Critique Of Ideology Research Articles

Allyson Nadia Field, Uplift Cinema: The Emergence of African American Film and the Possibility of Black Modernity

Reviewed by: Uplift Cinema: The Emergence of African American Film and the Possibility of Black Modernity by Allyson Nadia Field Julie Lavelle Allyson Nadia Field, Uplift Cinema: The Emergence of African American Film and the Possibility of Black Modernity Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2015 In her ambitious book, Uplift Cinema: The Emergence of African American Film and the Possibility of Black Modernity, Allyson Nadia Field makes an important contribution to film history, broadly speaking, as well as to the growing scholarship on African American film culture in the early twentieth century. Field’s exacting primary research expands the historical record in several directions by both deepening our understanding of the role of media in the social and political movement of racial uplift, and by revising the standard periodization of “race film” to account for African American filmmaking practices prior to 1915. In a 2013 report from the Library of Congress, historian David Pierce estimates that 70 percent of American films made [End Page 242] between 1912 and 1930 are permanently lost. For the period prior to 1912 the number is even higher. Field notes that there are no extant prints of uplift cinema. Her work tackles one of the central methodological questions facing silent film historians: how do we write film history without films? One response to this question has been to center the films that remain. In terms of the history of African American filmmaking, this has privileged race films: narrative films produced by African American filmmakers in the late 1910s and 1920s. Film historians have largely interpreted race films as emerging out of the controversy surrounding D. W. Griffith’s racist representation of African Americans in Birth of a Nation (1915). Another approach to this methodological question is most clearly articulated by Eric Smoodin, who claims that shifting attention away from the text is where the field is (and should be) headed; according to him we should take André Bazin’s concept “What is cinema?” and rework it, posing instead, “What is cinema culture?” Allyson Nadia Field intervenes to challenge both of these methodologies. She turns her attention to the years prior to 1915, when the earliest efforts at black film production emerged out of Tuskegee, the Hampton Institute, and the larger social and civic project of race uplift. For Field, race film begins prior to 1915, includes a wide variety of genres, and engages in various ways with uplift. In addition, Field refuses to sideline the film texts, and instead develops a framework for performing textual analysis and ideological criticism by excavating an impressive array of sources adjacent to uplift cinema. Working with novels, publicity, and promotional materials, postcards, photographs, newspaper editorials, trade reviews, and internal institutional documents, Field reconstructs the earliest years of African American film production in the United States. Field provides background on the uplift movement and its development in the South, primarily by analyzing materials from Tuskegee and the Hampton Institute. She locates and defines a set of aesthetic strategies employed in uplift media that highlighted the positive contributions of successful African American graduates of these institutes, while nevertheless foregrounding the constant threat of failure. She explores the production of films made to publicize the Tuskegee-Hampton ideal by George Broome (A Trip to Tuskegee, 1910), Louis B. Anderson (A Day at Tuskegee, 1913), and Leigh Richmond Miner (Making Negro Lives Count, 1914). Particularly fascinating is the chapter on The New Era, a repurposed version of Miner’s Making Negro Lives Count that was appended to the end of The Birth of a Nation during its exhibition in the mid-1910s. She ends the book with a chapter dedicated to African American entrepreneurs William Foster, Peter J. Jones, and Hunter C. Haynes. [End Page 243] Field selects these films and filmmakers for closer analysis in order to demonstrate the diverse use of the films for promotional, educational, and entertainment purposes. She demonstrates effectively the critical role that exhibition played in shaping meaning, and the ways that the ideology of uplift might have been understood differently in different contexts and by different audiences. Exhibition practices at this time were incredibly varied, and a great deal of control was in the hands of local...

An Ideological Conception of Politics—Critique of Zizek on Political Theology

For some time now, Slavoj Zizek has provocatively maintained that the radical left needs a ‘politics of universal Truth’ whose model is Pauline theology’s transformation of the Hellenistic world. Furthermore, in light of the worldwide resurgence of religious militancy after 9/11, Zizek also contends that political theology provides the conceptual resources for thinking historical materialism today. Zizek here represents the leading wing of a ‘theological turn’ amongst radical intellectuals, for whom religion is a last resource of hope following the collapse of historical communism. In this article, I show that this rather desperate position leads to an ideological conception of politics, one that introduces mystified representations of social antagonism and class struggle into the heart of progressive theory. Through an imminent critique of Zizek’s work that draws upon its Althusserian foundations, I demonstrate that, although Zizek makes some important contributions to the critique of ideology, his theoretical position contains a significant problem. The idea that ideology and politics are structurally the same, which is what allows him to discuss problems of socialist strategy in the medium of political theology, is seriously flawed. It leads Zizek inevitably towards metaphysical notions of the subject of history, and away from theoretical engagement with rethinking the concept of class struggle for the new century.

