Speech In Defence Research Articles

Mood and autonomic responses to repeated exposure to the Trier Social Stress Test for Groups (TSST-G)

A group version of the Trier Social Stress Test (TSST-G) was introduced as a standardized, economic and efficient tool to induce a psychobiological stress response simultaneously in a group of subjects. The aim of the present study was to examine the efficacy of the TSST-G to repeatedly induce an affective and autonomic stress response while comparing two alternative protocols for the second examination. Healthy young male recruits participated twice in the TSST-G 10 weeks apart. In the first examination, the TSST-G consisted of a combination of mental arithmetic and a fake job interview (TSST-G-1st; n=294). For the second examination, mental arithmetic was combined with either (a) a defensive speech in response to a false shoplifting accusation (TSST-G-2nd-defence; n=105), or (b) a speech on a more neutral topic selected by the investigators (TSST-G-2nd-presentation; n=100). Affect ratings and salivary alpha-amylase (sAA) were determined immediately before and after the stress test, while heart rate (HR) and heart rate variability (HRV) were measured continuously. TSST-G-1st resulted in a significant increase of negative affect, HR, and sAA, and a significant decrease in positive affect and HRV. TSST-G-2nd, overall, resulted in a significant increase of HR and sAA (the latter only in response to TSST-G-2nd-defence) and a decrease in HRV, while no significant affect alterations were found. When comparing both, TSST-G-2nd-defence and -2nd-presentation, the former resulted in a stronger stress response with regard to HR and HRV. The findings reveal that the TSST-G is a useful protocol to repeatedly evoke an affective and autonomic stress response, while repetition leads to affective but not necessarily autonomic habituation. When interested in examining repeated psychosocial stress reactivity, a task that requires an ego-involving effort, such as a defensive speech, seems to be significantly superior to a task using an impersonal speech.

10.5937/zrpfns48-5427 = Law and rhetorics in Cicero speech in defence of Cnaeus Plancius

The speech in defence of Cnaeus Plancius was delivered in early autumn 54 B.C. Cn. Plancius won the office of aedilis of the year 54 by winning the election, and, as it was not rare in Rome, his competitor, who lost in the election, M. Iuventius Laterensis charged him of election bribery/fraud (ambitus). Defence was provided by Cicero, who-as was his custom-rose to speak as the last one. The close relation between Cicero and his defendant was highly influenced by the fact that Plancius, who acted in Macedonia as proquaestor, gave shelter to the exiled politician, which was equal to saving his life in the orator's interpretation. Cicero responds to the allegations of general significance made by the prosecution, in not too exhaustive details, however, he turns the attention from the accused and his acts to his own person. After brief description of the historical background of the lawsuit, we analyse Pro Plancio more profoundly to investigate the rhetorical handling of the facts of the case, which will be compared to Pro Murena examined earlier at several points to ensure better understanding.

Mastering Oratory: The Mock-Trial in Apuleius’ Metamorphoses 3.3.1–7.1

The playful manipulation of ritual, literary, and legal elements marks the Festival of Laughter in Book 3 of the Metamorphoses (1–11) as one of the most innovative episodes of Apuleius’ novel. This article examines the rhetorical and judicial strategy adopted by the prosecutor and the defendant in the mock-trial. It also argues that Lucius’ defense speech is modeled on Cicero’s Pro Milone . By revitalizing the portrait of Cicero acting in defense of Milo, the learned novelist devises a new, amusing form of entertainment, increasing the fictionality of the oratorical-theatrical performance and making Lucius-Cicero producer, performer, and victim of the collective hoax.

