenda. Originality/value This study highlights insufficient engagement with the sustainability of transformation efforts within the context of South Africa. This study also emphasises the relation between transformation imperatives and racial, socio-economic, gender and epistemic justice imperatives of sustainable development.

What are Universities For?

‘Public scholarship’ uses academic research to help social groups respond to civic problems. Drawing on two distinct genealogies of public scholarship, I elaborate on an internal distinction between the ‘public intellectual’ and ‘engaged scholar’. Then, mapping this distinction onto my own research trajectory from theory to practice to engagement, I argue that scholarly focus on community practices can be as removed from public problem-solving as academic theory, whereas engaged scholarship is more accountable to the demands of justice. As ‘public scholarship’ and its various cognates increasingly become corporate-speak in higher education, the scholars and communities who are the progenitors of engaged scholarship should lead the development of the ‘engaged university’.

From Rhetoric to Action: Justice, Equity, Diversity, and Inclusion in Coordinated Specialty Care for Early Psychosis.

Attention to inclusivity and equity in health research and clinical practice has grown in recent years; however, coordinated specialty care (CSC) for early psychosis lags in efforts to improve equity despite evidence of ongoing disparities and inequities in CSC care. This Open Forum argues that marginalization and disparities in early psychosis research and clinical care are interrelated, and the authors provide suggestions for paths forward. Commitment to equity and justice demands recentering the perspectives of those most affected by early psychosis services and investing in the integration of historically excluded perspectives across all aspects of practice, policy, and research.

“L’Esprit de Charité”: Imaginative Action and Universal Benevolence in Wollstonecraft’s Of the Importance of Religious Opinions

ABSTRACT This article analyses Mary Wollstonecraft’s Of The Importance of Religious Opinions (1788), a translation of De l’Importance des Opinions Religieuses (1788) by Jacques Necker. I demonstrate that Necker’s text resonates with Wollstonecraft’s early works and those of her mentor, Dissenting theologian Richard Price, both for its Providentialism and for its onus on caritas, or “l’esprit de charité”, a love of God expressed through love of our neighbours. For Wollstonecraft, Christian charity was coextensive with justice and could embrace the entire human family. I argue that Necker’s text initially appealed to her for its representation of religion cultivating this expansive benevolence through sentiment refined by the imagination, depicted as a sacred faculty channelling our errant desires towards the divine. Whereas Necker envisages only celestial rewards in an incurably unjust society, however, Wollstonecraft subtly revises his text to foreground the imagination as the impetus to moral actions that participate in God’s plan for human improvement. She thus imagines political justice in the form of a cosmopolitan ideal of universal benevolence, a heartfelt principle of action equally consonant with Christian charity and the demands of justice.

You Stole Our Land: Common Law, Private Property, and Rothbardian Principles of Justice

Demands for justice based on allegations that “you stole our land” seem to evolve interminably without resolution. In responding to these demands it seems trite to observe that the law must not let the violation of rights go without a remedy, but how should property law resolve cases of wrongful acquisition arising from historical conquest? It is easy to say in the abstract that stolen property must be returned to the true owner, but in the context of historical dispossession it is often difficult to identify the “true owner” when centuries have elapsed since the alleged dispossession. Based on a comparison between the common law tradition and Rothbardian principles of property rights, this article argues that the “stolen land” debates are characterized by arbitrary and unprincipled distinctions between different cases. Far from resolving any disputes, that approach only fuels fresh rounds of hostility and conflict. Allegations of wrongful acquisition of title must instead be evaluated by reference to an ethical theory of justice based on objective principles of natural law.

Проблемы социальной справедливости в сфере образовательной политики Китая

Education plays a fundamental role in shaping the country’s intellectual potential, educating the younger generation, and ensuring social justice. Corresponding educational policies consist of a complex set of measures aimed at developing the education system to ensure access to learning for all segments of the population, fair distribution of resources, and creating conditions for the successful realization of each citizen’s potential. In the modern world, the issue of social justice in educational policy is becoming increasingly relevant, as evidenced by the analysis of the Chinese case, which highlights the growing need for reforms aimed at satisfying the demand for social justice in society. These reforms will help attract highly qualified specialists to the field of education, as well as effectively reduce the level of social problems related to inequality and discrimination.

