Death In War Research Articles

Death and bereavement in the First World War: the Australian experience

The First World War was a turning point in the cultural history of death and bereavement in Australia. The mass deaths of some 60,000 soldiers overseas led to communal rituals of mourning for the war dead and minimal public expressions of private grief. The mass slaughter of so many young men and the interminable grief of so many families devalued the deaths of civilians at home and helped to create a new cultural model of suppressed and privatised grieving which deeply constrained the next two generations. Emotional and expressive grieving became less common, mourning ritual was minimised and sorrow became a private matter.

How Should War Be Related to Christian Love?

How Should War Be Related to Christian Love?

Uplifting Manhood to Wonderful Heights? News Coverage of the Human Costs of Military Conflict From World War I to Gulf War Two

Domestic political support is an important factor constraining the use of American military power around the world. Although the dynamics of war support are thought to reflect a cost-benefit calculus, with costs represented by numbers of friendly war deaths, no previous study has examined how information about friendly, enemy, and civilian casualties is routinely presented to domestic audiences. This article establishes a baseline measure of historical casualty reporting by examining New York Times coverage of five major wars that occurred over the past century. Despite important between-war differences in the scale of casualties, the use of conscription, the type of warfare, and the use of censorship, the frequency of casualty reporting and the framing of casualty reports have remained fairly consistent over the past 100 years. Casualties are rarely mentioned in American war coverage. When casualties are reported, it is often in ways that minimize or downplay the human costs of war.

Wicking Behavior and Physical Property of the Environment-Protective of Nonwoven Fabrics

Excessive bleeding becomes a primary cause for war wound death, accident death and operative death. Therefore, decreasing the bleeding time and operation time were play an important role in the preoperative period. In this study, the Tencel® fiber and high absorbent fiber were used to produce high absorption composite nonwoven fabrics. As the result of experiment, the higher high absorption fiber that will create the high stiffness, in addition, the nonwoven has upper stiffness at cross direction. In wicking behavior, the composite nonwoven has about absorption water reach 14 g when the high absorption fiber was 50 wt%. The assessment of application for this study anticipated the resulted high absorption composite nonwoven fabrics to be used as hemostasis material to decrease the ratio of dead person on bleeding.

The Great Exaggeration: Death and the Civil War

What did the U.S. Civil War death tolls mean to those who lived through the war? We are now told that wartime deaths were unprecedented, overwhelming, and constituted one of the fundamental experiences for the wartime generation. But is this really true? In recent years, statistical descriptions have been used by historians--including such renowned scholars as James McPherson, Eric Foner, and Drew Gilpin Faust but also celebrated filmmakers Ken and Rik Burns, among many--to drive home a characterization of the war based on the scale of death. They may be found across the range of media regarding the war, in films, museums, popular histories, scholarly treatises, and lectures. One such statistic is that the number of soldiers' deaths in the Civil War was greater than the total number suffered in all other American wars combined. A second point makes use of the first figure: if one calculates the proportion of the total population that died while in military service during the war and applies this percentage to present-day population figures, the equivalent number of deaths for Americans in the twenty-first century would reach above 7 million. This is a staggering figure that suggests that the Civil War generation made almost inconceivable sacrifices. We are shocked at these numbers, however, because we interpret them from a modern point of view. The present essay argues that while factually correct, the statistics work to exaggerate the war's impact. At its essence, the use of these statistics is designed to provide perspective, a laudatory goal. It is supposed to allow those of us looking back on the war to get a clear sense of the emotional texture of the time. The great problem in this instance, however, is that it violates one of the central codes of historical analysis--that of avoiding presentism. Instead of putting us in the minds of those who experienced the Civil War, it conjures up significance by facilely equating wildly disparate eras. In addition, implicit in the use of the overall casualty figure is the notion that matters--that is, that in certain circumstances, the volume of death itself is enough to make an argument for the significance of an event, or to make a case that a social equilibrium has been disturbed. However, to be convincing, this mode of argument has to establish that the scale has indeed changed dramatically for those experiencing it; historians should not simply extrapolate meaning from the present back into the past. To question the size matters argument, one must at least temporarily accept the notion that comparative statistics of death are meaningful, but only in the context of appropriate comparisons. In the bigger picture, however, it is not enough simply to speak about numbers. To understand how deaths affect a culture, it is essential to examine the meaning ascribed to them beyond the statistics. In one way, this is obvious: compared with the tens of thousands of traffic deaths per year in the United States, for example, the relatively small number of people killed on September 11, 2001, had an enormous impact, influencing the nation's psyche, and, ultimately, domestic and international politics and culture. To be convincing when making a point about death, therefore, we must find evidence for the transformative power of the meaning of military mortality, and place any statistics in their contemporary context, before making claims about significance. In the case of the Civil War, historians have not adequately taken into account the context of death and dying. Solid scholarly work exists on the central importance of death in antebellum America and the ordinary experience of death during the war, but Civil War historians have tended to sidestep this in order to claim the war years as exceptional. They have also underplayed the significance of the demographic realities Americans faced before, during, and after the war. These reveal a society constantly coping with large-scale mortality. If we start to take more seriously the antebellum circumstances, we can reexamine the statistical realities of Civil War deaths and put them into a more reasonable perspective. Language: en

