War In Croatia Research Articles

Temperament, Character, and Subjective Well-Being in Croatian War Veterans Suffering From Posttraumatic Stress Disorder.

Subjective well-being is decreased in war-affected populations. However, no previous research has investigated the role of temperament and character dimensions in life satisfaction among war veterans with posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD). This study enrolled 148 Croatian male war veterans being treated for combat-related PTSD. The participants completed the Beck Depression Inventory-Second Edition, Satisfaction with Life Scale, and Temperament and Character Inventory-Revised. Two multivariate regression analyses with life satisfaction as a dependent variable and temperament and character dimensions, respectively, as predictor variables, were performed. Temperament dimensions harm avoidance and novelty seeking as well as character dimensions self-directedness and cooperativeness were unique predictors of life satisfaction, while controlling for the influence of depressive symptoms, education level, and employment status. Given the influence of personality dimensions on life satisfaction, the routine assessment of these dimensions might help to establish the individually tailored treatment among war veterans with PTSD.

Značajke razvoja javne telefonije u Hrvatskoj od 1990. do 1998. godine

Tema članka je razvoj javne nepokretne i pokretne telefonije u Hrvatskoj pod okriljem novoosnovane nacionalne javne poštansko-telekomunikacijske tvrtke Hrvatska pošta i telekomunikacije od 1990. pa sve do njezina razdruživanja na dvije zasebne tvrtke: Hrvatska pošta d.d. i Hrvatske telekomunikacije d.d. početkom 1999. godine. Hrvatska je u razvoju javne telefonske mreže znatno zaostajala za razvijenim europskim zemljama, a izbijanje Domovinskoga rata i oružana agresija na Republiku Hrvatsku izložili su ju mogućnosti telekomunikacijske i informacijske blokade. Budući da su se građani Hrvatske opredijelili za tržišnu ekonomiju, politički pluralizam i demokratsko društveno uređenje, u načelu se podrazumijevala i poticala sloboda neposrednoga komuniciranja, a ona je, telekomunikacijski gledano, na razini pojedinca ponajviše bila izražena u dostupnosti domaćih i međunarodnih javnih telefonskih veza. U obrađenom su razdoblju na nacionalnom planu napravljeni ključni infrastrukturni zahvati i uvedena je suvremena tehnologija s novim telekomunikacijskim uslugama, što je omogućilo da Hrvatska prestane biti telekomunikacijski nerazvijena, a na međunarodnom planu postala je prepoznatljiv telekomunikacijski partner te dio tranzitnoga telekomunikacijskog mosta između istočne i zapadne te sjeverne i južne Europe.

The Death Camps of Croatia: Visions and Revisions, 1941–1945. by Raphael Israeli, New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Publishers, 2013. xxiv + 201 pp. $36.71.

<i>The Death Camps of Croatia: Visions and Revisions, 1941–1945</i>. by Raphael Israeli, New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Publishers, 2013. xxiv + 201 pp. $36.71.

Republic of Croatia’s Membership in NATO

The article discusses the Euro-Atlantic vector of Croatian foreign policy, primarily the historical path of the state into NATO and the advantages of membership in this alliance. The Republic of Croatia in its history experienced a rather difficult period associated with the Croatian War for Independence, which began in 1991 after the state announced its withdrawal from the SFRY. Since then, one of the main goals of Croatian foreign policy has been joining the Euro-Atlantic structures, which was fulfiled in 2009, when Croatia became a full member of NATO. Based on the experience of the War for Independence, for the Republic of Croatia this membership is an important factor in ensuring the country’s security, and it can also help improve interstate relations in the Balkans and strengthen stability in the region. The work will also outline the operations and missions in which Croatia participates within the NATO framework and contributes to the successful implementation of Euro-Atlantic foreign policy.