ANTIGONE’S LANGUAGE OF DEATH AND POLITICS IN THE ANTIGONE OF SOPHOCLES

Abstract In this essay, I argue that Antigone talks about the transgression of the edict and about her death as an issue within the politics of Thebes. As Antigone’s appropriation of key-words such as φίλος, έχθρός, φιλία, δίκη, ἄρχεΐν and νόμος shows, the heroine displays a political understanding of her own acts in several passages of the play (Ant. 7-10, 26-36, 86-87 and 93-94 in Antigone’s first verbal exchange with Ismene; Ant. 508-509 and 523 in the stichomythia between Creon and Antigone; Ant. 806-816, 842-849 and 937-943 in Antigone’s farewell speeches; Ant. 902-907 in Antigone’s defence speech). In my reading, Antigone’s political representation of her deeds is deeply rooted in her view of death as a free choice.

L’esthétique baroque de Tertullien dans le De pallio : échappées stylistiques et structures éclatées

The De pallio is an elusive work based on contrast, or even on contradiction. After some definitions and a theoretical conceptualization about baroque, especially in comparison with Apuleius, we measure how the writing of this treaty is characterized by a huge gap between an ordinary matter and the brilliant defense speech to which it gives rise, as well as, in its shaping, by the alliance of passages expressing an infinite syntactic complexity, and sometimes surprisingly simple. It appears that, throughout his diatribe on the universality of change, Tertullian has given the notion of contrast a stylistic status imposing an aesthetic. Moreover, we note that Tertullian adopts in turn the ethos of the preacher, the sophisticated lecturer and the speaker, but he always tries to charm his audience to obtain its approval and to arouse admiration, perhaps to meet his growing isolation. The copia and the ornatus, severely criticized by Tertullian the theoretician, paradoxically play a fundamental role here, as shown by the status of exempla, which goes far beyond the classic status of oratory proof and allows the Carthaginian to give free rein to a kind of stylistic jubilation.

FACTORY EMPLOYMENT, FEMALE WORKERS’ ACTIVISM, AND AUTHORITARIANISM IN INDONESIA

This article reads the text of the pembelaan (defense speech) written by Ida Irianti, a female union leader, to reflect on the twin issues of factory employment and female workers' activism during the authoritarian regime in Indonesia in the 1980s. The pembelaan describes the factual conditions of workers toiling under the regime's antilabor policy of exclusionary corporatism and reveals how the Indonesian working class embodies the narrative of class in their demands for social justice. More than just a conventional pembelaan—a document used for legal defense purposes in criminal courts—Ida Irianti's pembelaan stands apart as a fine example of working-class literature in the context of the rapid industrialization Indonesia was then experiencing. Thus the document is comparable to other forms of writing by women workers in East Asia that were produced under repressive authoritarian regimes. Based on this reading, this article suggests the importance of Ida Irianti's pembelaan as a social reference, with its micro-level perspective helping to deepen our understanding of Indonesian labor politics during the 1980s.

Forensic strategy in Cicero’s speech in defence of Aulus Cluentius Habitus

The statement of the defence delivered in the criminal action (causa publica) of Aulus Cluentius Habitus-Cicero’s longest actually delivered speech left to us-is from 66, that is, the year when Cicero was praetor. In certain respect, it is the precious stone of Cicero’s ars oratoria since its narrative is vivid, full of turns like a crime story; events, scenes, planes of time replace one another boldly, sometimes seemingly illogically but, being subordinated to the effect the orator means to attain, in an exactly premeditated sequence. Cluentius was charged, on the one hand, with poisoning his stepfather, Statius Albius Oppianicus. The other part of the charge was founded on the criminal proceedings under which eight years before Cluentius charged Oppianicus with poisoning attempt against him, as a result of which Oppianicus was compelled to go into exile-in the current lawsuit, however, the prosecution brought it up against him that the former court of justice declared Oppianicus guilty purely because Cl...

A Non‐Resisting, Passively Obedient Revolution: Lord North and Grey and the Tory Response to the Sacheverell Impeachment*

This article is a notes and comments‐style edition of two documents written by William North, Baron North and Grey, during the Sacheverell impeachment. The first of these was a response to arguments made by the Commons' managers before the Lords, the second was North and Grey's notes for his own speech in defence of Sacheverell. It is argued that together these encapsulate a strong tory's view of the impeachment and the revolution of 1688. Given the subsequently jacobite trajectory of North and Grey's career, it is suggested that these documents also offer an insight into the tory mentalité at the point when the first tory party was on the eve of its greatest political and electoral triumphs and before it turned against the Hanoverian dynasty.

