Debate In Spain Research Articles

Political discontent in Spain, diagnosis and solutions

The starting point is the presence of a widespread feeling of political confrontation and division among Spanish citizens. This is compounded by dissatisfaction with and distrust in a system that is perceived by many as elitist and out of touch with real needs. Several factors related to this perception of politics are explained and quantified. On the one hand, there are economic elements, such as the stagnation of GDP per capita, the persistence of a relatively high at-risk-of-poverty rate, and the rates of material deprivation. And in all these elements, a significant territorial inequality can be observed. There are significant differences between Spain, France and Germany over the period considered. On the other hand, political factors determine much of the public debate in Spain: Historical memory and the Spanish Civil War, as well as the terrorism of ETA and other terrorist groups. The emergence of new parties is analyzed, especially VOX. Finally, the enormous difficulty of finding a territorial structure of political power that would bring together the consensus of most political forces. It is necessary to find formulas for fiscal federalism that will make it possible to move away from the current decentralization of spending without the Autonomous Communities having their own tax capacity. This study concludes by pointing out the relevance of all these problems and the need to find solutions through democratic debate and deliberation with agreements.

The influence of grade retention on students' competences in Spain

AbstractGrade retention is at the core of the education debate in Spain, to the extent that its impact on students' competences has not been assessed beyond correlation. Because of that, in the present study, we analyse the influence of grade retention on students' competences, using more than 146,000 students from 6 PISA cycles (2003–2018) and an instrumental variable approach, in order to approach a causal influence. Our results show that repeating a grade in Spain seems to reduce students' competences between 1.5 and 1.7 standard deviations. Based on these results, we conclude that the Spanish educational authorities should find an alternative to grade retention, in order to prevent students from attaining a lower competence level due to repetition.

Multiscreen consumption and polarization on Twitter during debates in Spain (2023)

En la actualidad, el visionado de los debates electorales se expande a nuevas ventanas de distribución como las redes sociales y servicios on demand y streaming. La investigación monitoriza las ventanas digitales de difusión de los debates electorales televisados en las elecciones de 2023 en España, y analiza los comentarios incívicos de las cuentas encargadas de la retransmisión en Twitter (X). Existe un uso desigual de las nuevas ventanas de difusión entre los grupos mediáticos, y un elevado número de comentarios incívicos en X durante los eventos televisivos, aunque son los mensajes informativos y neutrales los que generan mayor engagement.

Persons with mental disorders and assisted dying practices in Spain: In response to Ramos et al.

Ramos et al. paper offers a narrative review of Spanish Organic Law 3/2021, which regulates euthanasia, focusing on its application to individuals with mental disorders. Ramos et al. examine the application of legal prerequisites from an ethical-legal perspective to ascertain the conditions under which psychiatric euthanasia might be considered legitimate and compliant with legal stipulations. Nevertheless, it is apparent that the core ethical inquiries linked to this matter have not been exhaustively investigated. The criteria laid out are, in our assessment, still open to further debate and broader deliberation. Our article emphasizes the need for a comprehensive ethical and legal debate in Spain regarding psychiatric euthanasia. Competency assessment is central to the legislation, but there are concerns about the validity of assessment tools and the subjective nature of interviews. Furthermore, defining irreversible suffering in mental health contexts poses challenges. The article advocates for a deeper understanding of the needs of individuals with mental disorders before considering euthanasia and emphasizes the importance of comprehensive care and psychosocial interventions in reducing the desire for euthanasia. Ultimately, it underscores the ethical complexities of euthanasia in mental health and the necessity of prioritizing comprehensive care in addressing these complexities.

The Twitter Battle over the Trans Law in Spain: Mediatization of rage in the case of the podcast Estirando el chicle

Anger has been a part of the public debate in Spain, especially since the 8 M feminist mobilization. This article analyzes whether the mediatized rage surrounding the discursive dispute on Twitter between supporters of the so-called Ley trans (Trans Law) and those that oppose the proposed legislation can open up cracks in the affective injustice suffered by the trans collective in Spain. To this end, we will address the discursive debate generated from a sample of 7734 tweets published on the Twitter account of the Spanish feminist podcast Estirando el chicle. We will analyze the tweets following an analytical model of operationalization of the concept of anger competence (Chemaly, 2018) structured across three dimensions utilized successfully in previous studies (Núñez Puente & Fernández Romero, 2023): (1) the construction of the subject that enunciates the anger, (2) that which the mediatization of the anger allows to emerge, linked to the conception of affective injustice, and (3) the effects of affects. Our analysis of the discursive dispute on Twitter shows diverse discursive positions which inhibits the visualization of a reparation of the systemic violence suffered by the feminist movement, and within it, by trans people.

