On 14 May 2006, Rene Preval was inaugurated - for the second time- - as Haiti's president. While Preval' s first term, from 1996 to 2000, was notable primarily for the fact that Preval became the first democratically elected Haitian president to peacefully serve out his full mandate, his current term has been seen by many as Haiti's last, best chance to escape the cycle of turmoil that has engulfed it for the better part of the past two decades.For both Haiti and the broader international community, Preval' s election was a stroke of good fortune. Between the February 2004 uprising that pushed former President Jean-Bertrand Aristide from office and the 2006 elections that propelled Preval back into power, Haiti had drifted badly under an interim government widely viewed as both ineffective and illegitimate. Frequently at odds with MINUSTAH, the latest in a long series of UN peacekeeping missions in Haiti, the interim government of Gerard Latortue achieved little in terms of improved governance or enhanced security during its two years in office, and if anything deepened the divide between pro- and anti-Aristide constituencies. Amid widespread concern that national elections would further unsettle a polarized citizenry, Preval entered the presidential race late, campaigned quietly, and emerged as the winner only after a heated controversy over vote counting and ballot burning.Preval' s inauguration marked the beginning of a new era of hope and optimism - however guarded - concerning Haiti's future. Not only did the election of the former Aristide protege moderate tensions lingering from Aristide's own controversial demise, but it also put into place a government that enjoyed broad legitimacy both within Haiti and abroad; moreover, the new government's priorities aligned with those of the international community. Advances made since Preval· s inauguration - while still fragile and far from irreversible - have been considerable, particularly in the security realm. With Preval in power, the international presence in Haiti began to feel less like an occupation and more like a partnership between the international community and the sovereign Haitian government, with the latter exercising at least some degree of ownership over what could now legitimately be referred to as a process.Recent events, however, have signalled an end to the Preval honeymoon and raised serious questions about whether the window of stability opened by his presidency is now closing. Indeed, 2008 was an especially cruel year for both Haiti and Haitians, marked as it was by food riots, serial hurricanes, an extended and paralyzing prime ministerial crisis, and a tragic school collapse. The country's recent parade of misfortune has also served as a stark reminder that the underlying structural obstacles to sustainable peace in Haiti - from environmental degradation to economic collapse to the yawning gulf between rich and poor - remain both daunting and unaddressed. Years of conflict, repression, and brain drain have also taken their toll on state institutions, which remain notoriously corrupt and largely incapable of delivering even the most basic of public services.Beyond the broader question of Haiti's current political trajectory, recent Haitian history highlights both the importance of, and the barriers to, local ownership in peacebuilding processes. On the one hand, the contrast between an ineffectual Latortue administration and a comparatively dynamic Preval government suggests that even in the case of extremely weak, fragile states, the conimitment and engagement of local actors remains an essential ingrethent in successful peacebuilding. On the other hand, contemporary Haiti also underlines that the core factors underpinning local ownership including a widespread social consensus on the shape of the peace to be built and a convergence of capacity and political will in support of this vision - are rarely present in any postconflict context. …