The intense public debates of 1992 and 1993 around the 'Mabo' decision of the High Court, the wider question of native title, and continuing debate on the constitution and the notion of reconciliation between indigenous and non indigenous Australians, marked something of a watershed in national historiography. Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander issues were brought into the centre of national public consciousness, and forced even those who, as non indigenous people, had thought themselves sympathetic with indigenous causes, to reassess their understanding of Australian politics and culture. The Mabo judgement, the High Court's decision that British colonisation in Australia did not negate the rights of Mer (Murray) Islanders to their small Torres Strait island, overturned the concept of terra nullius, and opened the whole issue of native title in Australia.1 To historians, the public debates following the High Court decision revealed the continuing strength of non-indigenous Australia's belief in stories of pioneering, settlement, and rightful occupation of the land, with many still holding the nineteenth century view that invasion and dispossession had been justified on the basis that Aborigines did not use the land productively.2 The land rights and invasion versus settlement debates, along with already growing acknowledgment of the long-term importance of Aboriginal labour in the pastoral industry, and Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander participation in wartime service, also revealed the growing strength of an alternative historical understanding. The Mabo decision was the climax to what was already a slowly emerging historical change, emphasising the impossibility of justifying invasion in any terms, and valuing rather than condemning Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander societies.3 It is this political situation in which historians now work, and Australian history can never be thought or written about in the same way again. While many non-indigenous historians will continue to research and write Australian history with little or no attention to its colonial character, we cannot go back. The transitions will be messy and often slow.4 The implications are particularly important for labour historians. Too often the very existence of a history of Aboriginal labour is quite unknown, even to many Aborigines. Ruby Langford Ginibi, for example, expresses surprise in learning for the first time about the extent to which her Bundjalung people worked for white people on cattle stations and were involved in farming.5 Despite the body of work reviewed in this essay, it is abundantly clear that historians have been markedly unsuccessful in informing Australians, indigenous and non indigenous, of the history of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islands labour.6 In a
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