Daniel Bell Research Articles

Элитаристский дискурс справедливости: современные концепции и Россия

<p>В статье на примере концепций двух влиятельных авторов второй половины XX в. — социологов Майкла Янга и Дэниела Белла — анализируется идея меритократии — власти наиболее достойных, наиболее заслуженных.</p><p>Рассматриваются основные идеи знаменитой книги (антиутопии) М. Янга «Возвышение меритократии». Охарактеризованы основные этапы становления меритократического общества в антиутопии Янга. Показано, что основная проблема меритократии в изображении британского социолога — ее морально-этические изъяны, которые приводят в результате к классовому конфликту и последующему кризису и падению меритократии. С точки зрения автора статьи, более привлекательным выглядит социальный идеал, обрисованный Янгом, в рамках которого «общество талантов» понимается не как сугубо технократическое, а как подлинное общество равных возможностей.</p><p>Показано, что Д. Белл считает меритократию неотъемлемым атрибутом постиндустриального общества, однако учитывает критику этой идеи в работах М. Янга и Д. Ролза. Поэтому подлинная меритократия у Белла — это «справедливая меритократия», сочетающая равное уважение всех с отличием некоторых (наиболее достойных).</p><p>Изучены взгляды на проблему меритократии в современной России. Автор опирается главным образом на анализ российской ситуации у отечественного элитолога Г. К. Ашина. Он показывает, что элитные трансформации в постсоветской России, значительно изменив некоторые важные характеристики элиты, не изменили главного — ее морального облика.</p><p>В заключение автор указывает, что меритократия обязательно должна сочетаться с развитыми демократическими механизмами, для того чтобы избежать отчуждения народа от власти.</p>

Approaches to the study of the phenomenon of counterculture: the attempt of typology

In the article the author analyzes the directions of studying the phenomenon of counterculture in Western science. An attempt is also made to typologize these scientific approaches. The term is first encountered in the work of Talcott Parsons «Social System» in 1951. The term is used in the context of a discussion on the ideology of subculture movements and deviant groups. His term sounds like «counter-culture». In a somewhat modified writing, with an expanded description of the term, it is used by American sociologist J. Milton Jinger in 1960. His term «contraculture» in English first encountered in 1960. The term gained its scientific and public popularity in 1969 after Theodore Roszak`s publication “The Making of a Counter Culture”. He used this term to describe countercultural, subcultural movements in the United States of the 1960s, including the hippies, the «New Left». The term also was related to their critical program, as well as to characterizing an alternative society, whose creation was propagated, and partly carried out by the representatives of the movements of the sixties. This approach characterizes counterculture in a narrow sense. In the broad sense, it does not connected to a concrete time period and defines a set of ideas, values, world outlook, which oppose the official basic culture. After investigating the views of scholars on counterculture, since the 1970s the author identifies three different directions, divided by the criterion of relation to counterculture. Among them are apologetic, critical and balanced approaches. To the apologetic approach belongs the work of researchers, which is characterized by a clearly positive attitude to counterculture, social and political aspects of its activities. Often there are some critical remarks but they do not change the general picture of the author’s commitment to the phenomenon. Critical approach include researchers who consider counterculture as a negative social phenomenon and practice. The most radical representatives include Daniel Bell, Joseph Heath and Andrew Potter and others. Balanced approach combines the work of many researchers, which combines efforts to investigate counterculture as an objective phenomenon, while taking into account its weaknesses and strengths. At the same time, the authors recognize the importance of existence of the phenomenon, its influence on socio-cultural and political processes. Criticism relates to radical cultural practices, political extremism and excessive interest in psychedelics among representatives of counterculture. The approaches of researchers to this direction vary, from the «pioneer» of research of the phenomenon J. Milton Jinger, and to the researchers who tried to conduct research directly inside of the countercultural movement, in particular Kenneth Keniston, and others.

