Cuban Miami Research Articles

Minority Mobilization in an International City: Rivalry and Conflict in Miami

On March 20, 1986 many South Florida Hispanics were disappointed yet politically emboldened by the result of a close U.S. House vote on President Reagan's Nicaraguan Contra aid bill. Although the proposal was defeated in a 222–210 vote, the outcome was viewed locally as a Latin victory because Miami's moderately liberal Democratic delegation broke ranks with House leadership by voting three to one in support of the President's proposal. It is apparent that pressure felt from Miami's Cuban and Nicaraguan exile communities, as well as from the Florida Commission on Hispanic Affairs and the Cuban-American National Foundation, was decisive in compelling locally elected Democratic House members to support the President over their party.Two days after the vote, 200 protestors gathered in downtown Miami in a demonstration against Contra aid. Alpha 66, a militant anti-Castro organization, called a counter-demonstration attended by about 2,000 angry Hispanics who threw eggs, rocks, and insults at the smaller group of protestors. Miami riot police escorted the anti-Contra demonstrators away from the scene in buses in order to prevent their injury. The fractious counter-demonstration was broadcast live by a Spanish language radio station and was attended by several local and state officials, including the three Cuban-Americans who constitute a majority on the five-member Miami City Commission. These events underscore an increasingly visible phenomenon in Miami's volatile politics.

Impossible nativizations as phonological evidence and the explanation of constraints on phonological structure

It has been argued in a number of studies that the facts of loan phonology in Japanese and in Miami Cuban Spanish provide strong support for David Stampe's theory (see especially Stampe, 1973, Donegan & Stampe, 1979) of ‘natural phonology’ (cf. Ohso, 1971 Lovins, 1973, 1974; Bjarkman, 1976). To the evidence adduced in these studies, I would like to add some evidence from English. The English evidence is especially compelling, since it involves not only actual nativizations, but (intuitions about) IMPOSSIBLE nativizations.

English Loanwords in Miami Cuban Spanish

English Loanwords in Miami Cuban Spanish

Immigrant Enclaves: An Analysis of the Labor Market Experiences of Cubans in Miami

Data from a longitudinal sample of Cuban emigres are used to test competing hypotheses about the mode of incorporation of new immigrants into the U.S. labor market. Classic theories of assimilation assumed a unified economy in which immigrants started at the bottom and gradually moved up occupationally, while they gained social acceptance. Recent dual labor market theories define new immigrants mainly as additions to the secondary labor market linked with small peripheral firms. Multivariate analyses confirm the existence of the primary/secondary dichotomy but add to it a third alternative condition. This is the enclave economy associated with immigrant-owned firms. While most immigrant enterprises are samll, competitive ones, enclave workers show distinct characteristics, including a significant return to past human capital investments. Such a return is absent among immigrant workers in the secondary labor market. Causes and implications of these findings are discussed.

The Golden Cage ‐ Cubans in Miami

International MigrationVolume 16, Issue 3-4 p. 160-173 The Golden Cage - Cubans in Miami RAUL MONCARZ PERCAL, RAUL MONCARZ PERCAL I am grateful to Andres Hernandez, Roberto Milian, for their comments, and to Juan Carlos Cherkesian for computational assistance.Search for more papers by this author RAUL MONCARZ PERCAL, RAUL MONCARZ PERCAL I am grateful to Andres Hernandez, Roberto Milian, for their comments, and to Juan Carlos Cherkesian for computational assistance.Search for more papers by this author First published: July‐October 1978 https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2435.1978.tb00966.xCitations: 5 AboutPDF ToolsRequest permissionExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL Share a linkShare onFacebookTwitterLinked InRedditWechat Citing Literature Volume16, Issue3-4July‐October 1978Pages 160-173 RelatedInformation

Differential Migration of Cuban Social Races: A Review and Interpretation of the Problem

In the aftermath of the 1959 revolutionary triumph there began a massive impelled migration to the United States, paralleled in Cuban history only by the great exodus during the nineteenth-century wars of independence. Close to 500,000 Cubans had migrated to the United States by 1972.The migration has shifted in size and has occurred intermittently since 1959, a consequence of the turbulent relations between the United States and Cuban governments. From January 1959 to October 1962, regular commercial flights existed between the United States and Cuba. During much of this period, American visas could be obtained in the United States embassy in Havana and in the Santiago de Cuba consulate. However, after diplomatic relations were severed (3 January 1961), the United States government generally waived the visa requirements for Cubans desiring to migrate. During this period, 153,534 Cubans registered with the Miami Cuban Refugee Center arld close to 200,000 had arrived in the United States by the time of the 1962 October missile crisis.

The Influence of a Strong Refugee Community on the Economic Adjustment of its Members

This article explores the economic adjustment of Cuban refugees living in West New York, New Jersey, as well as some of the factors which have helped their adjustment. Over 400,000 Cuban refugees are now living in the United States. Miami-Dade County, Florida, the point of first arrival for most Cubans, remains the area with the single largest concentration of Cubans in the United States. Nevertheless, as a result of the resettlement program set up by the U.S. government in 1965 to relieve the burdens of the concentration of so many Cubans in Miami, over half of all Cubans in the United States now live outside the greater Miami area. New York and New Jersey have accepted a large proportion of all resettled refugees. One of the densest concentrations of Cubans outside of Miami is estimated to be in West New York, New Jersey. The unexpected rapid influx of large numbers of Cuban refugees in West New York has involved a complicated problem of occupational adjustment for these refugees. Despite sharp declines in their occupation? al levels from Cuba to West New York, the economic adjustment of these refugees has been surprisingly good. The presence of a strong community is believed to have contributed to this remarkable adjustment. Two daily flights from Veradero, Cuba, to Miami, Florida, have carried some 3,500 to 4,000 refugees into the United States every month until August, 1971. Approximately, 40,000 Cubans have been entering the United States each year. More than one in every 21 Cubans has already come to the United States.1