In the period immediately following the second world war, a major crimino logical interest, particularly among sociologists, grew up around offender typologies. A number of persons offered arguments holding that adult and juvenile lawbreaking involves a heterogeneous collection of activities which must be broken down for study into more homogeneous units. According to this view, typologies or categorisations of offender patterns, types, syndromes, or role-careers are required in order that (a) progress can be made on the etiological task, and (b) efficacious treatment of offenders can be developed. The causal contention is that no single theory can be uncovered to account for such diverse types of lawbreaking (or for the persons who engage in them) as embezzlement, forcible rape, arson, gang delinquency, aggressive delin quency, female delinquency, and so forth. Instead, separate but perhaps inter-related etiological hypotheses must be developed for each distinct offender type. The closeness of this perspective to the medical model of separate syndromes or disorders, each arising out of a different disease pattern or other set of causal factors, is readily apparent. The case for typologies and diagnostic classifications in correctional therapy closely parallels the etiological view. The basic argument is that differential treatment must be developed in which various tactics such as psychotherapy, group counselling, reality therapy, behaviour modification, or other strategems would be matched with particular offender types. The treatment would be fitted to the offender, thereby bringing about more effective rehabilitation than is now being achieved. An early and important articulation of the typological view regarding juvenile delinquents was made by Hewitt and Jenkins (1944), based on research data from a study of referrals to a child guidance clinic. These in vestigators asserted that there are two major, distinct kinds of delinquents encountered in guidance clinic settings. In another typological statement, Cohen and Short (1958) argued that the population of juvenile delinquents is made up of a number of different types of misbehaving adolescents. Unlike Hewitt and Jenkins, these theorists drew upon a variety of impressionistic evidence to support their claims about types of offenders. Among the patterns hypothesised by Cohen and Short was a parent male delinquent subcul ture , along with a number of other variants of working-class gang delinquency. A third, well-known description of delinquent types is found in the work of Cloward and Ohlin (i960), who contended that lower-class, subcultural delinquents fall into several quite distinct types. Still another statement on these matters was made by Kinch (1962), who summarised a large number of essays in the criminological literature that had offered some contentions