A evolução das Tecnologias da Informação e Comunicação na perspectiva de Touraine, Bell e Castells

Este artigo tem como objetivo fazer um resgate histórico das transformações que ocorreram ao longo do tempo no que diz respeito às Tecnologias da Informação e Comunicação, (TIC’s), e como elas implicam na vida dos sujeitos de origem trabalhadora. A partir dos estudos, percebe-se, que há uma grande relevância da comunicação e do desenvolvimento das mídias pelos humanos, a partir dos seus esforços, que levaram ao desenvolvimento das tecnologias de comunicação e informação, as TIC’s. Para esta discussão, recorreu-se a autores consagrados no que diz respeito a discussão entre tecnologia e sociedade, como por exemplo, Alain Touraine (1971), que traz a teoria da “Sociedade Programada”, assim como Manuel Castells (1999), que traz a “Sociedade em rede”. Além desses autores, destaca-se aqui os estudos de Daniel Bell (1973), que fomenta discussões a respeito da “Sociedade pós-industrial”. A escolha por esses autores, inicialmente, se deu por sua relevância frente aos assuntos que tratam da sociedade e suas relações com a tecnologia. Conclui-se que para esse caráter “flexível” da força de trabalho, a qualificação prévia importa menos do que a adaptabilidade, que inclui tanto as competências cognitivas, práticas ou comportamentais, como a competência para aprender e para submeter-se ao novo. Vê-se de forma bastante negativa as consequências da sociedade atual baseada na informatização, e na flexibilidade de mercados, entre outros aspectos que trazem danos a parcelas cada vez maiores da população, principalmente com as mudanças advindas no mercado de trabalho que explora e mutila capacidades físicas e intelectuais.

Daniel Bell's Dilemma: Financialization, Family Values, and their Discontents

Daniel Bell's Dilemma:Financialization, Family Values, and their Discontents Stefan Eich Daniel Bell, The Cultural Contradictions of Capitalism (Basic Books, 1976). Melinda Cooper, Family Values. Between Neoliberalism and the New Social Conservatism (Zone Books, 2017). Amassing a mountain of etymological conjectures and anthropological reports that ranged from Iroquois family structures to the communal land ownership of archaic Russian villages, in the last years of his life Karl Marx concluded that Charles Fourier had been right. The modern family, Marx explained in his ethnological notebooks from the early 1880s, "contains in itself in miniature all the antagonisms that later develop widely in society and its state."1 Indeed, the patriarchal family itself had developed historically on the back of slavery. "In its primary meaning," Marx excerpted from the American anthropologist Lewis Henry Morgan's Ancient Society (1877), "family had no relation to the married pair or their children, but to the body of slaves and servants." Just as Fourier had argued, the status of civilization was mirrored by its family structures and the rise of capitalism had gone hand in hand with a patriarchal revolution against matriarchy and common ownership. This meant inversely, as Fourier concluded, that the surest and most rapid path to social progress was the march of women toward their liberty. In 1968, four years before excerpts from Marx's late ethnological notes were first published, Daniel Bell also turned to Fourier. Bell, like Marx, acknowledged Fourier's prophetic quality. Referring to the sexual revolution [End Page 241] sweeping through American campuses and bedrooms, Bell worried about what he dubbed the "psychological utopia of individual release."2 The prophet of such "orgiastic chiliasm," he declared in the American Scholar in the fall of 1968, had been Fourier. "Family life, the key social institution of the civilized state," Bell explained, "was Fourier's most compelling example of an unnatural institution, holding men in its iron grip, bringing misery to all its members."3 As the journal announced, Bell's next, long-awaited monograph would dissect Fourier's untimely anticipation of the utopia of sexual liberation. Bell was far from alone in his concern about the state of American sexual mores and family structures at the time. Already in 1965, Daniel Patrick Moynihan's report on "The Negro Family" had caused a stir by reframing black urban poverty around "the deterioration of the Negro family."4 Moynihan, a sociologist then serving in the Johnson administration as Assistant Undersecretary of Labor, argued in the report that "the Negro community has been forced into a matriarchal structure which, because it is to out of line with the rest of the American society, seriously retards the progress of the group as a whole, and imposes a crushing burden on the Negro male and, in consequence, on a great many Negro women as well."5 By the early 1970s anxieties about the counter-cultural sexual liberation directly echoed Moynihan's account of black family breakdown. It was during these years that the economist Gary Becker began to extend his account of human capital from education into reproduction to develop an "economic theory of marriage."6 Throughout the 1960s Becker had been Bell's colleague at Columbia, but in the wake of the student protests on Morningside Heights in the spring of 1968 both turned their backs to Columbia. Bell moved on to the sociology department at Harvard. Becker returned to the University of Chicago. In his theoretical papers Becker had largely refrained from spelling out the political implications of his theory of family economics, but as the introduction to his unifying Treatise on the Family (1981) made clear, his account self-consciously tapped into anxieties about divorce [End Page 242] rates and single mothers that had been building up in the course of the 1970s. As Becker declared in the book's opening sentence, "the family in the Western world has been radically altered, some claim almost destroyed, by the events of the last three decades."7 ________ Becker's hyperbolic assessment forms the opening epigraph of Melinda Cooper's brilliant Family Values.8 As Cooper shows in her important revisionist account, financialization and neoliberal depoliticization were never opposed to family values...