Prolonged Induced Hypothermia in Hemorrhagic Shock Is Associated With Decreased Muscle Metabolism

Hemorrhagic shock is a leading cause of trauma-related death in war and is associated with significant alterations in metabolism. Using archived serum samples from a previous study, the purpose of this work was to identify metabolic changes associated with induced hypothermia in a porcine model of hemorrhagic shock. Twelve Yorkshire pigs underwent a standardized hemorrhagic shock and resuscitation protocol to simulate battlefield injury with prolonged evacuation to definitive care in cold environments. Animals were randomized to receive either hypothermic (33°C) or normothermic (39°C) limited resuscitation for 8 h, followed by standard resuscitation. Proton nuclear magnetic resonance spectroscopy was used to evaluate serum metabolites from these animals at intervals throughout the hypothermic resuscitation period. Animals in the hypothermic group had a significantly higher survival rate (P = 0.02) than normothermic animals. Using random forest analysis, a difference in metabolic response between hypothermic and normothermic animals was identified. Hypothermic resuscitation was characterized by decreased concentrations of several muscle-related metabolites including taurine, creatine, creatinine, and amino acids. This study suggests that a decrease in muscle metabolism as a result of induced hypothermia is associated with improved survival.

Stabilizing southeastern Europe, financial legacies and European lessons from the first world war

This paper pays brief attention, although more than the recent flood of 1914 centenary books, to economic causes of the First World War before turning to it fateful economic consequences for Southeastern Europe. The Austrian lack of economic leverage over Serbia is cited as a reason for its resort to the military option. At the war?s end, the option of the victorious powers to provide significant economic relief to the region where the conflict had begun was not taken. After tracking the brief, limited assistance provided, the paper reviews to the massive economic problems confronting four of the five of independent states, neglecting Albania as a special case, that could now be called Southeastern Europe. First Greece and then Bulgaria faced forced inflow of refugees. Romania and the Yugoslav Kingdom faced the economic integration of large new, formerly Austro-Hungarian lands. All of them were left not only with war deaths and destruction but also with large war debts, or in Bulgaria?s case, reparations. The paper concentrates on the primary Western response to these four economies, an effort led by the Bank of England to replace immediate postwar inflation with the deflation needed to reestablish currencies with prewar convertibility to gold, now with Pound Sterling added to a gold reserve standard. Independent central banks, the major positive legacy of this initiative, were to lead the way. But the financial stability that all four economies did eventually achieve in the 1920s served only to reduce their war debts. Otherwise, maintaining the fixed and overvalued exchange rates restricted domestic credit, encouraged protective tariffs, and did not attract the foreign capital, especially new state loans, that this emphasis on a single, European financial framework had promised. A concluding section considers the lessons learned from a postwar period that promoted economic disintegration by the 1930s. Looking at the period since the end of the Cold War and then the wars of Yugoslavia?s dissolution, we see EU leadership in the reduction of trade barriers, the promotion of common fiscal practice and the prospect of genuine European integration as Western lessons learned. Within the region, independent central banks have helped the process. But the stabilization of currencies around the overvalued Euro has posed a familiar post- 1918 problem since the European downturn of 2008.