Art, Society/Text: A Few Remarks on the Current Relations of the Class Struggle in the Fields of Literary Production and Literary Ideologies

Abstract “Umetnost, družba/tekst” was an editorial published in the Slovenian journal Problemi-Razprave (Problems-Debates) in 1975. The journal was the central outlet of the so-called Slovenian Lacanian school and as such the most important place for the reception of French anti-humanist philosophy in the former Yugoslavia. The concept of the journal was based on interpreting French post-structuralism in the spirit of the Tel Quel magazine, anti-humanist Marxism in the spirit of Louis Althusser, theoretical psychoanalysis in the spirit of Jacques Lacan and his followers, as well as on a special blend of Lacanian psychoanalysis and Althusserian ideology critique, which characterised the French journal Cahiers pour l'Analyse. One might also find theoretical and conceptual similarities between Problemi and other French post-structuralist periodicals, such as Peinture, cahiers théoriques and Cahiers du cinéma. The editorial presented here is thus a unique example of introducing structuralism, post-structuralism, and Lacanian psychoanalysis into debates about society, culture, ideology, and art in Yugoslavia in that time.

On Yugoslav Poststructuralism: Introduction to “Art, Society/Text”

Abstract “Umetnost, družba/tekst” was an editorial published in the Slovenian journal Problemi-Razprave (Problems-Debates) in 1975. The journal was the central outlet of the so-called Slovenian Lacanian school and as such the most important place for the reception of French anti-humanist philosophy in the former Yugoslavia. The concept of the journal was based on interpreting French post-structuralism in the spirit of the Tel Quel magazine, anti-humanist Marxism in the spirit of Louis Althusser, theoretical psychoanalysis in the spirit of Jacques Lacan and his followers, as well as on a special blend of Lacanian psychoanalysis and Althusserian ideology critique, which characterised the French journal Cahiers pour l'Analyse. One might also find theoretical and conceptual similarities between Problemi and other French post-structuralist periodicals, such as Peinture, cahiers théoriques and Cahiers du cinéma. The editorial presented here is thus a unique example of introducing structuralism, post-structuralism, and Lacanian psychoanalysis into debates about society, culture, ideology, and art in Yugoslavia in that time.

“To be human, nonetheless, remains a decision”: Humanism as decisionism in contemporary critical political theory

This article suggests that humanism is a decisionism in contemporary critical political theory. Despite obvious and multiple differences, leading critical theorists like Giorgio Agamben, Slavoj Žižek, Eric Santner, and Jurgen Habermas, among others, share an investment in stabilizing the human being as a ground of the political. This stabilization of the human should concern political theorists, as this article argues, because it uncritically reproduces conceptual affinities between the notion of the human being and sovereign authority. By investing in the stability and centrality of the human being, these theorists perform what will be called, paraphrasing an often neglected argument by Carl Schmitt, a decision to be human. Contrary to conventional wisdom, I argue that Schmitt’s decisionism is not merely circumscribed to sovereignty’s juridico-political dimension, but that it also includes a peculiar commitment to God’s decision to become human in Christ. Against this decisionism as humanism, the article draws on Walter Benjamin, Roberto Esposito, and Jacques Derrida to propose an alternative politics that destabilizes humanity and sovereignty through the emergence of the animal, or what will be called melancholic lycanthropy.

Black women’s bodies, ideology, and the public curriculum of the pro- and anti-choice movements in the US

ABSTRACTThis paper explores how opposite sides of the abortion debate employ a discourse of endangerment to mobilise political support for their ideologies about black women’s bodies. I examine the role of black women within that rhetorical strategy through various rhetorical artefacts. To analyse these artefacts, I employ the theoretical framework of ideological or ideographic criticism. This framework helps us see how the artefacts used by both pro and anti-choice movements ‘condition’ the audience not merely to adopt a set of ‘beliefs and behavior, but a vocabulary of concepts that function as guides, warrants, reasons, or excuses for behavior and belief’. Though the two sides of the abortion debate differ in their overt political views, they turn out to share an implicit ideology about black women. This ideology prevents the voices of black women from being heard and valued in a debate that is nonetheless focused on black women’s bodies.