Reinforcement and Transmission of National Identity through Commemoration after the Croatian War

バルカン半島西部に位置するクロアチアは，1990年代のクロアチア紛争を経て，多民族国家ユーゴスラヴィアから独立を果たした．紛争終結から20年以上が経過した現在，クロアチア国内では紛争の記憶を強固にし，さらに次世代へ継承しようとする動きが見られる．特に激戦地となった都市ヴコヴァルでは，クロアチア系住民の紛争の記憶を強化し継承する行事の開催やモニュメントの設立が積極的に行われている．本研究では，それらの表象内容や設置主体を分析し，地域レベルと国家レベル，またナショナル・マジョリティとナショナル・マイノリティの間で，紛争に対する受け止め方に差異が生じていることを明らかにした．そしてこれを踏まえて，EU加盟を果たしたクロアチアという国家のナショナル・アイデンティティをめぐるダブルスタンダードについて検討を加えることができた．

THE HYPO BANK CASE: HOW THE CROATIAN CONSTITUTIONAL COURT (MIS)INTERPRETED THE HISTORICAL MEANING OF THE PRINCIPLE OF LEGALITY

Croatia has undergone significant infrastructural changes since the 1990s. The difficult process of transition to statehood caused far-reaching consequences of unemployment, increase of domestic and foreign debt, and growth of systemic corruption. In 2010 the Croatian Parliament amended the Constitution and abolished the statute of limitations for privatization and ownership transformation crimes committed during the Homeland War and peaceful reintegration. The abolition of the statute of limitations enabled Croatian justice to prosecute former Prime Minister Ivo Sanader for his part in war profiteering during the early 1990s, with the result that he was sentenced to long-term imprisonment in the Hypo bank case. However, in 2015 the Constitutional Court overruled this ruling, arguing that the abolition of retroactivity cannot be applied to those criminal offences for which the statute of limitations has expired before the Constitutional amendment entered into force. This decision made all criminal proceedings against war profiteers legally impossible, since in almost every case the statute of limitations had already expired in 2010. In this text, authors will analyze the decision of the Constitutional Court in the Hypo bank case, critically examining the reasoning of the Constitutional Court in the context of historical interpretation of the nullum crimen sine lege, nulla poena sine lege principle – as one of the most esteemed values of enlightenment philosophy – concluding with an explanation of their own standpoint on the topic.&nbsp; &nbsp;&nbsp; &nbsp

Hrvatski naučnici i državnici falsifikatori broja žrtava koncentracionog logora Jasenovac iz vremena NDH 1941-1945. godine

The Jasenovac Concentration Camp, run by the Ustashas in the ISC from 1941 to 1945, was the largest human slaughterhouse in the Balkans and one of the biggest concentration camps in Europe in the Second World War. In was where the crime of genocide was committed in the most cruel fashion against 800 000 Serbs, 40 000 Jews and 60 000 Roma, as well as the murder of around 4000 Croat, 2000 Slovene and 1800 Muslim antifascists. The terrible crimes of genocide were documented by local as well as foreign historical sources and even the very participants in the events. Recently, we have been witnesses to the daily falsifying of not only the number of Jasenovac victims but also the character of the camp itself by Croatian historians and statesmen. Their aim is to redefine the fascist past of Croatia in order to avoid having to face the crime of genocide committed against Serbs not only in the so-called Independent State of Croatia [ISC] (1941-1945) but also during the so-called Homeland War (1991-1995). This presents a very clear danger for the future of so-called Independent State of Croatia (ISC). Also misrepresented is the nature of the camp itself, which is falsely defined as a labor camp or even holiday camp. Amongst others, the persons involved in this altering of facts are: Ivan Supek, Academy member, Josip Pečarić, Academy member, Prof. Stjepan Razum, Igor Vukić, Mladen Ivezić, Franjo Kuharić, the Society for the Study of the Jasenovac Triple Camp [Društvo za istraživanje trostrukog logora Jasenovac], Dr Franjo Tuđman and Stjepan Mesić. The first and greatest distortion of the number of victims and the character of the camp was performed by Dr Franjo Tuđman, who established the foundations for this in his works, and in particular in his book Wastelands of Historical reality. The aim of these falsifications is a redefining of the fascist past of the country, the misrepresentation of fascists as antifascists and antifascists as fascists. All of this represents a serious danger for the future of Croatia, which is failing to come to terms with the past and refusing to condemn the all of the crimes committed, including genocide. Croatia today, an independent and democratic country, is showing signs of Ustasha tendencies, much like those seen in Pavelić's ISC. It is necessary to face this fact and the sooner it is done, the better it will be for the people of the Republic of Croatia.

