Cuban Immigrants Research Articles

Cubans in the United States

Although the bulk of the Cuban-origin population immigrated within the past 25 years, the Cuban presence in this country has a long history. In the nineteenth century, important Cuban communities existed in Tampa, Key West, and New York. The post-1959 Cuban immigrants have concentrated in the Miami area. In comparison with other major U.S. Hispanic groups, the sociodemographic profile of the Cubans is fairly unique: a large proportion of middle-aged and elderly persons, a female majority, low fertility, and relatively high socioeconomic status. The latter has been explained by a combination of factors: (1) the socioeconomic selectivity of postrevolutionary Cuban emigration; (2) high rates of female labor force participation; and (3) the presence of a strong ethnic enclave. While strong forces have favored retention of Cuban cultural traits, there are intergenerational differences in the degree of acculturation to U.S. society.

Is the new immigration less skilled than the old?

This paper analyzes trends in the skills of immigrants to the US in the post-World War II period. Changes in the supply, demand, and institutional factors determining immigration are analyzed for their implications for immigrant skills. During the past 4 decades immigration has shifted from being predominantly European and Canadian in origin to being predominantly Asian and Latin American, and there have been changes in the criteria for rationing immigration visas. Immigrant skills can be analyzed within the context of a model of the supply of immigrants and the US demand for immigrants. Of the Asian immigrants subject to numerical limitation, the proportion who were occupational preference principals declined from 18.2% in 1970, to 11.9% in 1975, to 8.1% in 1981. A growing stock of the foreign-born population who are illegal aliens may lower immigrant quality; for low-skilled workers in neighboring low-income countries the economic incentives for illegal migration are very large. Immigrants from the UK have the highest annual earnings, with Canadian, other European, South Asian, East Asian, and other American immigrants having successively lower earnings. The Mexicans and the Vietnamese have the lowest earnings. Over the period 1950 to 1980, US immigration changed from primarily drawing immigrants from countries whose nationals have high relative earnings in the US primarily drawing immigrants from countries whose nationals do less well. Recent immigrants are less favorably selected on the basis of their level of schooling. The analysis of the relative earnings of immigrants during the 1970s using 3 data files shows there has been little change for white immigrants, an ambiguous pattern for Mexican immgrants, perhaps a small decline for Cuban immigrants, and a small rise for Asian immigrants. Overall, without returning to rationing by country of origin, public policy could raise immigrant skill levels by changing the balance between kinship and the individual's skills in the rationing of visas.

Three years later: the adaptation process of 1980 (Mariel) Cuban and Haitian refugees in South Florida

In recent years, southern Florida has experienced rapid new inflows of immigrants from Central America and the Caribbean. Since the arrival in 1980 of Mariel (Cuban) and Haitian immigrants to this area, a great deal of speculation has emerged as to the adaptation of these two groups to south Florida and the impact which their presence has wielded on the social and economic arenas of that region. In this paper, we present selected background characteristics of representative samples of both groups and discuss our empirical findings with regard to the labor market experiences, social networks, and educational experiences of the immigrants included in our sample. While the two groups minimally differ from earlier cohorts of their compatriots entering south Florida, their experiences since arriving in Florida have been quite different. Both the Cuban and Haitian immigrants arriving in 1980 demonstrate higher levels of unemployment than their counterparts who arrived earlier; however, the existence of the Cuban economic enclave in Miami did facilitate the entry of a greater number of Cubans than Haitians into the formal labor market. Initial evidence indicates that significant numbers of individuals from both groups participate in the informal labor market, often receiving less than the minimum wage.