Authority and Coercion Beyond the State? The Limited Applicability of Legitimacy Standards for Extraterritorial Border Controls

Extraterritorial border controls prevent migrants from arriving at the territory of the state and effectively undermine rights to apply for asylum and protections against non-refoulement. As a result, a wealth of scholarship argues that external border controls are illegitimate exercises of state power. This paper challenges two versions of this argument, first, the claim that carrier-sanctions are illegitimate because they subject migrants to morally impermissible forms of coercion and, second, the claim that carrier-sanctions are illegitimate because they subject migrants to illegitimate claims to authority.Against coercion-based accounts of legitimacy, this paper defends the view that while carrier-sanctions are coercive, the coerciveness of a policy is not relevant to its legitimacy. What is relevant is instead whether the authority claimed by the state is legitimate. Against authority-based accounts, this paper argues that states are unable to claim authority in the relevant sense over migrants that are present in the territories of other states.The paper concludes by suggesting that the charge that carrier-sanctions are illegitimate should shift towards the state that allows carriers to enforce these policies on their territories. No state has the legitimate authority to permit other states to pressure carriers to prevent migrants in need of protection from travelling. The state that introduces carrier-sanction legislation, on the other hand, is not exercising illegitimate authority though they may act contrary to demands of justice.

Movement for Black Lives at Work? Racial Justice Spillover, Labor Organization, and New Worker Militancy

ABSTRACT Emerging from a confluence of events – including Black Lives Matter Movement (BLM) – racial consciousness has intensified in recent years. In the wake of a long declining labor movement, there has also been a surprising upsurge in labor militancy. Are these two currents systematically related? Situating our analysis in the sociological literature on social movement spillover, we ask if there is evidence of racial justice spillover into and stimulating workplace militancy. Employing all known strikes and worker protests during 2021 and 2022, we find: (a) racial justice demands did, indeed, appear as part of workplace militancy during this period; (b) racial justice demands were voiced in both worker protests and strikes launched most heavily by unions but also by alt-labor/SMOs and by unorganized workers; (c) weekly time-series regression models indicate that BLM demonstrations stimulated the frequency of workplace protests and strikes with racial justice demands which, in turn, stimulated wider worker militancy over other issues; and (d) interdependency analysis of worker actions reveals that unionized worker protests served as a key catalyst driving other forms of worker militancy with racial justice demands. We discuss the implications of our findings for social movement spillover theory and for moving racial justice and labor movements forward.

The Demands of Justice: Enslaved Women, Capital Crime, and Clemency in Early Virginia

The Demands of Justice: Enslaved Women, Capital Crime, and Clemency in Early Virginia

The Stakes in Senegal's 2024 Presidential Elections: Political Democracy and Young People's Growing Demand for Greater Freedom and Social Justice

The Stakes in Senegal's 2024 Presidential Elections: Political Democracy and Young People's Growing Demand for Greater Freedom and Social Justice

Contending with identity and minority rights in transitional justice: the case study of Sri Lanka

ABSTRACT Transitional justice, though heavily problematised, is a burgeoning and transforming field. However, apart from when atrocity crimes such as genocide are committed, it remains negligent of the rights and positionality of non-dominant ethnic, religious and linguistic groups. Sri Lanka, which recently attempted transitional justice, offers a useful case study of the role of identity and minority positioning in conflict related crimes and victim and perpetrator status. Through empirical research in conflict affected parts of the country this article demonstrates this specific minority dimension, including the differential justice demands of ethnic and religious groups, and analyses how neglect of these factors affected the country’s transitional justice process. It also challenges assumptions on the neutrality of a majoritarian ethno-nationalist state in delivering transitional justice to all communities. Though also a contested topic, the article builds on the minority rights framework and proposes an approach to ensure identity groups are actively included in transitional justice and their rights are protected. It concludes that such an approach is crucial, in line with critical transitional justice, to ensure transformative change by guaranteeing equality and non-discrimination, responding to structural violations, and striving towards non-repetition and meaningful reconciliation.