Prikupljanje, obrada i korištenje arhivskoga gradiva 9. (kninskog) korpusa Jugoslavenske narodne armije u Hrvatskom memorijalno-dokumentacijskom centru domovinskog rata u Zagrebu

U Hrvatskom memorijalno-dokumentacijskom centru Domovinskog rata u Zagrebu čuva se arhivski fond 9. korpus Jugoslavenske narodne armije, obima pedeset i osam kutija (5,8 dužnih metara) gradiva nastaloga od 1972. do 1992. godine. Fond izvorno nije činio jednu organsku cjelinu, nego je nastao izdvajanjem gradiva korpusa iz više dokumentacijskih cjelina tijekom višegodišnjega razdoblja. Uslijed toga, fond je arhivistički obrađivan u tri faze te je završen u lipnju 2018. godine. Izrađeno je obavijesno pomagalo (sumarni inventar). Gradivo je javno i dostupno svim korisnicima koji Hrvatskomu memorijalno-dokumentacijskomu centru Domovinskoga rata podnesu zahtjev za uvid u sadržaj i pretraživanje fonda. Gradivo je autentično, dobro očuvano i vjerodostojno. Navedeni fond ima veliku informacijsku vrijednost te je iznimno važan povijesni izvor za proučavanje Domovinskog rata na području sjeverne Dalmacije i južne Like od 1991. do 1992., za proučavanje izbijanja rata u Bosni i Hercegovini u proljeće 1992., kao i za razumijevanje uloge Jugoslavenske narodne armije u raspletu jugoslavenske krize.

Domovinski rat u hrvatskim znanstvenim časopisima

Autori analiziraju kako se u vodećim društveno-humanističkim znanstvenim časopisima u Hrvatskoj obrađivala tematika Domovinskoga rata. Kronološki je rad podijeljen na dva razdoblja: od 1991. do 1999. te od 2000. do 2018. godine. Rad ne sadržava bibliografiju znanstvenih i stručnih radova na temu Domovinskoga rata, nego samo one najvažnije koji su, prema mišljenju autora, pridonijeli boljem razumijevanju Domovinskoga rata.

Silicon foil patching for blast tympanic membrane perforation: a retrospective study

AimTo establish whether covering the tympanic membrane perforation after war blast injury with silicon foil can enhance the ear drum healing rate and to determine the appropriate timing of silicon patching.MethodsWe retrospectively analyzed the charts of 210 patients wounded during the Homeland War in Croatia 1991-1995, with 315 blast tympanic membrane perforations. In 44 patients (61 perforations), the eardrum perforation was covered by silicon foil, whereas in 166 patients (254 perforations) it was left to heal spontaneously. The patients who underwent the patching procedure were divided in two groups according to the time period between the blast injury and the procedure: 38 perforations were treated within 3 days and 23 perforations were treated 4 to 6 days after the blast injury.ResultsThe rate of tympanic membrane healing in the silicon foil patching group was significantly higher (91.8%) than that in the group of perforations left to heal spontaneously (79.9%, P = 0.029). The healing rate was significantly higher in the group treated within 3 days after the blast injury (97.4%) than in the group treated 4 to 6 days after the injury (82.6%, P = 0.042).ConclusionCovering the perforation after the war blast injury with silicon foil significantly improves the rate of tympanic membrane healing. To obtain the best healing outcome, the procedure should be performed within the first 72 hours after the trauma.

Violence without a Face: the Analysis of Testimonies of Women Who Were Sexually Assaulted During the War in Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina.

This study examined testimonies of women who were sexually assaulted multiple times by multiple unknown offenders. In these testimonial narratives, it is possible to detect specific modalities of traumatic event expression. This expression lacks any spatial, temporal, auditory or emotional determinants of the event. These fourteen women (out of 17) were imprisoned and forcefully isolated in detention camps or private houses in the occupied territories of Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina, during the war. At the same time, some of these women were raped by the offenders that were previously known to them. The average length of detention was 141 days among the seventeen victims (range of 7 to 395 days), while the average time from the first day of imprisonment to the first day of testimony was 311 days (range of 30 to 889 days). Based on the narrative descriptions of the events acquired from these testimonies, our analysis showed that these expressions differed when the offender was known to the victim, contrasted to the situation when the offender was completely unknown. This finding has a significant implication in victim's testimony at judicial hearings. Specifically, women that were raped by unknown perpetrator(s) were often unable to provide persuasive testimony and their recollection of the events was deemed insufficient for the further prosecution. Testimonies in these cases substantially lacked in vividness and were devoid of visuospatial determinants of the rape event. Consequently, this often resulted in the case's dismissal. The unusual and problematic expression of these traumatic memories might indicate that these events were not properly stored in the conceptual form of memory. Ultimately, victims could not make any coherent recollection or reconstruct the cascade of events by using perceptual information. We argue that this could be due to an aberrant mechanism of memory storage and difficulties that emerge on the level of sensory input. This problem needs to be further examined and correspondingly accounted for since it can exert significant influence on judicial outcomes in the domain of sexual assault cases worldwide.

