Definition Of National Interests Research Articles

Soğuk Savaş’ın İlk Yıllarında Türkiye’nin Ulusal Çıkarlarının Tanımlanması: 1950’li Yıllarda DP ve CHP Arasındaki Benzerlikler ve Farklılıklar

National interest is a widely debated concept in the IR literature while analyzing foreign policies of states. This paper analyzes Turkey’s national interests in the 1950s and argues that they were hard to define commonly for all and there were convergence as well as divergence between the government and the opposition in the definition of national interests. As a result, despite the continuity, specifically, in the development of Turkish-American relations and the Middle East policy in the first half of the decade, Middle East and Cyprus policies in the second half caused split between two sides. Such an argument can be regarded as a contribution to the third way in the literature mainly divided by the “continuity vs rupture” debate in Turkish foreign policy and definition of national interests between Democrat Party (DP) and Republican People’s Party (RPP).

A Review of the Turnaround in Iranian Foreign Policy during President Hassan Rohani's Administration

The transition of power in the Islamic Republic of Iran is not only a change of guards in the different political and executive institutions during each electoral cycle but it also radically redefines the fundamental aspects of self-identity and the very definition of national interests and priorities and even how they should be defined. Upon the assumption of power by President Hassan Rohani in Iran, foreign policy of the government of the Islamic Republic of Iran has been exposed to tremendous developments. Prevalence of conservatism over revolutionary mindset, nationalism over trans-nationalism, and structuralism over agent-oriented trends are considered as the three main pillars of these developments. In Rohani’s administration there is no longer any trace of the revolutionary behavior of Ahmadinejad’s era. This turnaround in the Islamic Republic of Iran’s foreign policy is not a new phenomenon. We have witnessed such a shift in Iranian foreign policy after the end of the 8-year war with Iraq, albeit with different dimensions. An assessment of this issue would greatly enhance our understanding of the country’s foreign policy. Accordingly, assessment of the real roots of these foreign policy shifts is the main objective of the present article. Evidently, the shift in foreign policy, more than anything else can be attributed to changes in the definition of the concept of national interests, and how each administration defines such national and transnational interests. Any shift or transformation in this concept, as the guiding principal of foreign policy, creates a context for the shift in the national priorities, orientations, and strategies in its interaction with its external environment. By highlighting the three concepts of “circulation of elites”, “perception towards national identity”, and “structural developments”, the present article endeavors to review the causes of differing understandings of the concept of national interests in a specific period of the I.R. of Iran’s foreign policy.

Konceptualizacija nacionalnog interesa

The subject of this article is to explore ways how the notion of national interest was conceptualized in within the theoretical framework of realism. Literature review created conditions for gaining insights into the work of prominent realists such as Hans Morgenthau, Raymond Aron, and Kenneth Waltz. Therefore, summing up and comparing their conceptualizations of national interest represent the main goals of this paper. A detailed review of the existing literature showed that national interest dominantly occupies interest of realist theorists. Nonetheless, there is no consensus among them when it comes to a single definition of national interest, except for the one defining it as means of political action and political analysis. Additionally, there are significant disagreements, both in determining the content of the concept and its function. For instance, Morgenthau underlined power as central element of national interest, Raymond Aron singled out state satisfaction, whereas Waltz emphasized survival as key feature of this concept . In concluding remarks, it is pointed out that the national interest is difficult to determine precisely, bearing in mind its complexity and diversity in the theoretical considerations of the prominent theorists.

Historical aspirations and the domestic politics of Russia's pursuit of international status

What determined Russia's national interests and grand strategy in the first decade after the Cold War? This article uses aspirational constructivism, which combines social psychology with constructivism, to answer this question. Central to aspirational constructivism are the roles that the past self and in-groups, and their perceived effectiveness play in the selection of a national identity and the definition of national interests. This article explains why Russian political elites settled on a statist national identity that focused on retaining Russia's historical status as a Western great power and hegemon in the former Soviet Union and in engaging the country in bounded status competition with the United States.

National interests in German security white books

The German government has published ten white books on security since 1969. Read in sequence, they show how the definition of national interests has changed over the years. During the Cold War, national interests were politically taboo. The concept had been used as a justification for Nazi aggression. The new leadership wanted to show that the new Germany was a democratic ally and carefully refrained from invoking national interests. In the course of the years, these inhibitions were gradually cast aside as the official perception of Germany's international role changed from that of junior member of the Western community to key state.

Medvedev's Russia, a ‘revisionist power’ or an ‘architect of a new world order’? The evolution of ideational factors and its cases

Abstract This article explores the impact of ideational factors on Russian foreign policy outputs. “Collective ideas,” defined by Thorun as “shared expectations of behavior by the Russian leadership about the nature of international relations and ideas about the state,” characterizes the Russian leadership's perception of external challenges and its definition of national interests that crucially affect the leadership's choice of the most effective means for maximizing the national interests. To assess the influence of such ideational factors on the outputs of Russian foreign policy, analyzed in this research are major foreign policy speeches, statements, and interviews of the Russian leadership. This research analyzes the discourse to explore the perception of the Russian leadership and the Medvedev government on the nature of international relations, the identity of Russia, Russia's status and role in the international community, strategic national priorities, and strategic options for achieving its int...

The Political and Security Committee: Governing in the Shadow

The Political and Security Committee was described by the Nice European Council Conclusions in December 2000 as the ‘linchpin’ of the ESDP and yet comparatively little attention has been devoted to this highly significant newcomer to the European Union’s institutional landscape. How exactly does the committee function, for example, and what impact does it have on the definition of the ESDP and the CFSP more generally? This article attempts to shed light on the PSC and its working methods and in so doing builds on existing institutionally oriented research on the EU to examine tentatively the PSC’s impact both on European foreign and security policy as well as on the foreign and security policies of EU Member States. It will be shown that the PSC has built on the so-called ‘consultation reflex’ and other practices documented in its predecessor, the former Political Committee, to the point where Member State representatives sitting in the PSC routinely impact upon the definition of national interests and foreign policies, rather than simply bringing them to the table to be bargained over.