Understanding Cuban Immigrants: A Cultural Perspective

People who are not of spanMagaly Queralt system with a new socialist political ish origin frequently are not and economic order), the first major aware of differences among various migratory wave began. Although the groups. Although Spanishinitial emigres were more likely to be speaking people share some aspects from the upper or the upper middle of the heritage, similar verAlthough one million Cubans class, each successive migratory wave sions of the Spanish language, and now reside in the United brought individuals of lower socioeco variations of a Catholic ideology, they states little has been written nomic' educational, and occupational nonetheless belong to diverse cultures +hic HrcnnnrV nmnn levels than the previous one. After and nationalities, cluster in different . rtisp n C g p. Qver two (jeca(jes of heavy Cuban im geographic locations, and vary in This article provides an migration, the most recent immi demographic characteristics. This is understanding of Cuban CUlgrants from Mariel were no longer not to say that Cubans, Mexicans, and ture and psychosocial characdistinguishable demographically from Puerto Ricans, for instance, are totally teristics to promote better population of the island itself, ex different people; on the contraiy, they cePt for an overrepresentation of are much more alike than they are difcommunication ith C criminals and other institutionalized ferent. However, the prevailing notion Clients and the selection OJ persons forced or persuaded to leave, that there is a typical Hispanic is culturally sensitive approaches Contrary to popular belief, Cuban misleading. to treatment. emigres do not compare favorably to The human services literature on the rest of immigrants entering the Spanish Americans has focused priUnited States. Specifically, compared marily on Mexicans and, to a much to other foreign-born entrants during lesser extent, on Puerto Ricans.1 The the 1960s, Cuban-born emigres were social work literature, in particular, is less often in the professional and ad devoid of information about Cubans, sons of Spanish origin, of whom ministrative occupational categories, even though they constitute the third 803,226 were of Cuban origin. Durhad substantially lower family in largest group in the United ing the spring and summer of 1980, comes, were more likely to be unem States. This article aims to promote immediately after that census was ployed, and were more likely to be liv better understanding of individuals of taken, 124,779 Cubans migrated to ing in poverty.3 Cuban origin. For social workers, the United States from Mariel. Thus, Table 1 compares selected demo greater cognizance of the Cuban ethos by 1982 the U.S. population of Cuban graphic characteristics of Cubans in should result in better communication origin was approaching the 1,000,000 the United States to other major His with Cuban clients as well as in the mark.2 Metropolitan Miami (Dade panic groups and to the total U.S. pop selection of treatment approaches that County, Florida) is the undisputed ulation. Differences in age are strik are more compatible with their culcenter of the Cuban community in ing. The estimated median age of ture and personality. this country, with more than 50 per33.5 years for the Cuban population cent of U.S. Cubans residing there, is more than twelve years higher than nFli/inrwAPHir Sizable Cuban colonies also exist in that of Mexicans and Puerto Ricans. nTPFPUPivrrifc New JerseyNew York, California, IlliThe current disproportionate number DIFFERENCES nois -pexas ancj Puerto Rico. of older people among Cubans doubt Hispanics constitute the second largThe Cuban exodus to the United less stems from the selective nature est and the fastest-growing minority States has been relatively recent. Beof their recent migration. Because of group in the United States. Cubans fore 1959, there were approximately their higher average age, Cubans make up the third largest 50,000 Cubans in this country. Shorthave proportionately more persons subgroup, after Mexicans and Puerto ly after Fidel Castro's assumption of participating in the labor force, fewer Ricans. In April 1980, U.S. Census power (as it became evident that unemployed individuals, and more enumerators found 14,608,673 perCastro would replace the capitalist workers at the peak of their earning

The Earnings of Male Hispanic Immigrants in the United States

This paper presents an empirical analysis of earnings differentials among male Hispanic immigrants in the United States. The principal finding of the study is that there are major differences in the rate of economic mobility of the various Hispanic groups. In particular, the rate of economic progress by Cuban immigrants exceeds that of other Hispanic groups, the result in part of the fact that Cuban immigrants have invested more heavily in U.S. schooling than other Hispanic immigrants arriving in this country at the same time. The author concludes that these findings are consistent with the hypothesis that political refugees are likely to face higher costs of return immigration than do “economic” immigrants, and therefore the former have greater incentives to adapt rapidly to the U.S. labor market.

Provision of mental health services during a disaster: the Cuban immigration of 1980.

The recent (1980) immigration of 125,000 Cubans to the U.S. presented health workers with a situation bearing many of the characteristics of a disaster. Some of the organizational, clinical, and ecological issues which are inherent in providing mental health care in disaster situations are discussed. Ultimately, the development of an effective response to the situation depended on an understanding not only of the individuals involved, but also on an appreciation for the characteristics of the different phases of disaster situations.

Immigrant Earnings: Cuban and Mexican Immigrants in the United States

This study examines the determinants of earnings among two groups of recent immigrants—Cubans and Mexicans—interviewed at the moment of arrival in the United States and reinterviewed three years later. The specific goal is to examine the applicability to these results of causal variables suggested by recent alternative theoretical perspectives on income attainment.

Assimilation or Consciousness: Perceptions of U.S. Society Among Recent Latin American Immigrants to the United States

Two competing views of determinants of immigrants' perceptions of U.S. society and perceptions of discrimination against their own group are examined. Assimilation theory suggests a process leading to lesser discrimination and a more favorable evaluation of the host society as immigrants' economic position, and their knowledge of the culture and language improve. More recent conflict theories indicate a possible reversal in this causal sequence: greater familiarity with the culture and language and some economic advancement can lead to greater consciousness of the reality of discrimination and a more critical appraisal of the host society. These competing perspectives are examined on samples of Cuban and Mexican immigrants interviewed at the moment of arrival in the U.S. and reinterviewed three years after. Bivariate and multivariate regression results are mixed, but lean definitely in the direction of the conflictlconsciousness hypothesis. A LISREL model of immigrants' perceptions of society and discrimination confirms the basic similarity of causal effects across the two immigrant groups and the general agreement of those effects with conflict theory predictions. Implications of these findings are discussed.

Housing Segregation of a Predominantly Middle Class Population: Residential Patterns Developed by the Cuban Immigration Into Miami, 1950‐74

Abstract. Latin Americans, principally Cubans, have entered Miami in large numbers since 1950. Although most who arrive have both urban and middle class backgrounds, which greatly facilitate their economic assimilation within the city, they have come in such large numbers that they are not becoming residentially assimilated with the non‐Latin population. Instead, through invasion and succession they are creating their own ethnic ghettoes, a fact which is proven in this study through use of the location quotient and indexes of dissimilarity. Miami's Black population has always been isolated from both the Latin and non‐Latin White populations. The city's major ethnic and family‐cycle groups, however, have steadily become more isolated from the Latins since 1950. Furthermore, following the departure of these groups from neighborhoods invaded by Latins, they have relocated throughout the city in a way so that they are becoming increasingly more isolated from each other.