ДАНІЕЛ БЕЛЛ ПРО «ПЛИННІСТЬ» ВЛАДИ В ЕПОХУ ПОСТІНДУСТРІАЛІЗМУ

The article analyze the position of one of the most respected researchers of post-industrialism, Daniel Bell, on the impact of new information technologies on “politics-power” relations. The following two features of the influence of information and knowledge on the political sphere of public life are clarified: “Situs as Political Units» and «Rightful Meritocracy.” According to D. Bell, there are three analyzed current models of power: 1) the previous model of power, which is based on property, and besides it is inherited; 2) a model of government, the basis of which is knowledge acquired through education; and 3) a model of power, the source of which is a political office obtained through an organizational apparatus. The concept of the rightful meritocracy of D. Bell was analyzed, it’s meaning in the idea that the power belong to the most gifted. He believed that a capitalist society іs gradually transforming into a society in which gifted people will be promoted to senior positions, including political. He defined a certain “merit formula”: “Intelligence + Achievements = Merit”. D. Bell argued, that people with such merits should take up leadership positions in politics, business, science and other activities. In post-industrial society, the principle of “achievement” is relevant, there is a thought, that power is achieved through the personal virtues of the people, their high level of education and skills. In such society, there are almost no senior positions available to people without qualifications. In conclusion, we can say that the politician, from the point of view of D. Bell, is a highly skilled specialist which have the necessary management skills. Post-industrial society implies the emergence of a new intellectual class, whose representatives can at political level act as consultants, experts or technocrats.

ДАНІЕЛ БЕЛЛ ПРО «ПЛИННІСТЬ» ВЛАДИ В ЕПОХУ ПОСТІНДУСТРІАЛІЗМУ

The article analyze the position of one of the most respected researchers of post-industrialism, Daniel Bell, on the impact of new information technologies on “politics-power” relations. The following two features of the influence of information and knowledge on the political sphere of public life are clarified: “Situs as Political Units» and «Rightful Meritocracy.” According to D. Bell, there are three analyzed current models of power: 1) the previous model of power, which is based on property, and besides it is inherited; 2) a model of government, the basis of which is knowledge acquired through education; and 3) a model of power, the source of which is a political office obtained through an organizational apparatus. The concept of the rightful meritocracy of D. Bell was analyzed, it’s meaning in the idea that the power belong to the most gifted. He believed that a capitalist society іs gradually transforming into a society in which gifted people will be promoted to senior positions, including political. He defined a certain “merit formula”: “Intelligence + Achievements = Merit”. D. Bell argued, that people with such merits should take up leadership positions in politics, business, science and other activities. In post-industrial society, the principle of “achievement” is relevant, there is a thought, that power is achieved through the personal virtues of the people, their high level of education and skills. In such society, there are almost no senior positions available to people without qualifications. In conclusion, we can say that the politician, from the point of view of D. Bell, is a highly skilled specialist which have the necessary management skills. Post-industrial society implies the emergence of a new intellectual class, whose representatives can at political level act as consultants, experts or technocrats.