The act of killing: understanding the emotional dynamics of violence on the battlefield

ABSTRACT The killing of human beings is one of the defining features of war. Yet there has not been much research on understanding its emotional dynamics. The act of close-range killing in war is often interpreted through the two contrasting perspectives: the neo-Darwinian approaches which see killing as an optimal tactic of genetic survival and the micro-sociological perspectives which centre on the tension and fear that arise in an inability to forge effective interactional ritual chains. While the former approach insists that taking lives in war is relatively easy the latter perspective describes it as an extremely difficult and traumatic event. In this paper, I challenge both of these influential views and argue that the process of killing is defined by its variability, contingency and context-dependence. Rather than assuming, as the dominant perspectives do, that violence simply triggers biologically ingrained and uniform emotional responses I argue that the emotional dynamics is created through the acts of violence. Drawing on the primary research with the ex-combatants from wars in Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina (1991–1995) I show how the shared experience of close-range violence generates highly diverse forms of emotional dynamics.

War Crimes of Rape in the Croatian War of Independence (1991 – 1995)

The Đakovo-Osijek church is one of the archdioceses in the Republic of Croatia that suffered the most during the Greater-Serbian aggression from 1991 to 1995. With the deaths that occurred during the aggression and occupation, a large part of the population, especially the Vukovar region, was exposed to physical, psychological and emotional abuse after capture. In addition to expulsion, capture, forced labour, starvation, alienation, and appropriation of property in the occupied part of the Archdiocese, torture has occurred, especially the numerous rapes by the Greater Serbian aggressor. First part of this work talks about the nature of war as the most tragic event of civilization. The paper points to the crimes that characterize the Croatian War of Independence as every other war, emphasizing especially rape as the most brutal form of crime and war strategy, with all the possible causes and consequences of rape on a person. In the second part of the paper, parts of the results of the research conducted by the Sunčica Association have been presented. The aim of the aforementioned research was to find specific attitudes, judgments, conditions and feelings of rape victims on the traumatic experience themselves, then discover and evaluate the quality of life of victims after the traumatic experience and identify the difficulties experienced by victims of traumatic experience today. Based on the research, the work in the third section presents ways of dealing with the fact of the traumatic rape experience, emphasizing the need to provide social and even more spiritual assistance, showing a wide range of pastoral opportunities for the Church’s action with the victims of war crimes of rape, always bearing in mind the need for interdisciplinary approach to this complex issue.

Health-Related Quality of Life of Ex-Prisoners of War Affected by Posttraumatic Stress Disorder 25 Years After Captivity.

War captivity is one of the most difficult human experiences and can cause long-lasting effects on mental and physical health. Posttraumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD), as one of the frequent consequences of war trauma, is often associated with the psychiatric and/or somatic comorbidity. Therefore, PTSD results in impaired Health-Related Quality of Life (HRQoL). This study aimed to investigate the HRQoL in the Croatian Homeland War ex-POWs affected by PTSD, regarding the intensity of PTSD symptoms, sociodemographic characteristics and somatic comorbidity, and to identify predictors of poor HRQoL. The study sample consisted of two groups (45 participants each) based on whether they were POWs or not (control group). All study participants were diagnosed with PTSD according to the ICD-10 criteria and had combat experience as active participants in defence of the Republic of Croatia during the Homeland War. The subjects were evaluated using the sociodemographic questionnaire, PTSD self-report checklist (PCL-5) and Short Form (SF-36) Health Survey questionnaire. The data on participants' physical diseases were collected from medical anamnesis and medical records in the last five years. In relation to ex-POWs, the control group had significantly smaller number of retirees, more unemployed persons, smaller number of married subjects, and higher number of divorced persons. Low socioeconomic status and intensity of PTSD symptoms has been confirmed as a significant predictor of impaired HRQoL in both subject groups. The most commonly PTSD associated physical diseases were musculosceletal, cardiovascular, and gastrointestinal diseases. Endocrine and metabolic diseases were more frequent in the ex-POWs' group. PTSD was associated with the HRQoL, whether the veterans were ex-POWs or not. The hypothesis that exposure of ex-POWs to the trauma of captivity experience impaired HRQoL to a greater extent, compared to the non-detained veterans, was not confirmed. Low socioeconomic status has proved to be the most significant predictor of poorer HRQoL.