Liberal formalisms

The recent efflorescence of scholarship on Victorian liberalism was facilitated by the return of formalism as a methodological paradigm. The ‘new’ formalism is characterised by a focus on the literary adaptation of Enlightenment concepts and practices, which critics have analysed in two distinct ways: one movement seeks to explore literature’s potential to foster certain modes of attention, whereas the other aims to reinvigorate the critique of ideology with a formalist impetus. This bifurcation can also be detected in current work on Victorian liberalism. In various ways, certain scholars have shown that Victorian writers reassessed the idea of the aesthetic in an attempt to modify and renew the idea of self-reflexive reason, while others have unpacked the relation between the development of literary forms and their expression of lived experience. The author suggests that this body of work could be enriched by an acknowledgement of the importance of the literary text’s articulation of propositional knowledge. A formalism that would allow this aspect to be paraphrased could reveal theories that complement Victorian liberalism, such as civic republicanism. Just as formalism is intertwined with the practice of paraphrasing, indeed, so is the relationship between Victorian liberalism and civic republicanism mutually constitutive rather than exclusive. The author concludes these theoretical reflections with a short reading of a passage from Anthony Trollope’s Phineas Finn.

A theoretical and methodological approach to social entrepreneurship as world-making and emancipation: social change as a projection in space and time

This article presents and analyses three cases, which integrate features of both social movements and social entrepreneurship (SE). It is the result of a longitudinal study (January 2012 to September 2015). The study contributes new insights to the theoretical and methodological discussions on SE, focusing on ‘the social’ in SE literature. The three selected movements, active in the Netherlands, are: ‘The Dutch Chapter of Zeitgeist’ henceforth Zeitgeist (TZM), (2010–present), ‘Giving is All we Have’ (henceforth GIAWH, (2011–2014) and ‘MasterPeace’ (MP) (2010–present). Each movement shows a strong inclination towards social transformation, while being rooted in organizational structures, therefore considered ‘social entrepreneurial movements’. Specific contributions entail: the presentation of these innovative cases, the design of a methodology based on critical discourse analysis, state theory, narrative analysis, political theory and discourse theory and a thorough analysis and interpretation of these cases in the national and global contexts in which they emerged. More specifically, it contributes to SE literature on emancipation, defined as ‘breaking free’ when further developing the method in the direction of world-making, defined as ‘creating new worlds’. This study suggests that transition theory can be useful for the study of the impact of social entrepreneurial movements.

Modern post-colonial approaches to citizenship: Kwame Nkrumah’s political thought on Pan-Africanism

This project of critical citizenship studies and comparative political theory utilizes a framework of multiple modernities in order to deeply explore the ontological foundations and complexities of a non-Western conception of citizenship and nationhood: political pan-Africanism. It does so through a study of the political thought of Kwame Nkrumah, a deeply influential political theorist and actor, in the context of the Gold Coast’s struggle for independence and in the initial years of Ghanaian post-colonialism. How did Nkrumah conceive of Pan-Africanist citizenship and nationhood in political and ontological terms? How does this relate to both modern conceptions of citizenship as tied to the nation-state and traditional Ghanaian conceptions of citizenship and belonging? After considering these questions, this paper explores how Nkrumah’s vision of Pan-Africanism was influenced by, yet contradicted central tenets of, Western political thought and modernity. It explores the theoretical and practical tensions inherent between this non-Western conception of the nation and the dominance of aspects of ‘Western’ modernity. Exploring these questions through the lens of Nkrumah’s political thought offers an Afrocentric study in an effort to strengthen African historical agency and to deparochialize citizenship studies and political theory.

