De Fomento Research Articles

Distribution and life cycle of Calanus chilensis and Centropages brachiatus (Copepoda) in Chilean coastal waters:a GIS approach

MEPS Marine Ecology Progress Series Contact the journal Facebook Twitter RSS Mailing List Subscribe to our mailing list via Mailchimp HomeLatest VolumeAbout the JournalEditorsTheme Sections MEPS 165:109-117 (1998) - doi:10.3354/meps165109 Distribution and life cycle of Calanus chilensis and Centropages brachiatus (Copepoda) in Chilean coastal waters: a GIS approach Alejandro Gonzalez*, Victor H. Marín** Depto. Ciencias Ecológicas, Facultad de Ciencias, Universidad de Chile, Casilla 653, Santiago, Chile *Present address: Marine Biology Research Division, Scripps Institution of Oceanography, La Jolla, California 92093-0202, USA **Addressee for correspondence. E-mail: vmarin@antar.ciencias.uchile.cl Calanus chilensis and Centropages brachiatus are 2 of the most abundant species of copepods (Crustacea) off the Chilean coast. However, knowledge of their life cycle and distribution is fragmentary. We have analysed the distribution of both species in Chilean coastal waters by means of a Geographic Information System (ARC/INFO). We studied vertically integrated (0 to 100 m) zooplankton samples and ancillary physical oceanographic data collected during 1989 by the Instituto de Fomento Pesquero, Chile. Point estimates of abundance and physical data were transformed to a grid format in ARC/INFO. We show that both species are abundant within 10 km from shore, and that high abundances further offshore may be interpreted as the result of advection. We also show that both species remain year-round in the upper water column with no evidence of seasonal vertical migration. We then discuss potential life cycle mechanisms that might explain their dominance in the coastal area of the Humboldt Current ecosystem. Crustacea · Calanidae · Marine ecosystems · GIS · Pelagic ecology · Plankton distribution · Eastern South Pacific Full text in pdf format PreviousNextExport citation RSS - Facebook - Tweet - linkedIn Cited by Published in MEPS Vol. 165. Publication date: May 07, 1998 Print ISSN:0171-8630; Online ISSN:1616-1599 Copyright © 1998 Inter-Research.

Material tipo de la colección de Sessé y Mociño en el Real Jardín Botánico de Madrid

Trie study of the collection of Sesse and Mocino at MA, allowed the discovery of specimens which may be considered as type material of the plants published both in Flora mexicana , eds. 1 and 2,'va.La Naturaleza , joumal of the Sociedad Mexicana de Historia Natural, and Plantae novae Hispaniae , eds. 1 and 2, published by the Ministerio de Fomento de Mexico between 1887 and 1894.