Theory and practice in matching treatment to the special characteristics and problems of Cuban immigrants.

Mutuality of patient-therapist expectations for treatment can be attained by adapting treatment to the special characteristics and focusing treatment on the unique problems of client populations. Culturally sensitive treatment is defined as a treatment mode built on a set of therapeutic assumptions that complements the patients' basic value structure. The implications for treatment of the Cuban immigrants' preference for lineality in interpersonal relationships, a present-time orientation, a doing activity orientation, and subjugation to natural and environmental conditions are discussed. Acculturation problems facing Cuban immigrant familes and their implications for treatment are also discussed. The authors conclude that Ecological Structural Family Therapy is a treatment of choice for acculturation-related dysfunctions of Cuban immigrant families.

The characteristics of Cuban Immigrant inhalant abusers.

The characteristics of Cuban immigrant inhalant abusers admitted to the Spanish Family Guidance Clinic during a 1-year period were studied. Not surprisingly, this group was found to be similar to inhalant abusers in the national picture. The inhalers in this study were all males, mostly very young, from very low socioeconomic levels, largely from disrupted family backgrounds and disrupted neighborhoods. They showed poor school and/or employment performance, serious anti-social behavior, and occasional hallucinatory experiences. This group of inhalers was found to be multiple substance abusers and more likely to be characterized by a pattern of polydrug abuse than by their abuse of inhalants per se. This finding confirms a general national trend toward the abuse of multiple rather than single substances. A comparison of inhalers with a carefully chosen control group of clients admitted into the Clinic during the same period of time, matched by nationality, sex, and age, indicates that the two groups are similar in important ways. Both groups present general profiles of acting out adolescents, and tend to come from low socioeconomic, disrupted families and poor neighborhoods.

Beyond the Cultural Barriers: Observations on Emotional Disorders among Cuban Immigrants

The observations here presented, on the manifestations and clinical management of emotional disorders among Cuban immigrants in the United States, are based on more than twenty years of psychiatric practice among Cubans, half of it in Cuba. Emphasis will be on social and cultural factors that seem to influence the pathological picture and on case studies that are characteristic of the clinical syndromes seen among immigrants from the Caribbean.

Beyond Resource Theory: Another Look at Factors Enabling Women to Affect Family Interaction

The study concerns the interaction of an equalitarian norm and the wife's contribution of resources with her ability to affect the decision-making and the division of labor in the families of recent Cuban immigrants. It is concluded that the wife's contribution of resources per se is not as important in determining interchange in the family as are the joint effects of resources of the dyad and the adherence of the couple to an equalitarian ideology. The study has implications forAmerican families and the current women's liberation movement as it points up the need to focus on sources of norms as influential factors in changing women's positions in the United States.

One Method for Producing Automatic Control of English Phonology and Structure

The bilingual Mexican-American child represents one of the most vexing educational problems in Texas and other states in the Southwest. He represents problems that are only superficially similar to those posed by bilingual school children in the immigrant centers of the United States-European and Cuban immigrants, for example. He is unlike the European in that generally his ancestors lived in the area long before it was settled by the Englishspeaking society; he is unlike the European in that he has generally resisted total assimilation but, like the Puerto Rican, maintains a strong traditional pride in his cultural and linguistic heritage, however meager his knowledge of them might be. He is unlike the Cuban immigrants in that his parents usually are unskilled or semi-skilled laborers and farmers, with limited education and low socio-economic status.

Racial Assimilation in Secondary Groups With Particular Reference to the Negro

1 The race problem has someti:mes been described as a problem in assimilation. It is not always clear, however, what assimilation means. Historically the word has had two distinct significations. According to earlier usage it meant "to compare" or "to make like." According to later usage it signifies "to take up and incorporate." There is a process that goes on in society by which individuals spontaneously acquire one another's language, characteristic attitudes, habits, and modes of behavior. There is also a process by which individuals and groups of individuals are taken over and incorporated into larger groups. Both processes have been concerned in the formation of modern nationalities. The modern Italian, Frenchman, and German is a composite of the broken fragments of several different racial groups. Interbreeding has broken up the ancient stocks, and interaction and imitation have created new national types which exhibit definite uniformities in language, manners, and formal behavior. It has sometimes been assumed that the creation of a national type is the specific function of assimilation and that national solidarity is based upon national homogeneity and "like-mindedness." The extent and importance of the kind of homogeneity that individuals of the same nationality exhibit have been greatly exaggerated. Neither interbreeding nor interaction has created, in what the French term "nationals," a more than superficial likeness or like-mindedness. Racial differences have, to be sure, disappeared or been obscured, but individual differences remain. Individual differences, again, have been intensified by education,