Ernst Kantorowicz, Shakespeare, and the Humanities’ Two Bodies

This commentary reflects on two very different revivals of Ernst Kantorowicz’s The King’s Two Bodies: A Study in Medieval Political Theology in the field of early modern studies, the first during the heyday of New Historicism and the second in the current post-New Historicist moment that is still defining itself. The first revival focused on the literal meaning of king’s two bodies, the second on its figurative and fictional nature. The first trained its lens on the doctrine’s absolutist potential, the second on its constitutionalist strain. To account for these political and literary shifts I turn to a larger trend in literary and humanistic studies, the desire to move away from ideology critique and to reframe the humanities in terms of its capacity to articulate “a new vision for human community,” to borrow Victoria Kahn’s phrase. I argue that the peculiarly ironic status of the king’s two bodies offers a way to intervene in this debate, which I term “the humanities’ two bodies.” The commentary concludes by offering Laertes’ popular rebellion in Hamlet as a brief test case of the limits and promise of this most recent turn in the career of Kantorowicz’s protean text.

Mais humor, menos política: Uma certa tendência no drama contemporâneo brasileiro

Resumo A partir do estudo de adaptações teatrais e televisivas realizadas nos últimos anos, o artigo procura investigar uma tendência existente no drama contemporâneo brasileiro: a atualização de obras escritas por autores oriundos do Teatro de Arena, voltadas originalmente para a centralidade da crítica ideológica, a partir do esvaziamento da contestação política e da ampliação do humor por meio da comédia de costumes. Com o intuito de defender essa hipótese de leitura, vista como um dos modos possíveis de apropriação das heranças do engajamento artístico no tempo presente, o texto concentra-se na análise de uma remontagem da peça Eles não usam black-tie, dirigida por Dan Rosseto em 2011, e na nova versão do programa A grande família, produzida pela rede Globo entre 2001 e 2014. Trata-se, sobretudo, de verificar uma linha conversadora de recuperação das obras outrora realizadas por Gianfrancesco Guarnieri e Oduvaldo Vianna Filho.

Racial Mediums

Perhaps the most striking common thread running through the books under review here, which take on a diverse array of historical and theoretical problems concerning the relationship of race, technology, and media in both national and transnational contexts, is that they replace a familiar question from the 1990s about what race is with one about what race does. Instead of focusing on the parameters of race as a social construct naturalized by media representations, they look to the reciprocating gesture in which the idea of race serves as the cultural ligature holding together the technological and conceptual apparatus of modern media. The move puts the race concept as it developed in the US in the twentieth century into circulation as an actant in a transnational relational field. The significance of this move, it seems to me, is that it has the effect of changing the traditional emphases of ideology critique in three ways. First, and perhaps least surprisingly, these books highlight the fact that media technologies are demonstrably not neutral machines of dissemination, but are subject, even at the level of scientific innovation, to the same ideological formations as the material they record and retransmit. Second, they suggest that reading highly racialized media productions demands careful recognition of the intentionality and participation of nonwhite actors in the historical processes of constructing, conserving, distributing, and archiving this material. And third, once put into circulation, racialized media productions quickly move beyond their field of origin, where they become available for appropriation and remediation in new and often unexpected ways. Local and national racial politics in the US refract differently when articulated and redirected by transnational circulation. It is not just the cultural products that circulate, but also ideas about the media forms, and the media technologies themselves. The archaeology of media technologies explored in these books shows how racial ideology is not merely a subtext of cultural history; racial ideology has been built into the technics of its reproduction.

Ideology as blocked mourning: Greek national identity in times of economic crisis and austerity

This article approaches the 2010–2014 economic crisis in Greece from the perspective of loss and mourning, critically exploring what questions and insights this provokes. We argue first that the rhetoric of mainstream political and media elites has been instrumental in framing responses to the Greek economic crisis in patriotic terms, a frame subsequently adopted by groups from across the entire political spectrum, whether part of the establishment or not. We then draw on discourse theory and psychoanalysis to argue that attachments to the dominant austerity and anti-austerity responses to the crisis can be understood—at least in part—in terms of a failure (or not) to properly articulate and thus mourn the nationalist-inflected loss associated with economic dislocation. We sketch out two ideological pathways in the discourses of austerity and anti-austerity, which we designate as symptomatic of ‘blocked mourning’: a melancholic pathway that seeks to contain loss through self-blame; and a pathway of ressentiment that seeks to contain loss by attributing its cause to a series of ‘others’. We argue that blocked mourning bears a direct relation to the ideological grip of the austerity and anti-austerity discourses, and that we can better appreciate the character and strength of their affective pull by drawing out the fantasmatic aspects of the narratives expressing Greek national and economic identity. Conversely, we argue that a critique of ideology can be understood in terms of the preconditions for mourning, whose satisfaction would make possible a less invested relation to the fantasmatic guarantees underpinning the austerity/anti-austerity narratives. In this view, a critique of ideology proceeds by bringing to light those factors that could facilitate a more open and deliberative articulation of loss, so as to transform and pluralize collective responses to the economic crisis.