Counting the Dead: Traditions of Enumeration and the Italian Wars*

AbstractMethods for counting war deaths developed alongside structural changes in the ways that states enumerated mortality (for both fighters and citizens) between the fourteenth and sixteenth centuries. This paper argues that an alternative way to interpret observers’ comments on the magnitude and novelty of war damages during the Italian Wars (1494–1559) is to trace the history of enumerating mortality from the fourteenth century, using the Hundred Years’ War and the Black Death as departure points. Military heralds counted dead soldiers in Northern Europe and civic record keepers registered public mortality in Italy. Numbers carried cultural value. In war, disputants and observers used numbers rhetorically to argue political cases and to emphasize the scale of victories and defeats. By 1500, the proliferation of specific mortality numbers in public discourse — amplified by printed war reporting — forced observers to reckon with their meaning. The article concludes by illustrating how numbers entered memorial culture: monuments from the Italian Wars featured numbers as an index of the perceived magnitude of war in the sixteenth century.

Love and loss, marriage and mourning: World War One in German home front novels

Mass death in World War One had significant costs on the home front, including disruption of marriage and bereavement practices. Home front novels, women's fiction written with an aim of depicting this disruption as well as supporting the war effort, provide a lens through which to examine discursive attempts to reconcile personal love and loss with nationalist imperatives to suppress grief and make willing sacrifices for the good of the nation. Authors failed to achieve a consistent, clear prescription for their readers: their attention to personal pain and the war's effects on broad sections of society made adherence to collective ideologies, including nationalism and socialism, difficult to maintain.

The 2003 Iraq War and Avoidable Death Toll

Salman Rawaf discusses the implications of the most recent estimate of excess deaths associated with the Iraq war and subsequent occupation in the context of the current situation in Iraq. Please see later in the article for the Editors' Summary.

Florence Nightingale, statistics and the Crimean War

SummaryThe paper presents Florence Nightingale’s statistical work on the Crimean War, beginning with her iconic polar area charts. These are then adapted to give a more accurate portrayal of the relative causes of war hospital deaths. French statistical reports comparing British and French Army deaths are reported. The contention in the secondary literature that Nightingale was responsible for the high death rates in the war hospitals is rebutted, with comparative death rate data from the different hospitals.

Spousal Choice by Height in an Urban Middle-Class Japanese Population

Spousal Choice by Height in an Urban Middle-Class Japanese Population Keiko Uchida, Nobutake Matsuo, Naoki Hori, Tomonobu Hasegawa, and Takao Takahashi Dear Editor, In Western populations, the similarity between spouses is well documented for a variety of anthropometric variables such as height and body mass index. However, relatively little information is available on assortative mating in height in other ethnic populations. A study on a small, exclusively agricultural community on Kyushu island (Furusho 1961) was quoted in English literature as representative of the Japanese population. The study showed that spousal correlation coefficient was +0.072 ± 0.057 in 431 couples, and based on this finding, it was concluded that Japanese do not practice homogamy for body size (Spuhler 1982). Nevertheless, the current agricultural population comprises <3% of the entire population of Japan, and the above study does not represent the Japanese population at large. Further, that study was conducted in the postwar period of 1959, when the farming community suffered from a shortage of male due to compulsory draft and war deaths in preceding decades, making assortative mating for anthropometric variables more or less unrealistic in this population. Another study addressed spousal correlation for height in Japanese urban populatons in the 1930s (Yoshida 1941). The study subjects were 2,410 couples who were parents of school children and residents in Tokyo and other urban communities. The spousal correlation for height was 0.220 ± 0.019, indicating the presence of positive assortative mating in urban Japanese populations. We present additional data to indicate a stable, weak spouse correlation for height for urban Japanese population. The study subjects were 421 Japanese couples who gave birth to their children at a company-owned general hospital in Tokyo in 1984–1993. Their heights were measured one month after delivery by the same stadiometer in the clinic by trained pediatric nurses. Of the subjects, either male spouse or female spouse was an employee of the company that runs the hospital. Demographic characteristics of the study subjects are given in Table 1. The mean (SD) height was 170.5 (5.8) cm for male spouses and 157.3 (5.0) cm for female spouses, each being comparable to the mean height of the 2009 national survey for 17.5-year-olds: 170.8 cm for boys and 157.9 cm for girls. We also compared these mean heights with those of the 1976 national survey for 17.5-year-olds for boys and the 1978 national survey for 17.5-year-olds for girls (168.8 cm for males, 156.6 cm for females). The results indicate that the mean height of our [End Page 619] study subjects was slightly taller than that of the 1976–1978 national survey data for 17.5-year-olds of both sexes. Click for larger view View full resolution Table 1. Demographic Characteristics of the Study Subjects Click for larger view View full resolution Table 2. Spousal Correlations in Height Table 2 shows the correlation coefficient between spousal heights for the 421 couples, along with those of previous studies on Japanese couples. The correlations in the two studies on urban populations are in agreement with each other, but there is no spousal correlation for height in the 431 couples from the agricultural population. Table 3 shows different levels of sexual dimorphism in stature in the 421 couples studied. The couples were divided into six levels by magnitude of male-female height ratio based on the scheme of Pawlowski (2003). There were 394 male-taller couples (93.6%) and 3 male-shorter couples (0.7%). The results of the present study provide additional evidence for stable, positive assortative mating for height among urban Japanese population, as measured in the 1930s and in 1984–1993. We also identified that a male-taller norm exists in contemporary urban Japanese population. Collectively, both studies do not support the argument that Japanese do not practice homogamy for body size (Spuhler 1982). A Swedish population-based growth study (n = 2,402) and the British National Child Development Study (n = 6,192) gave nearly identical results in the spousal correlation coefficient, 0.27 for Swedish population and 0.28 for British population, suggesting a common phenotypic...