Control: Digitality as Cultural Logic by Seb Franklin

Reviewed by: Control: Digitality as Cultural Logic by Seb Franklin Dustin Abnet (bio) Control: Digitality as Cultural Logic. By Seb Franklin. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2015. Opening by invoking Daniel Bell's concept of the postindustrial society, Seb Franklin's Control: Digitality as Cultural Logic examines how and why people in the late twentieth century believed they had entered a revolutionary era defined not just by the digital computer, but by an entire constellation of social and cultural transformations. To understand such periodization, Franklin analyzes the "cultural logic" that undergirds it and explores the harmful effects of applying that logic to people and society (p. xiv). This logic, he argues, is control, "the episteme grounding late capitalism" (p. xv) which enables both euphemistic phrases, such as "postindustrial society," and the capitalist exploitation that remains intrinsic to human life. Relying on an interdisciplinary literature in conversation with Gilles Deleuze's description of "societies of control" that displaced Foucault's disciplinary societies, Franklin defines control in a cybernetic sense of self-regulation. "Control," Franklin argues, "should be understood as the logical basis of a worldview that imbricates literal practices of computation, the new organization and infrastructural concepts these practices facilitate, and metaphors derived from the electronic digital computer and its processes with a system of value production that can produce profit only by exploiting and dispossessing human life" (p. xviii). Franklin's contribution is a focus on how the digital computer became not just a technology but "a fundamental condition" applied metaphorically to both people and society. "T o exist, from the point of view of control," he proposes, "is to be digital" (p. xix). Though such digitality "promises to render the world legible, recordable, and knowable," it also filters out important elements (p. xix). Under such an episteme, the person becomes just another programmable object, and everything becomes just another form of exploitable labor. Franklin first examines how the computer became a "universal metaphor closely attuned to the logics of equivalence, expansion, and subsumption inherent to capitalism" (p. 83). Here, Franklin traces the genealogy of control to the nineteenth-century works of Joseph Marie Jacquard, Charles Babbage, and Herman Hollerith which, he claims, predated the efforts of cyberneticists to equate people to digital devices. Then, in a fascinating chapter centered on cybernetics and game theory, Franklin shows how concepts initially developed to describe machines and human-machine interactions became generalized and universalized as metaphors for people and society that ultimately buttressed neoliberal economy theories espoused by writers such as Friedrich Hayek. Such historical grounding is useful, but it does raise questions about periodization. Much of nineteenth-century development—including, as [End Page 1128] Edward Baptist's The Half Has Never Been Told suggests, slavery—relied on computational methodologies, placing workers in competition with each other and breaking the individual into separate parts—all identified by Franklin as central elements of control. In developing this history, Franklin suggests not simply a genealogy but that disciplinary and control societies coexist, sometimes in tension but often in in harmony. If that is the case, then where is the dividing line between the two? How do they relate to each other? Franklin begins to answer such questions, but more thorough development in the context of the nineteenth century would be fruitful. In the remainder of the book, Franklin explores how control spread through a range of cultural elements, including the "black box" metaphor of cyberneticists, the literary works of Samuel Beckett, films such as The Sixth Sense, and Lacanian psychoanalysis. Each, Franklin shows, transformed the computer from a "finite, concrete technology to a universal metaphor" (p. xxi) applicable to both society and people. These chapters provide excellent models for analyzing digitality even in unexpected areas, but further contextualization, especially on issues of gender, race, and sexuality, would have broadened the analysis. It would have been illuminating, for instance, to analyze why so many people from disempowered groups have seen the digital as a means of resistance. Do such views suggest another, potentially more liberating, logic beyond control? Franklin does not say, and the final analysis offers few specific solutions or possibilities for escape from the logic of control. Often challenging but always insightful, Franklin's...

Social Skills in The China Model: An Amendment to Daniel Bell's “Menu” of Leadership Qualities - The China Model: Political Meritocracy and the Limits of Democracy. 2015 [2016]. By Daniel A. Bell . Princeton: Princeton University Press. 336 pp. $30.95 cloth; $19.95 paper

Social Skills in <i>The China Model</i>: An Amendment to Daniel Bell's “Menu” of Leadership Qualities - The China Model: Political Meritocracy and the Limits of Democracy. 2015 [2016]. By Daniel A. Bell . Princeton: Princeton University Press. 336 pp. $30.95 cloth; $19.95 paper

Cultural tourism as pilgrimage

AbstractIn this recent address to a UNESCO doctoral summer school in northern Italy, the author argues that all cultural tourism has underlying and implicit philosophical-religious dimensions that are particularly important in the era of “late capitalism,” in which “the idiosyncratic has triumphed over the normative” and there is a deeply nihilistic drive and trajectory to the ascendant culture. After drawing on the sociologist Daniel Bell’s analysis of “the cultural contradictions of capitalism,” the author argues that there is an irreducible sacred dimension to the human person (res sacra homo) and his or her life always has the character of a pilgrimage, cognitively comprised of a quest for significance beyond the separate meanings of the normal occupational and utilitarian life. Master-works of urbanism, architecture, sculpture, painting, music, and literature offset the nihilistic dynamic of “late modernity,” and the author draws particular attention to literary works of cross-cultural understanding such as the trilogy of historical novels about India by L. H. Myers, The Root and the Flower and the novels of the great modern Japanese writer Shusaku Endo. As works of fundamental importance for orienting his analysis he adduces C. S. Lewis’s The Abolition of Man and Viktor Frankl’s Man’s Search for Meaning.