El galan Castrucho: Lope in the Tradition of Bawdy

EL GALAN CASTRUCHO: LOPE IN THE TRADITION OF BAWDY DAVID M. GITLITZ University ofNebraska-Lincoln Two kinds of evidence confirm the fact that there was a tradition of bawdy in the theater of Lope's day. By bawdy I mean - following E. A. M. Colman's definition,- dramatic material which is indecent, comic and intended to shock.' The first is the flood of anti-comedia invective that condemns the bawdy strain in the plays. The second is found in the plays themselves: scattered morsels of off-color references, scraps of innuendo, and occasional sexually oriented slap-stick or comic misdirection. In this paper I want to review briefly the first kind of evidence and then present a slice of the second taken from an early play of Lope, El galán Castrucho, ' which is the bawdiest comedia I have encountered to date.1 Unlike the Elizabethan theater, the Spanish comedia does not wallow in the tradition of bawdy, at least not overtly. Shakespeare was one of the cleanest of his contemporaries, and, as we all know, even his plays are paced with broad references to sexual organs, cuckoldry, and flatulence, as well as diverse matters relating to coupling: lust, frigidity, promiscuity, impotence and of course the pox. These elements, while not wholly absent from the Spanish stage, are clearly less prominent in Spanish texts than in those written across the channel. However there is some textual evidence, and when it is coupled with other evidence it suggests a strong tradition of bawdy in Spain. After all, it is not as though Spaniards were ignorant of carnality or how it might be used in art. Anyone who wanders through the Prado knows how fleshy 17th century Spanish painting could be. Spanish poetry of the time,' particularly the honeyed venom of Quevedo, gives ample evidence of both intense sensuality and bawdy scatology. However, neither of these flowers blooms fully in poetry written for the stage. And yet paradoxically the theater was condemned by Lope de Vega's contemporaries as the most licentious of art forms. Almost every early 17th century moralizing text vituperates the theater. Consider, for example, the opinion of Fray José de Jesús Maria in 1601: Es cosa, sin duda, que las comedias, como agora se representan, son cuchillo de la castidad, incentivo de torpezas, seminario de 4 Bulletin of the Comediantes vicios, fuente de disolución, estrago de todos los estados, corrupci ón de las costumbres, destrucción de las virtudes.5 Or the view of D. Luis Crespi de Borja, who in 1649 calls the comedia «un continuo fomento de la sensualidad.» These attacks, which are representative of the tone and major argument of 17th century invective, are directed not at bawdy language but rather at matters having to do more with the style of presentation of the plays. Five points appear over and over, and rather than summarize I will let representative critics speak for themselves: 1)According to Alfonso de Andrade, in 1648, the dances are obscene: «Los fuelles que encienden el fuego de los apetitos sensuales son las músicas y bailes lascivos.» 2)Fray Jerónimo de la Cruz protests in 1635 that the actors neck on stage; he condemns: «el dar abrazos, dar las manos, llegarlas a la boca, y otras tales cosas que es asombro ver hacer en público.» 3)Juan de Mariana in 1609 laments the scantiness of the actresses ' costumes: «algunas veces en la misma representación se desnudan, o a lo menos salen vestidas de vestiduras muy delgadas, con las cuales se figuran todos los miembros y casi se ponen delante de los ojos.» We must remember, in thinking of the innumerable ladies disguised as men in these plays, that in the 17th century women wore full skirts while men dressed in tights. ' 4)The plots are immoral, says the anonymous author of the Diálogo de las comedias, who in 1620 asks: «Qué se puede seguir de ver un enredo de amores lascivos y deshonestos? 5)And of course, the actresses themselves are little better than whores, or, as this same anonymous author calls them, «mujercillas de la vida peligrosa, y muchas de mala vida conocidamente...

The Herpetological Names of Herrera, 1899, and Their Status

In 1899 a little-known octavo pamphlet of 31 pages by the internationally famed and nationally revered biologist Alfonso Luis Herrera, entitled Sinonimia Vulgar y Cientifica de los Principales Vertebrados Mexicanos, was published as a separate in Mexico by the Oficina Tipografica de la Secretaria de Fomento. Ordinarily such a compilation would possess limited and largely local interest, but this one requires international attention because of the extraordinary liberties taken by his nomenclature with the scientific names: each generic name is preceded by a prefix abbreviation indicating class or classgroup (Mam. Ave., Rep., Batr., Pis., indicating the classes or class-groups Mammalia, Aves, Reptilia, Amphibia and Pisces, respectively), and each generic name is given a termination -us or -s to indicate that it belongs to the Animal Kingdom.* An example of the names resulting from this procedure, consistently followed throughout the list, is Batrspelerpus mexicanus, not given in italics. The only italics used, except in the quoted explanatory footnote, are for relatively few Aztec common names, e.g. Axolotl. Aquaquetzpallzn (for Repctenosaurus pectinatus), etc. The prefix actually used for avian names is Ave not Av as indicated in the footnote, e.g. Aveaquilus chrysaetos,Aveicterus spurius, etc. Curiously, in none of Herrera's other works, known to us, did he follow the new nomenclature. None of the names are accompanied by any information other than common name. No authors are cited, although the footnote on p. 3 explains that in the construction of this list Herrera consulted the works published in La Naturaleza by Alfredo Duges, Francisco Sumichrast, Jose N. Rovirosa, and himself; those in the Anales del byJesufs Sanchez; the catalog of the Museo de Tacubaya by Laurencio y Beristain, and the catalogs of the Museo Nacional by himself. Since the prefixes are explicitly stated to precede the generic name, it is clear that Herrera did not regard them as a part of the generic name. The termination -us or -s, however, is apparently regarded as a part of the generic name, since often it substitutes for the usual termination, as in the rendition of Ctenosaura as Ctenosaurus (although he also rendered it Ctenosauraus elsewhere), of lmantodes as Imantodus. etc. Furthermore in a work solely on verteb-