Gift of the Mamelukes: Animal ambassades as vectors of exotic fauna introductions in the Spanish Middle Ages

The number of exotic animal species that were introduced in Iberia during the Middle Ages constitute a defectively documented area of research, mostly addressed through historiographic methods. In this paper we evidence that even in the case of large, exotic animals exchanged as gifts among dignitaries the documentary data can be painfully incomplete. This is the case of the animal embassy that the Mamluk sultan Baybars al Bunduqdari sent in 1261 to the Castilian king Alfonso X. Although the written sources do not specify the complete list of species nor the reasons for mentioning some but not others, documentary and iconographic data suggest that, in addition to an elephant, a giraffe and a zebra, this lot included, in a decreasing order of probability, a lion, a dromedary, an ostrich, and a Nile crocodile. If such conspicuous beasts could pass unnoticed in a royal chronicle, one may contend that even in the most thoroughly documented cases, written sources may refer but a minimal fraction of the animals translocated into Iberia during the Medieval period. Such information vacuum stresses the difficulties of granting “indigenous” status to species traditionally assumed to constitute elements of the Iberian fauna when their historical contingencies are defectively known, a matter of concern for the current rewilding debate in Spain.

Reframing coercive engineered migration theory: Ceuta and the Western Sahara

ABSTRACT By opening the gates on the border to Ceuta in May 2021, Morocco explicitly engaged in coercive engineered migration (CEM) to establish a tradeoff of sovereignty claims over the Spanish exclave city and the Western Sahara territory. In this article, we test Greenhill’s theory on why stronger liberal democratic states yield to this strategy by weaker autocratic states against the public debate in Spain on how the government devolved the migrants and relinquished the future of its ex-colony in the desert, with evidence from the mass media, official documents and personal interviews. We offer an alternative conceptual model for CEM by critically recalibrating factors within her domestic account and shifting the focus to geopolitical considerations. We argue that externalization of border control has tended to blur expected differences among political regimes, reducing the risk of ideological polarization and hypocrisy costs, typical of democracies according to theory, and leaving fear of swamping of hosting resources as the main domestic explanation of successful CEM across regimes. It has embedded border control in multiple issue-linkages, increasing the leverage of countries of origin and transit in the multi-scalar international tapestry of migration diplomacy.

Public opinion and forms of government: The monarchy–republic debate in Spain

This article analyses the factors which affect trust in the Spanish monarchy and public preferences between monarchy and republic. In order to investigate these two factors, 9420 people were interviewed across Spain using a specially designed survey. The data show the extent to which the perception of the monarchy’s effectiveness affects trust in the institution and in the form of government. The answers to these two questions revealed a significant polarization in the Spanish society.

Prostitution Under Debate in Spain: Citizens’ Perceptions of Its Prohibition

IntroductionThe debate about prostitution within Spain’s feminist movement has recently, and recurrently, been transferred to the social and political sphere, but without arriving at a clear and shared position. The aim of this research is to verify the characteristics of those who are in favor of banning prostitution in Spain and to what extent there are differences between men and women.MethodsTo do so, we will use our own collected data during 2022 through a prestigious social research company, 40 dB, and by applying advanced statistical techniques—Logit model.ResultsThe analysis illustrates three types of profile. The first one depicts the prohibitionist’s supporter profile in general terms. The second and the third ones demonstrate how women and men share similarities but also underlying differences, showing how women are more inclined than men to the prohibitionist approach.ConclusionsThis paper comes to validate, once again, most of the previous theoretical supported evidences, but not the religious element as a defining variable for being a banning supporter. The data also shows the possible consensus of those surveyed on this issue across different political parties.Policy ImplicationsThe implications of all kinds that arise around prostitution generate different public perceptions about its existence and practice, with its prohibition being one of the most important issues on the Spanish public agenda in recent months. This article depicts how the Spanish society positions itself in this policy agenda.

La construcción de una visión del retorno en la opinión píblica española durante los años de la gran ola migratoria (1880-1930)

Although the prospect of return is intrinsically present in most migration projects, this issue was relatively absent from public debates in Spain during the years of the so-called mass emigration (1880-1930). This article has three objectives. Firstly, it aims to understand why this issue played an almost marginal role in the debates of the time. Secondly, it will reconstruct the image of the "returnee" and analyse the conception that the press of the time had of the phenomenon of return and the way in which the state should (or should not) intervene in it. The third and final part will seek to determine the impact that these opinions and perceptions emanating from the public sphere had on the migration policy of those years.