Recritude: Reflections on Postural Ontology

Recritude: Reflections on Postural Ontology

Recritude: Reflections on Postural Ontology

Recritude: Reflections on Postural Ontology

Gloomy Forecast for the Prophets of Apocalypse and Bright Forecast for Chemists

In his famous “Essay on the Principle of Population”, first published in 1798, Reverend Thomas Robert Malthus portrayed a grim future for humankind: “The power of population is so superior to the power of the earth to produce subsistence for man, that premature death must in some shape or other visit the human race”. In order to prevent the horrors of famine, plagues, and wars Malthus proposed preventive measures, including abortion, birth control, prostitution, postponement of marriage, and celibacy. Malthus criticized the notion that agricultural improvements could expand limitlessly and predicted disastrous consequences even if the population grew by 10%: “The food therefore which before supported 7 millions must now be divided among 7.5 or 8 millions”. And these apocalyptic predictions were made when there were only 150 million people in Europe and the global population was 750 million, less than the current population of Europe. Malthusianism influenced many generations of economists, politicians, social thinkers, and scientists, including Charles Darwin and Alfred Russel Wallace, in developing their ideas of natural selection. Malthus was not the first to express these concerns, and certainly not the last. Benjamin Franklin suggested in 1751 that the British should increase their population and power by expanding across the Americas, assuming that Europe was already too crowded. A more recent version of the Malthusian prophecy, “The Limits to Growth” (LtG, 1972), gained broad popularity, selling 30 million copies in 30 languages. The book argues, “If the present growth trends in world population, industrialization, pollution, food production, and resource depletion continue unchanged, the limits to growth on this planet will be reached sometime within the next 100 years. The most probable result will be a rather sudden and uncontrollable decline in both population and industrial capacity.” The LtG theoretical model is very elegant and mathematically coherent; the simulations seem to make a great deal of sense, they are easy to explain and easy to understand, and they are absolutely wrong. LtG is wrong for the same reasons John Malthus was wrong, along with many other doomsday prophets, including those who occasionally pronounce the end of the world from atop a stool in the Hyde Park Speakers Corner. It is quite understandable why these rather na ve ideas made much sense at end of the 18th century, when almost everybody was busy producing agricultural goods. It is much less clear why these views have retained so much popularity over two centuries after a population growth of about 1000%, when most indicators of global development of the past 60 years point in the opposite direction. Not only have life expectancy and living standards increased steadily, but also world gross domestic product per capita, food production per capita, accessibility to safe water, public health, personal freedom, and human dignity. At the same time, adverse indicators have declined steeply, including world adult illiteracy, war deaths, and extreme poverty. For example, the world s poor population living on less than $1 per day has dropped from 40% to 20% between 1980 and 2001. In our day and age only 2% of the population in the developed countries produces agricultural goods, supporting not only their societies but also those of the less developed countries. Malthus couldn t have predicted that turf grass would become the largest irrigated crop in the USA, with over 40 million acres (1.9% of the land) being occupied by lawn at homes, golf courses, and parks. In fact, lawn takes up more USA land and water than all other irrigated crops combined, including corn, vegetables, soybeans, fruit trees, vineyards, alfalfa, hay, pastureland, and cotton. Evidently, this is not an indicator of a starving world.