오늘날 과학시대와 기독교교육의 역할과 과제

This article is about the study on how the Christian education can prepare the raising issues in the age of Science, especially what we call “the Fourth industrial Revolution,” dealing with such as AI and machine learning, ubiquitous and mobile internet, 3G printing, hologram, robot technology, big dater, adaptive learning technology etc. In order to define the meaning of the age of the science, first of all, the author introduces the theories, focusing on Daniel Bell’s “the coming of post-industrial society,” Alvin Toffler’s “the third wave,” and Thomas Kun’s “the structure of scientific revolution.” From their approaches, the nature of the age of today’s science is depicted as the new grand integration or confluence with natural science and social science, but even if their approaches are different from each other.BR Moreover, this article points out that even if there have existed continuously the conflict and war between science and religion since the early 19SUPth/SUP century, we need dialogue between science and religion beyond anti-religious or ant-scientistic discrimination and prejudice. In the age of science, however, the author argues that the big problems today’s world is getting deeper and deeper dehumanization and atheism, especially imbued by the fourth industrial revolution that is closely connected with the neo-capitalism together.BR In the long run, such the age of today’s science makes the Christian education confronted the task and direction of it in the age of scientific revolution. In this situation, the author suggests 5 tasks for how the Christian education cope with in this age of science.

The Future of Meritocracy: A Discussion of Daniel Bell’s The China Model

Abstract Compared to Wang Shaoguang’s approach to re-interpret the old concept “democracy” to overcome the Schumpeterian model of political legitimation, Daniel Bell’s Political Meritocracy takes a more challenging path, attempting to build a new discourse of legitimacy centering on the concept “meritocracy” and incorporating elements of ancient China’s traditions, the socialist revolutions in the twentieth century, and the system of competitive elections common in the Western world today. This inspiring work is full of incisive arguments, but could be improved by further considering the tension between the Confucian tradition and the revolutionary tradition in the twentieth century.

Why Steve Bannon Is Not a Fascist

Steve Bannon has often been accused of fascism by his opponents. His real intellectual affiliation, however, is with the first generation of American neo-conservatives of the 1960s, people like Daniel Bell and Irving Kristol. Like them he criticizes immoral elites and an amoral version of capitalism in the name of traditional values. His criticism is a symptom of the long-running battle between Mind and Money, the war between intellectuals and capitalism.

The socio-economic approach to the study of main economic systems. Socialism and capitalism. Part 1.

The socio-economic approach to the study of main economic systems. Socialism and capitalism. Part 1. Society is explored with the help of various approaches and methods that allow us to analyze the economy, politics, culture and society. Society as a socio-economic system can be effectively studied from the standpoint of the socio-economic approach, which is implemented within the framework of the formational approach. It was formerly used e.g. by Daniel Bell, John Kenneth Galbraith, Karl Marx, Leonid Weger, Yoshihiro Francis Fukuyama, Erik Olin Wright, and Immanuel Maurice Wallerstein. Formational approach allows us to analyze the global social and economic systems of the 20th century: capitalism and socialism. From the standpoint of this approach, the main difference between capitalism and socialism is the presence or absence of private ownership of the means of production. This feature has an impact on all aspects of social life in these systems. During the existence of these global systems, we have accumulated a rich experience of development in all areas of social life, which is analyzed in this article. The proposed article considers the positive and negative aspects of the development of capitalism and socialism. The directions of development of social and economic systems towards new form of capitalism are described and analyzed.