Strategy, economic relations, and the definition of national interests

(1999). Strategy, economic relations, and the definition of national interests. Security Studies: Vol. 9, Power and the Purse: Economic Statecraft, Interdependence, and National Security, pp. 119-156.

The British army at the turn of the century

At the end of a century which has seen dramatic‐changes in warfare, what does the future look like for the British Army? While the nature of conflict should remain basically the same, the decision to use force will more likely be taken in conjunction with allies and be based on a wider definition of national interests, rather than individual national, survival. In his role as Chief of the General Staff, General Guthrie discusses how the Army may develop into the 21st century, focusing on issues of structure, readiness, cadreization and reserves and the all important factor of attracting and rewarding the ‘right calibre of people to ensure the Army continues to fulfil whatever tasks are demanded of it.

Introduction: Regime Transformation and Foreign Policy: Spain, Greece and Portugal

Introduction Regime Transformation and Foreign Policy: Spain, Greece and Portugal Adamantia Pollis Within the last thirteen years three peripheral southern European states, Spain, Greece, and Portugal, have undergone radical regime transformations—from authoritarianism to democracy. In Portugal, a revolt of the military in April 1974 precipitated by the colonial wars in Africa, overthrew the nearly half a century old SalazarCaetano regime. In July of the same year the disastrous abortive attempt by Greece's military junta at a coup against President Makarios of Cyprus, precipitated the collapse of the seven year old Papadopoulos-Ioannides military dictatorship. And the following year, with the death of Franco in November 1975, nearly forty years of authoritarian rule in Spain came to an end. Although the process of regime transformation differed, as did the nature of their authoritarian regimes, in all three cases democratic regimes were consolidated within a span of several years. In the ensuing decade, moreover, the socialist party of each of the three countries had won an electoral victory. It is frequently presumed that radical regime changes are accompanied by a reorientation in foreign policy and that it is even more likely when political rule is in the hands of the socialists. The three studies in this volume analyze this issue, highlighting both the continuities and discontinuities in the construction and conduct of foreign policy. Two of the studies, Mujal-Leon's on Spain and particularly Bermeo's on Portugal, discuss elements of continuity which predate the transition to democratic rule. Coufoudakis' study of Greece concentrates heavily on a comparison of the post junta foreign policy of the conservatives with those of the socialists. A striking feature that emerges from these studies is the extent to which the foreign policies of the socialist governments in all three Journal of Modem Greek Studies, Volume 6, 1988. 2 Adamantia Pollis countries, while espousing a distinctly different ideology from those of their more conservative political rivals, when they hold the reigns of power, pursue foreign policies whose substance remains essentially unchanged. On one level, Spain, Greece and Portugal appear to have similar characteristics; recent democratization followed years of authoritarianism , a rapid rise of socialists to power, relative underdevelopment of the economy, and a position as a country peripheral to the European core. On the other hand, a comparison of the three highlights the extent to which differences in historical legacy and in their changing position in the world system has structured their respective leaders' perceptions and hence their conceptualization of their national interest. As a consequence, the contemporary formulation of foreign policy goals among the three countries articulate divergent long term objectives. Interestingly, subsequent to authoritarian rule, a consensus has emerged on foreign policy goals among all the major political parties within each country, albeit in Greece the consensus evolved gradually. There is greater cohesion on foreign policy among the conservative and social democratic political elites within Spain, Greece and Portugal (although at times with different strategies and differing emphases) than there is among their three socialist counterparts. It should be noted however, that for all major parties in all three countries there was agreement that their primary concern after the overthrow of their authoritarian regimes was the consolidation of democracy. While all three analysts document the essential continuity of foreign policy subsequent to regime change regardless of the ruling political party, there are marked differences among the three states in their definition of national interest and hence in their foreign policy goals and in their pursuit of specific objectives. For Greece, the central goal is severing its client relations with the United States by demanding equal treatment as an ally and taking independent foreign policy positions. For Portugal, it is turning its back on past colonial aspirations in Africa, entering the western bloc and becoming part of Europe. For Spain, it is abandoning isolationism and, simultaneously joining the western world and enhancing its autonomy by becoming an independent actor in the international scene, particularly in Latin America. The marked differences in the underlying premises of Spain's, Greece's, and Portugal's foreign policy stem largely from their disparate historical legacies. Modern Greece, it should be remembered , emerged from the Ottoman Empire in...

Informed Dissent and Academic Research

It is difficult to determine whether an 'academic establishment' can be traced sociologically among the 1,000 American campuses listed in the 1964 almanacs. Certainly, there is an establishment east of mind in the 'knowledge industry,' as it has been called. For evidence of this academic attitude one need look no further than at the recent proliferation of studies of U.S. foreign policy, deterrence theory, and economic growth problems. They have lately become fashionable among Faculty research institutions and financially well-supported by outside sources. Axiomatic among most of these studies is the assumed continuance of the Cold War and the narrowest possible definition of national interest. Lacking almost com? pletely is the imagination to criticize the fundamental premises of American strategy or to cope with the revolutionary measures necessary to achieve a disarmed world. Indeed, it sometimes seems embarrassing to remind some of the academicians in this new field of study that the United States is officially committed to General and Complete Disarmament and to the replacement of a war system with a radically changed sense of world community. Notwithstanding the encouragement and research contracts of the Arms Control and Disarmament Agency, the 'establishment* think? ing of American academia has been directed cautiously to the clarification of limited and immediate problems and not to the exploration of basic policy choices.