Plural Narratives of the Sri Lankan Nation in Manuka Wijesinghe’s Theravada Man

In Theravada Man (2009), the second novel by Sri Lankan novelist and playwright Manuka Wijesinghe, mimesis takes over diegetic techniques, and dialogues become prominent, with the aim of effecting a poignant criticism of Sri Lankan ideologies and institutions, namely history and government, as well as of religious and nationalist strictures. This article discusses the critique the novel addresses to the main character, a strict Theravada observant, and reads as a critique to relevant aspects of the country’s political life: where the Iskolemahaththaya fails to see beyond the rationalism inherent to his understanding of Buddhism, the nation governments have systematically failed to acknowledge the plurality and diversity of Sri Lankan cultures. Thus, set in the Ceylon of the 1920s and 30s, Theravada Man explores the inherent contradictions and shortcomings of totalitarian systems of thought, and it does so through the inscription in the narrative of beliefs and philosophies which coexist with Theravada Buddhism, inhabiting the land before the advent of Buddhism and the alleged arrival of Aryans. This paper explores these aspects of the novel, interpreting them as a symptom of Wijesinghe’s anti-essentialist agenda in political terms.

Unity in “Landmarks” (“Vekhi”)?: The tensions between Petr Struve and Mikhail Gershenzon

<p>В статье предложено новое прочтение самого важного текста в истории русской интеллектуальной мысли XX столетия — сборника «Вехи» (1909). Анализируя соперничество двух организаторов работы над книгой, М. О. Гершензона и П. Б. Струве, профессор Б. Хоровиц объясняет, почему «Вехам» при отсутствии единой интеллектуальной позиции удалось предложить столь жесткую критику радикальной идеологии.</p>

MARTIN HEIDEGGER’S BLACK NOTEBOOKS AND POLITICAL ECONOMY OF CONTEMPORARY PHILOSOPHICAL CRITIQUE

The purpose of the study is to determine the key strategies of philosophical criticism of Heidegger’s Black Notebooks, whose achievement is realized in the following tasks: 1) to identify the body of texts that represent the discourse of philosophical criticism of Heidegger notes; 2) to reveal the typological features of the different strategies of interpreting Black Notebooks; 3) to reconstruct a thematic horizon of Heidegger studies, opened up by discussion on published notes. The methodology combines elements of discourse analysis with traditional methods of historical and philosophical criticism. Scientific novelty is expressed in the following: 1) philosophical discourse of the Notebooks’ reception includes texts of narrowly specialized character (Gatherings collection of articles), as well as reflections of key philosophers (A. Badiou, J.-L. Nancy) 2) basic strategies in philosophical critique of Black Notebooks convey the overall structure of the discourse of interpretation of Heidegger’s legacy, distributed between apologetics and ideological criticism; 3) Black Notebooks have exacerbated the problem of architectonics of Gesammtausgabe and formed the textual basis for the study of "silence" period in philosophical life of Heidegger. Conclusions. The discourse of philosophical critique of Heidegger’s notes proves evidence for ideological charge of philosophizing and justifies socially oriented approaches of historical and philosophical studies examining philosophizing as a special cultural practice, not as a form of sublime creativity.

‘Reality is for Those who Cannot Sustain the Dream’: Fantasies of Selfhood in Legal Texts