Synod decrees of the eleventh century (1025–1081). A classification of the documents of the Synodos endemousa

Synod decrees of the eleventh century may be divided into two types of documents based on their formal structure. Type I is discussed before the patriarch and metropolitans while Type II is effectively written beforehand but is approved by the participants of a synod. The different formulas allow one to classify many synod decrees of the period 1025-1081 and to reconstruct the sequence of documents of such important trials as that of Symeon the New Theologian or of John Italos. Moreover it allows one to understand better such defence speeches as that of Lazaros of Philippopolis written by Psellos within the framework of the trial before the synod.

A linguistic analysis of group support systems interactions for uncovering social realities of organizations

Talks are actions, and language represents the medium through which we encounter reality, carry out practical reasoning, and construct social actions. This study applies the speech act theory to analyze the data collected in a study by Trauth and Jessup [2000] and confirms previous research findings that both the topic and the group size influence the pattern of discussion, especially when issues are threatening. It also shows that the abundance of speech acts like assertives, directives, and expressives can be accounted for by a few simple recurring patterns, indicating participants are rather close-minded. More important, linguistic analysis helps uncovering defensive speech routines that inhibit the generation of valid information and create self-sealing patterns of escalating error. Linguistic analysis may therefore complement positivist and interpretive analysis by examining if participants' engagement is superficial or profound, if consensus is reached or blocked, and if certain speech acts lead to dysfunctional organizational learning. Hence, in the era of participatory Web in which language is the primary medium for interactive sharing and dynamic collaboration, linguistic analysis can be applied to study the promises and declarations that people rely on to initiate, coordinate, and complete social actions.

Chrystologiczna argumentacja w Mowach obronnych przeciw tym, którzy odrzucają święte obrazy Jana Damasceńskiego

In the face of the escalating Iconoclast heresy in the 8th century there appeared the necessity of establishing whether the veneration of icons is justifiable from the Christian viewpoint. The debate primarily concerned the Christological question of venerating Jesus Christ’s icons. St. John of Damascus (675–749) is considered to be one of the most outstanding defenders of sacred icons. We owe to him the first Catholic theology of the icon. His work, „The Defence speeches against those who reject sacred icons” constitutes the answer given to the iconoclasts. The most important argument justifying the veneration of icons is the mystery of the incarnation of the Son of God being the image of the invisible God. The incarnation which liberates one from idolatry lies at the root of a positive vision of matter. John of Damascus refers to the ancient Christian tradition of icon veneration recognizing the word and the image as its essential elements. His teaching would play a key role during the Council of Nicaea in 787.

A batalha discursiva dos deputados federais em março de 1964

O objetivo do artigo é analisar a batalha discursiva entre os deputados federais na Câmara Federal em março de 1964. De um lado, o discurso contrário ao governo de João Goulart é sustentado pelos deputados de direita. De outro lado, o discurso em defesa do governo é sustentado pelos parlamentares de esquerda. Mais especificamente, os episódios que serão tratados são o "Comício da Central do Brasil", a "Marcha da Família com Deus pela Liberdade" e o "Protesto dos Marinheiros".

Law on stage-forensic tactics in the trial of Marcus Caelius Rufus

The present paper intends to highlight some aspects of Cicero’s speech in defence of Marcus Caelius Rufus on 4 April 56 BC on the first day of the Ludi Megalenses. In 56 BC, as a result of peculiar coincidence of political and private relations, Cicero was given the opportunity to deal a heavy blow on Clodius and Clodia in his Pro Caelio, whom he mocked in the trial with murderous humour using the means of Roman theatre, and, thus, arranged a peculiar theatre performance during the Megalensia, which anyway served as the time of the Ludi scaenici. After outlining the circumstances of the lawsuit (I.) and the background of the Bona Dea case that sowed the seeds of the conflict between Cicero and the gens Clodia (II.) in our paper we intend to analyse the rhetoric situation provided by the Ludi Megalenses and genially exploited by Cicero (III.) and the orator’s tactics applied in the speech in defence of Caelius (IV.).