Ideology and Educational Policy

The increasing distrust of vaguely expressed political and social ideals that is perhaps best symbolized by the title of Daniel Bell's The End of Ideology has made it increasingly difficult to relate educational problems to societal problems with any degree of logical or scientific warrant. But is this distrust of political and social philosophy, this distrust of ideology, merely another ideological proclamation? What accounts for our hesitancy to venture into thinking about the educational development of persons who are capable of alleviating or resolving contemporary societal difficulties? Is this hesitancy due to the indirect support of education resting upon suppressed premises, i.e., upon an ideology?

Why did neoconservatives join forces with neoliberals? Irving Kristol from critic to ally of free-market economics

ABSTRACT This paper demonstrates how the neoconservative programme, as articulated primarily by Irving Kristol, offered a conservative viewpoint distinct from and theoretically opposed to neoliberalism. It does so by explaining the founding vision of Kristol and Daniel Bell’s influential neoconservative journal The Public Interest, and the former’s subsequent response to the social and political contestations of the late 1960s. The also paper provides an explanation of how Kristol’s strategy of moral and cultural insurgency – within institutions such as the American Enterprise Institute and the Wall Street Journal – attempted to fill in the practical gaps of neoliberalism’s economistic understanding of the defense of American society. The concluding section will reflect on the extent to which this critical exchange between neoconservatism and neoliberalism during the period of both movements’ political maturation, from roughly 1965 to 1980, provides an answer to long-held questions about the possibility of a viable conservatism in America.

The Socio-pol-ethical Confluence of the Architect: The Idiot, the Activist and the Dreamer

The political indetermination of architecture that seems to be normative today is perhaps related to our incapacity to differentiate clearly the diverse aspects that converge in architectural thinking. The architect’s role is intrinsically connected with three ways of actions guided by different principles and hence are substantially contradictory. As Daniel Bell explained in the 1970s, society cannot be easily explained due to the contradictory forces coming from the techno-economic, the political and the cultural spheres (Bell 1976). Following this logic of contradiction, architecture became inconsistent in its statements and weak in its positions by the necessity of keeping multiple perspectives. Against this impasse, where neoliberal capitalism forces the political role of the architect to be forsaken, we wish to bring forth three characters—the idiot, the activist and the dreamer—to reconstitute the confluence. We claim that only by employing a dramaturgical consciousness (Rifkin 2009)—that is to say, role-playing judiciously in each of these—can the architect reclaim his socio-pol-ethical stance by means of three tasks. As an idiot, the architect resists the social status quo posing naive unanswerable questions (Stengers 2005). The architect, acting as an activist, reclaims his political agency and his competence for acting on behalf of the community (McGuirk 2015). Finally, the architect speculates as a dreamer assuming his ethical role of engaging the imagination and desires of a community in a tantalizing common future (Haraway 2016).

A Brief View of the Evolution of Technology and Engineering Education

The purpose of this study is to review and investigate the evolutionary course of technological education together with engineering before and after the industrial revolution. A brief history of technology and engineering is provided in this study with regards to Daniel Bell’s documents who believed that mankind has so far experienced three technological revolutions. The first one is the invention of heat pumps, the second a result of advancements in chemistry and electricity, and the third revolution, which occurred after world war 2, is when new information technology and communication and thought technology entered the era of post-industrialism. This period was divided into 5 segments including before the industrial revolution, the emergence of the industrial revolution until 1913, from 1913 to the launching of the Sputnik satellite, from 1950-1980, and from 1980 to now. Considering the developments taken place, it can be concluded that educational approaches for engineering have changed following the changes in technological education.

Walker Connor

I met Walker Connor in 1972 at the Glazer and Moynihan conference on ethnicity held at the American Academy of Arts and Sciences (Glazer and Moynihan 1975). We thought we would be intimidated by the company at the conference: Talcott Parsons, Daniel Bell, Andy Greeley, Orlando Patterson, Bill Petersen, and Lucian Pye – a good sample of the elders of social theory. By then Walker had published three articles in World Politics in five years – perhaps a record – including one containing his splendid deconstruction of the theories of Karl Deutsch. But I think we acquitted ourselves well enough – especially Walker did. He was the star of the show, with numerous observations on boiling or incipient conflicts across the globe that many of the elders did not know about (or did not know existed). Unfortunately, he did not submit an essay for the volume that came out of the conference (Glazer and Moynihan 1975).

Has Capitalism Lost its Puritan Spirit? What do Recent WVS Data Say about Religiosity and Work Values?