The Various Aspects Of Naga Art

The research study is an attempt to analyze the various aspects of Naga art. Why and how such practices like the feasts of merit and headhunting exist and visual forms such as the colorful textiles, woodcarving, body tattooing, weapons and ornaments produced. Among the Nagas, art and rituals are interdependent; none of them complete without the other. Everyday activities like work in the fields, hunting, fishing, birth and dead, followed minute taboos and observances. Among the Nagas adherence to the prescribed rituals and taboos was strictly observed in their art, any deviations from the technical tradition were believed to bring ill-fortune such as death, famine, sickness or defeat in war. With very limited tools at their disposal, the Naga artisan skillfully reproduced traditional styles by simply visualizing the forms and lines mentally.

Human Conflict: Pacifists at Heart

The breadth and depth of the Human Conflict issue (18 May, p. [818][1]) brings to mind Otto Rank's observation in Psychology and the Soul ([ 1 ][2]) that we still have primitive beliefs about death—for example, that heroic, spectacular, or sacrificial death conveys immortality, and that killing an enemy is killing death itself. After centuries of analyzing war, with its heroics and pathos, we have recently learned that most humans are like other social animals, which fight but instinctively stop short of intraspecies killing ([ 2 ][3]). Cited in 3 of the 11 special section Reviews and Perspectives, D. Grossman ([ 2 ][3]) found that most people, including soldiers, would sooner die than kill a person at close range. About 2% lack such inhibition ([ 2 ][3]); that characteristic is often expressed in military heroics. In civilian circumstances, the same characteristic is associated with tendencies toward antisocial behavior, including violent crime. This atypical group receives disproportionate attention in history and fiction, news and entertainment. Those in the pacifist majority can be disinhibited if ordered by an authority and supervised, confirming Stanley Milgram's findings that most of us will comply with orders that violate some of our principles ([ 3 ][4]). Modern psychological conditioning of U.S. troops has contributed to an increased shoot-to-kill percentage, from only 20% in World War II to 90% in Vietnam ([ 2 ][3]), but evidently at high cost. As S. Maguen reports (p. [843][5]), soldiers who have killed suffer post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) at higher rates. Veterans Administration psychologists recently coined the term “moral injury” ([ 4 ][6]), which relates to Maguen's point. The optimistic essay on PTSD by R. J. McNally (p. [872][7]) omits mention of suicide, which has reached alarming levels among U.S. troops and veterans ([ 5 ][8]). 1. [↵][9]1. O. Rank , Psychology and the Soul (Franz Deuticke, Lepzig, Germany, 1930); translated by G. C. Richter (Johns Hopkins Univ. Press, Baltimore, MD, 1998). 2. [↵][10] , On Killing (Hachette Book Group, New York, 1995; revised and updated, 2009). 3. [↵][11]1. S. Milgram , The Perils of Obedience (Harpers, New York, 1973). 4. [↵][12]1. K. D. Drescher , Traumatology 17, 8 (2011). [OpenUrl][13][CrossRef][14] 5. [↵][15]1. T. Williams , “Suicides outpacing war deaths for troops,” The New York Times (9 June 2012), p. A10; [www.nytimes.com/2012/06/09/us/suicides-eclipse-war-deaths-for-us-troops.html][16]. [1]: /lookup/doi/10.1126/science.336.6083.818 [2]: #ref-1 [3]: #ref-2 [4]: #ref-3 [5]: /lookup/doi/10.1126/science.336.6083.842 [6]: #ref-4 [7]: /lookup/doi/10.1126/science.1222069 [8]: #ref-5 [9]: #xref-ref-1-1 View reference 1 in text [10]: #xref-ref-2-1 View reference 2 in text [11]: #xref-ref-3-1 View reference 3 in text [12]: #xref-ref-4-1 View reference 4 in text [13]: {openurl}?query=rft.jtitle%253DTraumatology%26rft.volume%253D17%26rft.spage%253D8%26rft_id%253Dinfo%253Adoi%252F10.1177%252F1534765610395615%26rft.genre%253Darticle%26rft_val_fmt%253Dinfo%253Aofi%252Ffmt%253Akev%253Amtx%253Ajournal%26ctx_ver%253DZ39.88-2004%26url_ver%253DZ39.88-2004%26url_ctx_fmt%253Dinfo%253Aofi%252Ffmt%253Akev%253Amtx%253Actx [14]: /lookup/external-ref?access_num=10.1177/1534765610395615&link_type=DOI [15]: #xref-ref-5-1 View reference 5 in text [16]: http://www.nytimes.com/2012/06/09/us/suicides-eclipse-war-deaths-for-us-troops.html