The Zambezi Development Scheme: Cabora Bassa

The impact of African opposition to the Portuguese Zambezi Development Scheme and in particular to the construction of the Cabora Bassa hydro-electric dam in Mozambique was first felt in Europe in 1968 and reached its climax in 1971. It has influenced the thinking and the decisions of a great many individuals, groups, and organizations in the United States as well. In view of the wide publicity accorded various attempts in the United States and elsewhere to prevent any further support of Portugal's efforts to retain control over its colonies and develop them economically, one can assume that the controversy over Cabora Bassa is familiar to most people interested in African affairs. Nevertheless, more information is needed with respect to the facts and viewpoints surrounding the Cabora Bassa Dam project itself.According to Portuguese sources, planning for the development of the Zambezi valley began with the First Development Plan in 1953. In March 1957, the Overseas Ministry created the Missao de Fomento e Povoamento do Zambezi (M.F.P.Z.)—or the Zambezi Development Office, an organization to develop and to populate the Zambezi valley. The general plan for this development was presented to the government in 1966, and in November 1967 invitations for tenders to construct the Cabora Bassa Dam were issued. Offers were due in January 1968.The Third Development Plan for the Portuguese African territories covering the period from 1968 to 1973 provides for investments in Mozambique of about US $730.7 million. The costs for constructing the dam and the complete power scheme at Cabora Bassa are estimated at US $517.5 million. Portugal will absorb US $421 million of this amount and South Africa US $96.5 million. The ultimate production of energy is estimated to be twice that of the Aswan Dam. It will be surpassed in capacity only by the Churchill Falls Dam in Canada and by dams in the USSR at Bratsk and Krasnoyarsk. The Aswan Dam was built at a cost of more than US $1,000 million—a figure considerably higher than the estimate for the Cabora Bassa Dam.

A Note on a Species of Cyathea

Cyathea gemmifera Christ ex Jimenez, Bol. de Fomento [Costa Rica], Aiio III, No. 9: 664. 1913 (excl. figs. 1-6). This species has apparently never been placed. The specimen designated as type in the original description is Herb. Jimenez, No. 913, collected by A. Tonduz at Cerros del Tremedal, San Ranmn, Costa Rica, April, 1913. I have not seen the actual type, but there is in the National Herbarium an isotype received from the Museo Nacional de Costa Rica. This bears the number Herb. Nat. Cost. 17563. The data on the label read as

THE NUTRITIVE VALUE OP CENTRAL AMERICAN CORNS.