Team of Rivals? Toward a New Model of the Corporate Attorney/Client Relationship

From its founding, University College London (UCL) has played a key role in defining—and critiquing—the traditional model of the attorneyclient relationship. In this article, I will argue that this rich history has much to teach us about the evolving relationship between large companies and their primary outside law firms as we ponder the likely consequences of the current financial crisis. I will do so by challenging the unstated assumption underlying one of the most widely quoted statements in legal ethics, made by one of UCL’s most important founding fathers, Lord Henry Brougham. There is arguably no more quoted, or in the minds of many lawyers beloved, understanding of the duties owed by an advocate to his or her client than Brougham’s legendary speech in defense of Queen Caroline. Speaking on the floor of

La insinuatio como recurso de subversión axiológica en el proemio de Lisias III

This paper aims to analyse the guiding mechanisms behind one of the most evasive and subtle persuasive resources of ancient Rhetoric: the insinuatio . To this end, we take the proemium of Lysias III as an ideal example: in fact, this defence speech can be placed within the turpe genus , that is to say, the lowest degree of defensibility. Lysias has to cause a volte-face in the Jury’s prejudices by means of a thorough captatio beneuolentiae , avoiding any direct allusion to his client’s many weak points. Lysias’ proemium is entirely based on a negative or silent rhetoric, which is typical of insinuatio : these tacit means of persuasion and a subtle pragmatics of implication enable Lysias to influence the subconscious of his audience and change the polarity of their many prejudices. All these goals can be achieved by means of an implicit game of identification with certain fictional entities emanating from the polyphony of the speech. Dissimulatio and insinuatio come together in order to shape a rhetoric of non-utterance, a kind of negative oratory, whose unquestionable modernity could be easily revealed by a careful study.

The Moncada attack: birth of the Cuban Revolution

No account of Fidel Castro's rise to power is complete without mention of the failed attacks of July 26, 1953, on the Cuban army garrisons at Moncada and Bayamo. Yet no single volume to date has offered a comprehensive assessment of the assault that set the Cuban Revolution into motion and for which the 26 of July Movement was named. In this thorough study, Antonio Rafael de la Cova views this initial overthrow attempt as a propaganda victory that marked the start of Castro's ascent to national power. Drawing from three decades of interviews with more than one hundred participants - including surviving rebels, military and government personnel, and politicians - de la Cova screens historical facts from popular fictions to build an accurate account of this turning point in Cuban history and the Cold War. In July of 1953, aided by his brother Raul, Fidel Castro led 160 sparsely armed and poorly trained followers in simultaneous assaults on two Cuban army posts, declaring as his goal the restoration of constitutional democracy on the island. Skirmishes lasted only minutes on both fronts as the insurgents failed to take the garrisons and were killed, captured, or dispersed without contingency plans. A master of manipulation, Castro was later able to recast this humiliating military defeat as a political victory when Major General Fulgencio Batista's troops summarily executed more than fifty rebel prisoners, garnering the ire of the people. De la Cova chronicles the assaults and their aftermath, with a special focus on countering false statements later made by Castro at his subsequent trial and in his published defense speech History Will Absolve Me - a required text for Cuban schoolchildren to this day. Through research and interviews, de la Cova brings to light the persistent falsehoods told of atrocities committed by Batista's soldiers and Castro's rebels. The myths surrounding the assault provided superb fodder for building support for the successful guerrilla campaign that brought Castro to power in 1959. Assessing the impact of this mythology, de la Cova presents a detailed survey of the lasting importance of the Moncada attack and its place in history as the birth of the Cuban revolution.