Acetabular osteometric standards for sex estimation in contemporary Croatian population

AimTo determine the sexual dimorphism of acetabular measurements in contemporary Croatian population and to provide a discriminant function equation for sex estimation.MethodsThe sample consisted of 200 adult pelvic bones (100 male and 100 female) from positively identified victims of Croatian War of Independence. In total, 96 left (48 male and 48 female) and 104 right (52 male and 52 female) acetabula were measured. One author measured two acetabular parameters using a sliding caliper: acetabular diameter (AD) and transverse acetabular diameter (TAD). Another author re-measured the acetabula of 40 randomly selected individuals to determine the inter-observer error.ResultsBoth measured variables showed significant sexual dimorphism. Men had significantly higher values for AD and TAD than women. Receiver operating characteristic curve analysis showed that the cut-off point for prediction of male sex when using acetabular diameter was higher than 54 mm. For transverse acetabular diameter it was higher than 52 mm. The discriminant function was generated by using both acetabular variables, with 88% of accuracy in sex estimation. Inter-observer error was not significant.ConclusionThe acetabular measurements can be used for sex estimation in contemporary Croatian population with high accuracy.

Ubojstva hrvatskih policajaca 2. svibnja 1991. – najava velikosrpske agresije na Hrvatsku

Među datumima koji se u kronologiji Domovinskoga rata ne smiju zanemariti, jer se tada dogodilo nešto što je znatno utjecalo na daljnji tijek događaja u Hrvatskoj, jest 2. svibnja 1991. godine. Toga je dana u Borovu Selu kraj Vukovara u Slavoniji i u Polači kraj Zadra u Dalmaciji iz zasjede ubijeno 13 hrvatskih policajaca, što je znatno pogoršalo već složenu sigurnosnu i političku situaciju u Hrvatskoj. Radi razumijevanja okolnosti („konteksta vremena”) u kojima su počinjena spomenuta ubojstva u radu će se ukratko osvrnuti na uzroke raspada Socijalističke Federativne Republike Jugoslavije i na početak procesa demokratizacije suvremene Republike Hrvatske nakon višestranačkih izbora u travnju i svibnju 1990. te prikazati neke reakcije srpskih ekstremista na spomenuti proces, koje su prethodile ubojstvima 2. svibnja 1991., kao i reakciju hrvatske vlasti i Predsjedništva Socijalističke Federativne Republike Jugoslavije, odnosno vodstva Srbije i Jugoslavenske narodne armije na spomenuti događaj. Naime, nakon toga krvoprolića Predsjedništvo Socijalističke Federativne Republike Jugoslavije na sjednici od 7. do 9. svibnja 1991. pravno je omogućilo, zapravo legaliziralo, uporabu Jugoslavenske narodne armije u Hrvatskoj, službeno radi sprečavanja daljnjih sukoba. Spomenuta ubojstva, koja treba promatrati i u kontekstu pokušaja pobunjenih Srba u Hrvatskoj da izazovu reakciju Jugoslavenske narodne armije i uvođenje izvanrednoga stanja, uvela su Hrvatsku u razdoblje ni rata ni mira. Zapravo je 2. svibnja 1991. postalo jasno da su šanse za mirno rješenje hrvatsko-srpskih prijepora u Hrvatskoj sve manje.