Confronting the law as a form of ideology is not an easy task, especially for lawyers very strongly attached to the internal point of view as part of their professional habitus. Despite this difficulty, the present paper aims at contributing to the ideological demistification of law by proposing to apply Slavoj Žižek’s critique of ideology to the legal field. In particular, the paper elaborates a specific methodology of subjecting legal texts to a critique of ideology by way of identifying the symptoms, i.e. points of breakdown of the ideological field which are simultaneously necessary for that field to achieve its closure. The paradox of symptoms is that they are inevitable for the ideological field, yet at the same time they undermine it, opening up a space for its critique. In this context, the aim of this paper is to confront the fundamental fantasies conveyed by legal ideology. The paper approaches ideological fantasies in strict connection with ideological interpellation, i.e. the process in which a human individual is transformed into a subject of ideology. Ideological interpellation of individuals into subjects is one of the chief operations of the law, which, in its current form, is based on the fundamental assumption that human beings are subjects of rights and duties. Directing the critique of ideology at legal texts aims at undermining the efficacy of the ideological grip held by the Symbolic order upon individuals by insisting on the classical Lacanian thesis that ‘the big Other does not exist’. On a practical level, critique of legal ideology performed by lawyers themselves can help to bring about a more reflexive approach to their participation in the principal practices of legal culture and can help to raise lawyers’ awareness regarding their role in society.

Is Hamlet Scandinavian Crime Fiction?

This paper combines two of the suggested topics: “law as an instrument of ideology” and “ideological interpellation through law” as it explores whether or not it is possible to use literary fiction as part of an argument in legal argumentation. The use of such an argument is strongly connected with an attitude of state to art, culture and values included both in art and law. Art as a part of a socio-cultural system is one of the material sources of law so it would be natural to admit it in just judicial decision. Unfortunately it is not typical for law to use such relationships between art and law to make judicial decisions better or at least more persuasive. It may be caused by the fact that the choice of what literary fiction is suitable for legal argumentation and which is not can be seen as a kind of ideology. Therefore the state determines which art is “good enough” to be a part of legal reasoning. Usually it differs between “high art” and “mass culture.” It results in a form of “labelling” of art. Unfortunately, by evaluating art in such a manner each state manifests itself as almost a totalitarian one. Socialist realism was a very expressive example. So it is not a matter for the democratic state to decide which piece of art is capable to influence law, is it? In this contribution I will emphasize Žižek’s critique of ideology in order to deal with ideology in argumentation by literary fiction in law. Besides that I will draw inspiration from Law and Literature movements. The aim of my paper is to explain how literary fiction can be used as a legal argument in a proper way as a necessary social appeal through law.

“The Only Way Out Is In”: Power, Race, and Sexuality Under Capitalism in The Brief Wondrous Life of Oscar Wao

ABSTRACTThe essay argues that Junot Díaz’s 2007 novel—and, coextensively, the author’s interviews and public commentaries—engage in ideological critique of how racialized masculinity, femininity, and sexuality are produced by the disciplining discourses of U.S., Dominican, and diasporic society and culture. Departing from prevailing readings, the essay asserts that Díaz allegorizes both the repressive and the harder-to-resist, productive forms of postcolonial power, elaborating a non-emancipatory version of decolonization.

Ernesto Laclau and Critical Media Studies: Marxism, Capitalism, and Critique

Ernesto Laclau’s post-Marxist discourse theory is increasingly utilised within media studies in order to investigate discourses circulating about, within, and through media. Discourse theory has proved itself to be a productive theoretical asset that can yield important empirical insights into the solidification and neutralization of particular discursive regimes. Yet, the critical potentials of Laclau’s theoretical work have often been downplayed or neglected. Instead of offering a fully formed critical theory, Laclau has been relegated to offering a descriptive toolbox in which the underlying critical implications have often either been overlooked or forgotten altogether. This paper seeks to reflect on the potentials and obstacles within Laclau’s work for critical media studies by engaging with the role of Marxism, capitalism and critique. First, the paper addresses the relation between Marxism and post-Marxism by arguing that rather than abandoning Marxism, Laclau actively situates his own work as a dialogue with and against this tradition. Second, the paper addresses the relation between Laclau’s analysis of so-called globalised capitalism and political struggle, which leads to a discussion of class relations and political economy. Third, the paper examines Laclau’s notion of ideology critique and argues that it must be seen as a simultaneously explanatory, normative and practical perspective. Based on these discussions, it is this paper’s contention that it is insufficient to simply appropriate discourse theory as a descriptive research format, but that it must rather be seen as underlined by a radical critique of existing structures of domination and capitalist subordination. The paper furthermore argues that there are parts of Laclau’s work that are problematic for this purpose and needs to receive further attention by future research. By providing an extended discussion of Laclau’s own work, this paper seeks to contribute to the critical application of discourse theory within the field of media studies and contribute to the on-going dialogue between Marxism, post-Marxism, and critical media studies.