The Cradle and the Bayonet

The Cradle and the Bayonet Jeff Ludwig (bio) Falcons on the Floor. Justin Sirois. Publishing Genius Press. http://publishinggenius.com. 276 pages; paper, $14.95. Good minimalist fiction creates an impression. Often working through parataxis, the writing doesn't bludgeon. Instead, its timing is subtle; it is sly, leaving readers seeking missed details, layers, emotions, and affect—in short, its humanity. Justin Sirois's Falcons on the Floor, composed with editorial support from Haneen Alshujairy, is witty and darkly funny when it needs to be, and its sad and disastrous moments are also perfectly timed. Falcons on the Floor is the story of two Iraqis, connected through their childhood, their country, and their loyalty to each other, who escape Fallujah on the eve when war takes the city hostage as Coalition forces fight the Fedayeen in the War in Iraq. Salim and Kahlil—both men young enough to be persuaded (read: forced) to join the Fedayeen, but old enough to take advantage of its resources—risk walking through the desert along the Euphrates to seek shelter in nearby Ramadi, a city that, represents hope and freedom and (for Salim) love, even amidst war's oddities and destruction. The novel does more than use a specific prose style to make its imagery harsher, more real. The form allows the humanity of Salim and Kahlil to seep through every page. While the escape, near death, and survival Salim and Kahlil are narrated through skillful and slim, economic prose, their experiences are only the tip of the iceberg—as Hemingway once theorized—with the most powerful emotions buried just underneath the surface, begging to be unearthed. Sirois knows his craft. Falcons on the Floor owes a debt to many great wartime writers (Hemingway, O'Brien, Vonnegut), and there is a strong modernist aesthetic: It is a story of men fighting to maintain a moral code in the face of inevitable destruction. The narrative is chronological and straightforward; Salim's perspective dominates, and Sirois seamlessly integrates Salim's electronic journal, kept on his laptop and written in the desert, as the larger narrative of the trip from Baghdad to Ramadi. (In the story's ending, Salim's journal plays a critical role as the lives of Iraqis and Americans intersect, not for drama, but to transform perspective.) Falcons on the Floor never, ever leaves you alone. Setting aside the beautifully written landscapes, wartime dark humor, and how gunships and explosions punctuate deeply human moments, the novel centers on Salim and Kahlil. I oversimplify, but Kahlil is as much Salim's id as Salim is Kahlil's ego, enhancing narrative and also highlighting distinct reactions to the siege and its brutality. The spotlight first goes up on Kahlil, made infamous because his face appears in the center of an AP photo depicting the lynching of Coalition soldiers. Everyone in the city knows him, and he carries the photo with him as a badge of honor. His initial reaction to the battle and the buzz in Fallujah is with vigor, excitement, and daring: "'And in a war zone, we'll never have this opportunity again! It's an adventure,'" he says to Salim. We learn, though, that Kahlil's excitement masks deep-seated fear and immaturity: "He's impossible to look at," Salim writes of Kahlil, "He follows no code, and if he does, it's so corrupt it would be unreadable to the most sophisticated infidel in all Fallujah. No morals, no nothing." Readers initially sense that Kahlil is the McDonald's employee who neglects his duties to check his cell phone, which is a nervous tick Sirois gives to Kahlil to indicate a conflicting desire for fame. That Salim bemoans Kahlil's lack of "code" tells us more about Salim than anything else. "Salim knew that if he stayed in Fallujah," Sirois narrates, "he would die. He would be forced to fight in the uprising." While outwardly angered by Kahlil's recklessness, Salim at first takes on the death, destruction, and arbitrariness of war with fear and disgust, but as the desert climate takes over his body, Salim espouses stoicism and level-headedness (though his choice to bring Kahlil is anything but level-headed...

Book Review: Death in War and Peace: A History of Loss and Grief in England, 1914–1970 By Pat Jalland

Book Review: <i>Death in War and Peace: A History of Loss and Grief in England, 1914–1970</i> By Pat Jalland

Pat Jalland, Death in War and Peace: Loss and Grief in England, 1914-1970

Pat Jalland, Death in War and Peace: Loss and Grief in England, 1914-1970