Journal of Food ScienceVolume 18, Issue 1-6 p. 273-279 THE NUTRITIVE VALUE OP CENTRAL AMERICAN CORNS. TRYPTOPHANE, NIACIN, THIAMINE, AND RIBOFLAVIN CONTENT OF TWENTY-THREE VARIETIES IN GUATEMALAa FRANCISCO AGUIRRE, FRANCISCO AGUIRRE Instituto de Nutrition, de Centro America y Panama (INCAP)Search for more papers by this authorRICARDO BRESSANI, RICARDO BRESSANI Instituto de Nutrition, de Centro America y Panama (INCAP)Search for more papers by this authorNEVIN S. SCRIMSHAW, NEVIN S. SCRIMSHAW Nutrition, Section, Pan American, Sanitary Bureau and INCAP Guatemala, Central AmericaSearch for more papers by this author FRANCISCO AGUIRRE, FRANCISCO AGUIRRE Instituto de Nutrition, de Centro America y Panama (INCAP)Search for more papers by this authorRICARDO BRESSANI, RICARDO BRESSANI Instituto de Nutrition, de Centro America y Panama (INCAP)Search for more papers by this authorNEVIN S. SCRIMSHAW, NEVIN S. SCRIMSHAW Nutrition, Section, Pan American, Sanitary Bureau and INCAP Guatemala, Central AmericaSearch for more papers by this author First published: January 1953 https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1365-2621.1953.tb17718.xCitations: 9 a A cooperative study in which the corn samples and data relating to their origin were furnished by Dr. Irving E. Melhus, Director, Iowa State College Tropical Research Center, Antigua, Guatemala. The project was aided by a research grant from the Instituto de Fomento de la Production (INFOP) Guatemala, Central America. Contribution 1-24 from the Instituto de Nutrition de Centro America y Panama. AboutPDF ToolsRequest permissionExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL Share a linkShare onFacebookTwitterLinked InRedditWechat Citing Literature Volume18, Issue1-6January 1953Pages 273-279 RelatedInformation

Geology and Petroleum Exploration in Magallanes Province, Chile

Previous to 1917 eight tests for oil or gas were made in this territory. In 1925 the search for oil was taken over by the Chilean Government and up to 1942 the Departamento de Minas y Petroleo made 7 tests which, though not producing commercially, found good showings of oil and gas in two different zones and in three different localities. In 1942 the search for oil was taken over by the Corporacion de Fomento de la Produccion and since that time one oil field has been found, partly developed, and another wildcat well, San Sebastian No. 1, has found 19 meters of oil-saturated sand in the same zone. The oldest sediments studied for oil production are probably Jurassic. This series is thought to be the equivalent of the Serie Porfirica of Argentina. About 6,600 meters of Upper Cretaceous and 5,000 meters of Tertiary rocks, all of which are marine sediments, have been measured. An unmeasured series, approximately 2,000 meters thick, of non-marine Tertiary deposits lies above the marine sediments. Much of the territory is covered by a blanket of fluvio-glacial deposits of unknown thickness. The principal sedimentary feature is the Magallanes basin the west side of which is just east of the Cordillera front and the east side of which is unknown, but drilling to date indicates it to be at or east of the Manantiales field as 6,000-8,000 meters of rocks have been cut out in that area. Four major and an uncounted number of minor unconformities have been recognized in this territory. In general the rocks nearest the Cordillera are crushed and crumpled, and somewhat farther removed they are steeply folded and still farther eastward the folds are gentler and broader. Strike faults have also been developed. In view of the great thickness of marine sediments and the fact that one oil field and indications of another already exist on the east flank, the possibilities of finding additional commercial oil appear good.

Principal Actions of the California Junta De Fomento, 1825-1827 (Concluded)

Principal Actions of the California Junta De Fomento, 1825-1827 (Concluded)

Principal Actions of the California Junta De Fomento, 1825-1827 (Continued)

Principal Actions of the California Junta De Fomento, 1825-1827 (Continued)

Principal Actions of the California Junta De Fomento, 1825-1827 (Continued)

Research Article| June 01 1946 Principal Actions of the California Junta De Fomento, 1825-1827 (Continued) Keld J. Reynolds Keld J. Reynolds Search for other works by this author on: This Site PubMed Google Scholar California Historical Society Quarterly (1946) 25 (2): 149–168. https://doi.org/10.2307/25155972 Views Icon Views Article contents Figures & tables Video Audio Supplementary Data Peer Review Share Icon Share Facebook Twitter LinkedIn MailTo Tools Icon Tools Get Permissions Cite Icon Cite Search Site Citation Keld J. Reynolds; Principal Actions of the California Junta De Fomento, 1825-1827 (Continued). California Historical Society Quarterly 1 June 1946; 25 (2): 149–168. doi: https://doi.org/10.2307/25155972 Download citation file: Ris (Zotero) Reference Manager EasyBib Bookends Mendeley Papers EndNote RefWorks BibTex toolbar search Search Dropdown Menu toolbar search search input Search input auto suggest filter your search All ContentCalifornia History Search This content is only available via PDF. Copyright 1946 The California Historical Society Article PDF first page preview Close Modal You do not currently have access to this content.