What War Narratives Tell About the Psychology and Coalitional Dynamics of Ethnic Violence

AbstractModels of ethnic violence have primarily been descriptive in nature, advancing broad or particular social and political reasons as explanations, and neglecting the contributions of individuals as decision-makers. Game theoretic and rational choice models recognize the role of individual decision-making in ethnic violence. However, such models embrace a classical economic theory view of unbounded rationality as utility-maximization, with its exacting assumption of full informational access, rather than a model of bounded rationality, modeling individuals as satisficing agents endowed with evolved domain-specific competences. A newer theoretical framework hypothesizing the existence of a human coalitional psychology, an evolved domain of competence, allows us to make sense of core features of memorial narratives about ethnic violence. Qualitative data from the interviews of fifty-seven participants who were impacted by the Croatian Homeland War support expectations entailed by a coalitional psychology model of ethnic strife.

Veteran masculinities and audiovisual popular music in post-conflict Croatia: a feminist aesthetic approach to the contested everyday peace

ABSTRACTIn Croatia, campaigners for a more critical public reckoning with the memory of Croatia's 'Homeland War' (1991–5) and the national past confront embeddings of hegemonic myths of the war into everyday life. Among these are the stardom of a musician whose 'patriotic' music claims the same moral authority as the Croatian veterans' movement and whose public persona has embodied militarised masculinity since he became a wartime star. Popular music and youth engagement with it is thus among the sites where everyday understandings of peace are being contested. By exploring the audiovisual aesthetics of the song/video through which this musician re-engaged with veterans' activism in 1998, and showing that popular music spectatorship seeps into the everyday micropolitics of young people building and contesting peace, the paper argues that for critical peace and conflict studies to understand the affective politics of post-conflict masculinities, they must combine a feminist and aesthetic consciousness.

National and international political mechanisms of suppression of separatism in the Balkan states

The article firstly identifies and reveales the essence of national and international political mechanisms of suppression of separatism that have been applied in the Balkan states, in particular, in Serbia, Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina. The national mechanisms of suppression of separatism include legal, financial, administrative, information mechanisms, and among the international political mechanisms are international legal mechanisms, the mechanism of recognition or non-recognition of the independence of new states, international financial and economic instruments. The study showed the dynamics of the most important events that took place in the Balkans after the collapse of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, in particular during the Croatian War of Independence in 1991-1995, the Bosnian War in 1992–1995, and during Kosovo’s struggle for independence from Serbia. The revival of separatist movements in the Balkan Peninsula began as a result of the overthrow of the communist regimes and the strengthening of centrifugal tendencies in Central and Eastern Europe in the 90’s of the twentieth century. The interethnic distrust and constant tension became one of the reasons for the beginning of the civil wars in Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina after the collapse of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. Moreover, the article characterized the concept of «Great Albania», which involves the reunification of all the territories where the Albanian ethnic group lives. Several regions of Macedonia, Montenegro, the Epirus region in Greece and Kosovo should be part of the «Greater Albania». Furthermore, the study considers the experience of suppression of separatism of Serbia, Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina, the possibility of its use in Ukraine and other countries where separatist tendencies dominate, in order to avoid human victims, preserve territorial integrity and inviolability of borders. Consequently, separatism is a dangerous phenomenon that contains an enormous threat to the national security and territorial integrity, since it is related to the change of borders of the existing states and creation of the new countries on the political map of the world.

Geopolitical Imaginaries: Croatian Diasporic Writers in North America

The article examines the emergence of new post–Cold War geopolitical imaginaries in the creative work of Croatian American writers Josip Novakovich and Neda Miranda Blažević-Krietzman. This work addresses memories of (post)socialism, develops transnationalized images of the wars in Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina, fictionalizes emigration from these geographies, and imagines new forms of transnationalism between the United States and Croatia. The work of Novakovich and Blažević-Krietzman was enabled by the end of the Cold War, which has shifted US cultural politics and reinscribed the significance of Eastern European geographies into the US imaginary. Novakovich’s and Blažević-Krietzman’s transnational positions have allowed them to create innovative form and content in ways that enhance the global appeal and reception of their work. Furthermore, their dual experience of socialism and capitalism has enabled the two writers to intervene in unique ways in contemporary debates about history and memory. In its choice of themes, protagonists, and locations, their writing strongly advocates for a new transnational literature, while also asking for the development of new critical models for the study of transnationalism in US literature and culture.