Back from the Queste : Malory's Launcelot Enrages Gwenyvere

This essay takes a close look at Launcelot's disastrous speech in defense of his avoidance of Gwenyvere for fear of scandal.

Tan Lifu: A “Reactionary” Red Guard in Historical Perspective

Tan Lifu was a Red Guard leader whose August 1966 speech in defence of the Party's class line and his university's work team has long been considered key evidence for social interpretations of Red Guard factionalism. New documentation – including the complete transcript of the original speech – shows that Tan's case deviates sharply from the reputed profile of “conservative” students. Tan in fact espoused a version of the Party's class line that did not differ from the one advocated by those who denounced him; his “rebel” opponents at Beijing Industrial University were also organized and led by students from revolutionary cadre backgrounds; and Tan supported the (second) work team sent to his school because (unlike the first) it conducted a ferocious purge of a Party leadership against whom Tan harboured strong grievances. The case illustrates the ways that the politics of the work team period split students from similar backgrounds into opposing camps rather than sorting them into factions based on differences in family background.

The Absolution of History: Uses of the Past in Castro's Cuba

In his famous defence speech at the trial for his attack on the Moncada barracks in 1953, Castro declared: 'History will absolve me.'1 The attempted storming of Moncada was the first act of armed struggle in the Cuban revolutionary war, which resumed at the end of 1956 with Castro's return from exile to launch a rural guerrilla movement against the dictatorship of Fulgencio Batista (1952-58). The guerrillas, supported by organized resistance in towns and cities, achieved a relatively quick victory two years later when Batista fled to the USA, enabling the revolutionaries to march triumphantly into Havana on 1 January 1959. Throughout the war, 'History will absolve me' functioned as the manifesto of the revolution, the founding text of what it promised for Cuba's future. Aside from that speech, which is mainly an indictment of the past, Castro made very few specific policy statements, preferring to mobilize as broad a constituency of support as possible by talking only of social justice and a restoration of the democratic and reformist Constitution of 1940. That Constitution, in one of many ironies of Cuban history, had been promulgated during the first presidency of Batista himself (1940-44), when he had operated in populist, rather than repressive mode. After the revolution, when the leaders opted to legitimize their government on the basis of 'direct' rather than procedural democracy, it was quietly dropped as a basis for policy. The centrality of 'History will absolve me' to the revolutionary struggle meant that history, rather than constitutionalism or ideology, was the key legitimating force behind the Cuban revolution. Like most revolutionary regimes, Castro's government immediately took several highly-visible measures to signal its rejection of the past: the US-owned Havana Hilton was nationalized and renamed the Habana Libre; the barracks of Batista's henchmen were converted into schools; the casinos and brothels that had attracted wealthy (male) US tourists were closed; and formerly private beaches and recreation areas were opened up to the general public. Revolutions have often tended towards the puritanical, but in Cuba's case the clamp-down on vice was overtly political, signalling that the nation was no longer prepared to play the prostitute to the desires of US imperialists and their local lackeys. The government also pursued policies of both retribution and restoration in the name of history. Batista's armed forces were dissolved,

Plato on Suicide ("Phaedo" 60C-63C)

as quickly as he can (rv cox(povfi, T?h t tKcetyV 6oS CdiXto) (61b8). It soon becomes apparent (cf. 61c6) that the conditional clause might be glossed as if he is a philosopher; for when Cebes replies, He'll hardly be willing to obey (61b4-5), Socrates asks, Isn't Evenus a philosopher? (61b6). The implication is clear: (1) at least some men, namely the wise or wisest (a class that includes, and may even be restricted to, philosophers) are willing, perhaps even eager, to die. This is the claim Socrates will be challenged to uphold in the mock defence speech or apologia that forms the next portion of the dialogue (63bl-69e5). However, he goes on to cite, with apparent approval, a bit of typically Pythagorean lore