Radical-right populism in Spain and the strategy of chronopolitics

AbstractGiven ongoing debates in Spain over how to reckon with its recent past, time operates as a potent site for doing politics in the Peninsula. In this article, I develop the concept of chronopolitics—that is, the discursive configuration of time or history to advance political projects in the present—by analyzing a speech from the leader of Vox, a radical-right populist party in Spain. Through detailed analysis of the text, I reveal a range of chronopolitical strategies, including blatant acts of historical revisionism and the resurrection of slogans associated with Spain's authoritarian past. I also shed insight on more subtle forms of chronopolitical action: the confusion of temporal modes, the subversion of linear perceptions of time, and metapragmatic talk about historical interpretation itself. My aim is to illuminate Vox's particular tactics of persuasion, while drawing lessons from the case of Spain about the mechanics of populist discourse in general. (Spain, Vox, populism, chronopolitics, time, history)*

Analysis of the Twitter discourse in the 2019 electoral debates in Spain: a comparative algorithmic study

This article analyzes and compares the following of Twitter users during the two electoral debates of the general elections in Spain in April and November 2019. Through the collection of the official hashtags #ElDebateDecisivo (970,706 tweets) and #DebateElectoral (821,521) respectively from 9 am on the day of the debate until 2 am the following day, we analyzed the polarity and basic emotions of the messages posted on the social network using algorithms with R software. A network theory study was also carried out to determine each account’s affiliation to each group. The results show a polarization in the network, with well-defined groups with hardly any relationship with other groups of different ideologies. It is also observed that the entry of a new player, Vox, into the second debate completely alters the rest of the center-right parties, which end up seeing it from a much more negative perspective. This entry does not involve major changes among the left-wing parties, but it does mean an increase in fear.

Grade retention and school entry age in Spain: a structural problem

Grade retention has been the focus of the education debate in Spain for decades. On average, more than 30% of students have repeated at least one grade before they finish (or dropout from) their compulsory studies. The present research provides new evidence on this issue by investigating the influence of Spain’s school entry age upon students’ grade retention. Using data from 15-year-old students who participated in the PISA 2006, 2009, 2012 and 2015 assessments, we implement a regression discontinuity analysis. Our key finding is that students who were born late in the year (younger students) are more likely to repeat a grade. Yet, once they reach secondary education, the disadvantage they suffer due to their younger school starting age seems to disappear. Hence, the key reason why younger students have lower PISA scores than older students in Spain is due to their increased likelihood of repeating a grade, rather than being due to their relative age per se. To avoid these artificial disadvantages of younger students and unfair retention, we suggest that policymakers inform families about this school entry issue and also make the school entry law more flexible. This would facilitate parents of younger children to choose whether to delay their children’s school enrolment or not.

Polarization and incivility in digital debates on women’s rights in Spain. Not just a matter of machismo

ABSTRACT As is the case in many other countries, Spain faces the challenge of drastically reducing the presence of gender violence. In this paper, we analyse how public digital debate in Spain gives insight into this topic. Specifically, we are interested in analysing the ways in which processes such as polarization or incivility are manifested on social networks. Our thesis is that, in addition to the central role played by structural machismo, there are particular characteristics of online debate that regulate the presence of polarization and incivility. In order to assess this, we analyse two case studies on Twitter, ‘La Manada’ and ‘Cuéntalo’. We demonstrate how spontaneous digital debates favour the emergence of negative behaviours, while those that, as is the case with ‘Cuéntalo’, are organized and structured, favour more respectful, less polarized communication.

Gaspar de Jovellanos’ Critique of Bullfighting

Bullfighting debates in Spain are increasingly intense. Defenders of bullfighting as sport and as art, typically argue that many of the country’s most esteemed intellectual and artistic figures were bullfight enthusiasts. This is admittedly true, but by the same token Spain has a long tradition of anti-bullfighting thought. One prominent critic of bullfighting in the eighteenth century was Gaspar Melchor Jovellanos. Often considered the best representative of the Spanish Enlightenment, Jovellanos did not address bullfighting as a central concern. But, in some writings, he did level important criticisms against this sort of spectacle. Defenders of bullfighting frequently argue that Jovellanos’ critique of bullfighting relies mostly on economic arguments. While it is true that Jovellanos offered economic reasons to oppose bullfighting, a closer reading of his works reveals that he had a larger concern with the violent nature of bullfighting, which cohered with his Enlightenment philosophy.

The language of recovery

Abstract The present study attempts to make a comparative analysis of two Spanish and American political speeches, which belong to two different debate traditions, in terms of the metaphors used. For that purpose, we analyze the Economy sections of the 2015 State of the Union Address in the US and in the 2015 State of the Nation Debate in Spain. The present study aims at answering the following research questions: What metaphors do President Obama and Prime Minister Rajoy use in the American and Spanish political speeches to convince their audiences of America’s and Spain’s economic victory? What are the similarities and differences between the representations depicted by metaphor use in the speeches as the politicians attempt to shape the economic recovery of America and Spain after recession? To answer these questions, we use an analytical framework for the identification of conceptual metaphors and a theoretical framework for the use of conceptual metaphors (Lakoff & Johnson, 1980). The results indicate that both politicians use metaphors in an attempt to reify the new economy in such a way that the economic policies used to fight crisis are justified, while the negative effects on citizens are not mentioned and, thus, are dismissed as unimportant. However, the politicians take different approaches to reification.