Principal Actions of the California Junta De Fomento, 1825-1827 (Continued)

Principal Actions of the California Junta De Fomento, 1825-1827 (Continued)

Petroleum Geology of Gondwana Rocks of Southern Brazil

This paper is a condensed version of a study made for the Brazilian Government and published as Boletim 5, Rochas Gondwanicas e Geologia do Petroleo do Brasil Meridional, of the Servico de Fomento da Produccao Mineral of the Departamento Nacional da Produccao Mineral, Ministry of Agriculture. (Many well logs and analyses not given in the present paper may be found in the Portuguese bulletin.) It represents the results of a very extensive geological field study of Southern Brazil, and covers the states of Sao Paulo, Parana, Santa Catharina, and Rio Grande do Sul. The logs and locations of more than seventy borings drilled in this area were for the first time carefully analyzed and located on the accompanying map. The existing bibliography was duly considered, as well as the writer's previous studies and knowledge of the Gondwana rocks of several South American countries. The paper gives a new interpretation of the structural characteristics of the Parana Basin, and sets forth many new geological observations and facts, besides making a close correlation with the known Gondwana rocks of other continents. The stratigraphy of the Santa Catharina system of Southern Brazil has been slightly modified in accordance with the most recent data. The geological analysis of this part of Brazil, as correlated with systems of Gondwana rocks known in many other continents and countries, permits certain positive conclusions regarding the petroleum geology of Southern Brazil. The many geological cross sections of Southern Brazil and neighboring countries (drawn for the first time) clearly demonstrate the structural character of the basin and its relationship with any oil accumulations, if such exist. End_Page 1725------------------------------ Fig. 1. Paleogeographic sketch of probable extension of Gondwana continent in Southern Hemisphere and India at beginning of Permian age. Arrows indicate movements of ice sheets, and triangles remains of glaciations. End_Page 1726------------------------------

The Mexican Oil Fields

Published in Petroleum Transactions, AIME, Volume 52, 1916, pages 281–321. The occurrence of oil or "tar" in Mexico was mentioned as early as the seventeenth century by Friar Sagahun, who gives the Indian name "chapopote," by which these asphalt seepages are still called. This asphalt was apparently used, as it has been used by primitive people in many parts of the world, in religious ceremonies and for medicinal purposes. Travelers also report that the ruins in Yucatan and the pyramids in southern Mexico show traces of the use of "chapopote" as a building cement. DeGolyer says that the first attempt to exploit oil or gas in Mexico in a commercial way is shown by the records of the Memoria de Fomento of 1865, when permission was granted to a Senor Ildefonso Lopez to exploit the deposits of petroliferous substances in the San Jose de las Rusias area in the State of Tamaulipas. Other concessions follow, and probably refer to surface seepages which occur in that district. This was several years after the discovery of oil in Pennsylvania. In 1868, a well 125 ft. deep was drilled by a company organized in Mexico City, in what is now known as the, Furbero district, and a little oil was refined there. In 1873, residents of Tampico denounced seepages along the Tamesi River, and asphalt was mined near Tempoal in the Canton of Tantoyuca. No drilling was attempted. But between 1880 and 1883 several shallow wells were drilled for oil in Mexico, two of them being near the present Potrero de Llano field west of Tuxpam. The wells were drilled by a Boston company with Canadian rigs, and are said to have reached a depth of about 400 ft., while one is reported to have flowed. Several other abortive attempts were made to drill for oil between 1885 and the beginning of the present century, about which time the Mexican Petroleum & Liquid Fuel Co., Ltd., in which Cecil Rhodes was interested drilled 24 wells unsuccessfully, several of them as deep as 1,500 ft., in the State of Vera Cruz Also Messrs. T.P. 052–22