IntroductionIt is well established that the industrial and post™ industrial transformations have profoundly altered how humans think, work, and live. The emergence of knowledge-based post™ industrial societies has accelerated the cultural change not only in rich and developed countries but also throughout the world (Bell, 1973, Turkle, 1995, Toffler, 1989) . Sociologists such as Daniel Bell (1976), John Carroll (1977), Christopher Lasch (1979), Zygmunt Bauman (1987, 1999) and Richard Sennett (1998) etc., claimed that capitalism has lost its puritan spirit during the post™ industrial era.This paper is about the cultural shift from the puritan to a secular spirit of late capitalism, which has been defined under different names by social theorists. The issue of or the epoch of new age has become one the central topics of social theory. In the transformation process from an agricultural/traditional society to an industrial society, the ethos of society has changed. Modern/industrial capitalism has created a or the has created the new society.The Puritan work belongs to modern times in human history coinciding with the industrial revolution. ^Vork had never been a virtue or a way of salvation before the industrial age. According to the Oxford Online Etymology Dictionary, labor, the synonym of work, means trouble, difficulty, hardship, toil, fatigue, exertion and pain at the same time. For example, the ancient Greeks and Romans considered work to be a curse and fit only for slaves (Kaplan, 1979; Ciulla, 2000). The ancient philosophers had a consensus about the abhorrence of work. Plato and Aristotle believed that work (for commercial gain) humiliated the people who performed it (Lafargue, 1907).However, with the coming of an industrial society, schools, industrial organizations and religious associations started to preach the virtue of hard work and the well-organized use of time (Polanyi, 1957; Kaplan, 1979; Bozkurt et al., 2010). The Ford Company founded the Sociological Department to examine the private life of workers. Researchers from this section visited workers' homes and encouraged workers to aspire to the Ford values of industriousness, thrift, sobriety, saving, and hygiene. Ford tried to reduce absenteeism and the turnover of workers. Moreover, the Sociological Department endeavored to enforce puritan morality (McGraw, 2007; Lasch, 1979; Clegg, 2009).According to Weber (1971, 1956) occidental industrial capitalism, which is the rational organization of free labor, is unique and has not existed elsewhere. The ethos of this capitalism was ethic codes that emphasized the importance of the values of work, anti-leisure, saving, abstinence, moral orientation, frugality, sobriety, industriousness, achievement, moderation, sexual restraint, tranquility, temperance, silence, order, resolution, sincerity, justice, cleanliness, chastity, humility, and forbidding (Bell, 1976; Furnham, 1990). For Weber, the Puritan ethic, which was a rationalization of life and economic action, justified all the restraints and sanctions for individual life and advanced the development of capitalism. Early industrial capitalism also desperately required the puritan mood and values. One major outcome of restraints on consumption was the accumulation of capital, which in turn led to the expansion of production and further development (Bell, 1996).In another important study, Carroll (1977) demonstrated how Puritan theology helped liberate individuals from the ties of the traditional values of pre-industrial societies. This was crucial for it emphasized man's general responsibility and the passionate early Puritans played an important role in the shaping of industrial society. These values expanded religion beyond the borders of the church and made it of this world. Vocation in Protestant theology was considered a sublimation of guilt and man was also considered a sinner at birth. …

The Hawthorne studies: an analysis of critical perspectives, 1936-1958

PurposeThe purpose of this paper was to analyse the academic context of the Hawthorne studies from 1936. More specifically, great attention was paid towards those articles that were critical of the Hawthorne studies. This study aimed to analyse why the Hawthorne studies were so criticized during the time period.Design/methodology/approachThe author analysed various critical articles/books from the time period. The author developed the sample through the use of Landsberger’s Hawthorne Revisited. The author used one of the first critical articles, Daniel Bell’s, as a means to analyse the critics. In addition, secondary literature was used to place the articles in context.FindingsThe author found that the majority of the critics were sociologists; these criticisms reflected larger debates in sociology in terms of theory, method and ethics of research. They reflected the great changes that occurred in sociology during the time period, as opposed to industrial/organizational psychology, for example, where there was little criticism at the time.Originality/valueThe purpose of this study was to continue the work of Muldoon (2012) and Hassard (2012) and place the work of the Hawthorne studies in a larger academic context.