Mapping of sexist violence in Valencia (Spain)

This article examines the ways in which issues of women’s safety in public spacesmight be integrated into artistic practices in art education from an intersectional and queer review of gender in the city. It considers the contributions from human geography, feminism and affect theory, trying to incorporate all of those perspectives into a pedagogical proposal. The first part of the article introduces the main issues to be explored, acknowledging them in the context of recent public debates in Spain that were related to gender and urban safety. The second part presents the results of a participatory, ephemeral, vindictive and artistic action developed with students of amaster’s degree in Secondary Education Teaching in the specialty of visual arts at theUniversity of Valencia: An action of mapping the sexist violence in Valencia. Lastly, the article concludes with the presentation of emotional and educational profits gained by used practices.

Un modelo conceptual para analizar los debates electorales en TV. Mediatización y ceremonias televisivas

Introducción: Los debates electorales de televisión estaban concebidos para proporcionar a los espectadores información contrastada sobre programas políticos y candidatos, pero en los últimos tiempos el escenario político y el de los medios de comunicación han cambiado tanto que estos programas han pasado a convertirse en puros acontecimientos mediáticos. En este artículo se analiza cómo el discurso y la posición actancial de los candidatos de los debates electorales presidenciales de televisión se acomodan en función del show mediático para consagrarlos como ganadores y, en el mejor de los casos, como héroes televisivos; o también todo lo contrario. Metodología: Nuestro principal objetivo no es de carácter empírico sino teórico y metodológico. No queremos describir el funcionamiento de los debates electorales en España. Tratamos de poner en pie y de probar un modelo de análisis aplicable a diversos contextos y, de esta manera, contribuir a fijar una serie de conceptos operativos en un nuevo marco conceptual. Resultados: La aplicación del modelo propuesto permite, entre otras cosas, identificar tanto los efectos de la mediatización política como la marcada tendencia a crear Gestalt ceremoniales ante acontecimientos mediáticos planificados. Asimismo, en el marco de esa Gestalt, permite reconocer el valor de la gradación de la agresividad y la conflictividad por parte de los diferentes candidatos presidenciales en el debate televisado. Conclusiones: En función del punto de vista utilizado, observamos una clara correlación entre la citada gradación de la agresividad y el índice de polarización que se ha experimentado en la opinión pública en las últimas décadas, así como en la tendencia a la espectacularización conflictiva que se ha vivido en los géneros televisivos a partir de nueva forma de hacer política y periodismo.

Historia, evolución, audiencia y agenda temática de los debates electorales televisados en España dentro del contexto europeo

Esta investigación hace un análisis de la historia, evolución, audiencias y agenda temática de los debates electorales televisados celebrados en España, comparándolos con los celebrados en Francia, Alemania y Reino Unido, con la intención de observar las posibles semejanzas y diferencias dentro del contexto audiovisual, político y normativo europeo. Se realiza un estudio cuantitativo y cualitativo de las audiencias, comparando los resultados a nivel nacional y autonómico con los programas más vistos de la televisión en los años de celebración de cada debate, además de analizar los bloques temáticos y agenda pública. Como conclusión, en el caso de España, la audiencia relativa de los debates televisados y, en el contexto europeo, la falta de uniformidad y armonización de formatos, debido tanto a la diversidad de los sistemas políticos y partidistas de cada país, como a la ausencia de normativas electorales específicas de los estados nacionales y de la propia Unión Europea.

Lost (and found) in Transition: Expert stakeholder insights on low-carbon energy transitions in Spain

Despite losing its low-carbon energy transition path in the last decade, Spain, since 2017, has picked up its commitment to complying with the objectives set out in the Paris Agreement for ratcheting 2030 and 2050 ambitions. This research departs from an extensive in-depth expert stakeholder engagement, proposing a research process of scoping: reaching out to academics, NGOs, administrators, energy providers and the private sector among other agents that guide the future of transitions in Spain; listening: identifying, through interviews, the knowledge gaps; understanding: manifesting answers of the multitude of over 200 expert stakeholders and participating: extending out and disseminating results. We present five central emerging themes on: ambitions and temporalities of targets highlighting ambition gaps across stakeholder groups for 2030 and 2050 objectives; the future of carbon and nuclear energy pushing for eventual closure of both across distinct points in time; the rollout of renewable energy technologies in a transition pursuit; preferences on fiscal and policy measures to facilitate investments and priority sectors of action and ultimately discuss gender equality and justice, and the lack thereof, in energy decision making. Our research summons up the delicate intricacies of the transition debate in Spain, setting a discursive space in hopes of contributing to the future design of the Law on Climate Change and Energy Transition.